Features

Rescuing Sri Lankan history: Reflections on the past

Published

3 years ago

2021/10/30

By Uditha Devapriya

In his influential essay “The People of the Lion”, R. A. L. H. Gunawardana argues for a national historiography, devoid of Western ideology. He does not refute or call for the doing away of such ideology altogether, but suggests rather that it has intruded on studies of group identities to such an extent that the history we think we unearth is very different to the history that may actually have prevailed.

Thus, by imputing terms like “race” (a term originating in 16th century Europe) and “Aryan” (which gained prominence with attempts by Orientalist scholars to draw parallels between Indo-Lankan and European languages), we are, as he points out, “presenting a view of the past moulded by contemporary ideology.” If this is the case, which I personally think it must be, then what is the history we have and the history we must talk of?

What we know, from the inscriptions, the chronicles, and the reconstructed narratives, is that Sri Lankan society was never really rooted in the concept of race as it is today. Group ideology was determined by tribes that migrated from other societies. The first hunter-gatherers lacked iron implements, which is how they came to be assimilated by Indo-Aryan Iron Age settlers. While these hunter-gatherers are said to have approximated to Veddhas, the later Iron Age settlers are said to have approximated to Sinhala people.

The question of whether hunter-gatherers formed an agricultural group is debated: the Valahassa Jatakaya, for instance, tells us of she-yakkas devouring food from wrecked ships and enslaving, if not tormenting, the sailors aboard them, while the Mahavamsa relates an episode of Vijaya coming across these ships after his encounter with Kuveni. Fa-Hsien was, as K. M. de Silva observes, not being very helpful in these matters when he wrote that the country had been originally inhabited by yaksas and nagas who traded with merchants, simply because human settlements predated both those clans.

Such narratives divided not just scholars, but also littérateurs: Martin Wickramasinghe in Sinhala Sahithyaye Nageema argued that the existence of such ships showed the absence of an advanced pre-Vijayan agricultural society, while the pioneers of the Hela Havula stated that Kuveni having engaged herself with a spinning wheel at the time of Vijaya’s entrance showed that society had been advanced prior to Indo-Aryan colonisation.

The issue is that these texts were occupied more with idealising a religious or dynastic sect than with presenting a view of life as it was lived. If they presented such a view, which they occasionally did, they did so in a hazy, amorphous way. This requires us to turn to hard evidence, etched in stone and recorded for posterity.

The Brahmi inscriptions form arguably the most concrete evidence we have for the civilisation which developed, grew, and flourished after the Indo-Aryan migration. These inscriptions come to us from very early on, and they were made by the upper classes of their time. We have Yaksha, Naga, Vedic, and Puranic inscriptions, and they allude to the status of their authors, their families, and their occupations.

The Puranic inscriptions tell us of pre-Buddhist religious cults which revolved around the Mother Goddess, Vishnu, and Siva, a point that lends credence to G. P. Malalasekara’s view that Vijaya was tolerant of all faiths. Evidence from the inscriptions of Jain and Tamil settlements, as well as settlements by, inter alia, Kabojas (Kashmiris), Moriyas (Mauryas), and Baratas (merchants, or nobles according to Paranavitana) tells us that we were a multiracial country, at least in terms of “contemporary ideology.”

But these clans were so disparate that they found it hard to develop a cohesive identity. They identified themselves by a totem: Moriyas with the peacock, Lambakannas the hare, Kulingas the shrike, and Tarachchas the hyena. This continued into the evolution of group identities later, as evidenced by the use of the lion and the tiger: the former became the standard of the “Sinhala” people, whereas the latter was adopted by the Nayakkar kings of Kandy who ruled over those same “Sinhala” people.

Not surprisingly, in medieval Sri Lankan society the ideology of the ruling class became the identity of the State. What this meant was that there was no overriding racial consciousness of the sort we discern today, so much so that, for instance, when Dutugemunu went to war we had, not Sinhalas fighting Tamils, but one dynasty battling another.

“Sinhala Buddhism”

was probably not rooted in society the way it is now, and if it was, the needs of the sasana would have been considered more important than ethno-nationalist considerations: the author of the Mahavamsa, after all, has Dutugemunu say he’s fighting “not for the joy of sovereignty”, but for the preservation of the Order.

The vague position Buddhism occupied at this juncture can be gleaned from the fact that it was accorded a foremost status even by invading forces, at least in the case of Elara; the Mahavamsa valorises him as a just ruler, tainted only by his “false beliefs.” In contrast, after the 10th century we see a heightening of anti-Buddhist and anti-Jain sentiment among South Indian invaders, which in turn produces a backlash on Sri Lankan soil.

In an otherwise eloquent essay on the subject (“Buddhism, Identity, and Conflict”), H. L. Seneviratne contends that Sri Lankan society was never the ekeeya rajya it is touted as by ultra-nationalists. He is theoretically correct, yet there is an important caveat that must be inserted: that the Westphalian notion of sovereignty was alien to the rulers of the land and thus not totally applicable, at least not to the extent it is today.

To be sure, “particularism” persisted in Anuradhapura, and the absence of a proper central administration in Polonnaruwa contributed to the disintegration of the rajya, denuding it of any ekeeya pretensions. Yet, at the same time, group consciousness permeated society even at the level of a divided State. That is why regional polities tended to band together in the face of military incursions from India, and why the absorption of those polities into a central State in Polonnaruwa under Parakramabahu I deprived the Sinhala kingdom of a viable base from which it could strategise counter-campaigns against such incursions.

In the aftermath of Kalinga Magha’s military campaigns during the Polonnaruwa era, we see a strengthening of a local Buddhist identity in response to the threat of fragmentation of the State, ekeeya or otherwise. It was a classic case of hostility by an invading force giving rise to a group identity on the invaded terrain. Nissanka Malla’s decree that only a Buddhist could rule the land hence must be seen in the light of Magha’s later campaigns of destruction. The fact that this “Buddhist king” himself is said to have originated from the Kalinga line speaks volumes about the amorphous nature of group identity formation.

To be sure, there was opposition to an ethnic Other occupying the throne, but we must understand that it was never the kind of opposition ultra-nationalists project towards the prospect of an ethnic Other presiding over Sri Lanka today.

When Bhuvanekabahu VI faced an uprising in the south, for instance, it was later painted as an uprising against a ruler of Malayali blood; this did not stop chroniclers from celebrating him for his conquest of Jaffna. The case of Waththimi Kumaraya is also significant: while the records are unclear, what we have is an account of a Muslim pretender being killed by a group of nobles, only to be venerated later by Muslims and Buddhists – the latter of whom worship him as Gale Bandara Deviyo. The level of ignorance displayed by ultra-nationalists to such subtle nuances of history surfaced years ago when, after I noted that Gale Bandara Deviyo may have had Muslim origins, a young lad of 19 protested his origins and suggested to me that, because he was non-Buddhist, he should not be venerated!

We see such ambiguities in the Kandyan era as well. However, despite Gunawardana’s assertion that uprisings by the aristocracy against rulers were a common occurrence even prior to the advent of Nayakkar rule, we must admit that such uprisings became more and more common after the installation of the Nayakkar line on the throne.

The contrast between the Ingirisihatana and the Vadigahatana must be considered in this light: the former celebrated Sri Wickrama Rajasinghe for his victory over the British in 1803, while the latter was written by Kavisundara Mudali, a confidante of Eheliyapola Adikaram who was antagonistic towards the king, following the annexation of 1815.

If that sounds strange, consider that the writers of historical chronicles have always, since the time of the Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsa, tilted in favour of one group over another. That is why we see a great deal of Dutugemunu, and so little of Mahasen, who Mahanama Thera seems to have mentioned, if at all, for his efforts at developing the irrigation system of the land. Curious as such paradoxes may be, they survived well into the British era, when the continuation of the Mahavamsa depicted the British as heroic, even though the author, Yagirala Pannananda, received no proper backing from the State.

In any case, it’s one of the biggest ironies of history that the Vadigahatana and the Kirala Sandeshaya called out on the wickedness of Sri Wickrama Rajasinghe by identifying himself with an ethnic Other, when the Nayakkar line had been chosen after the death of Vira Parakrama Narendrasinghe to head the country because there had been no Sinhalese of kshatriya blood (a sine qua non of kinship in the post-Nissanka Malla era) available; certain nobles had wanted Unamboowe, but he was not “pure”.

It is also ironic that each and every anti-British uprising after 1815 required a Nayakkar pretender; the exception, after which no Nayakkars reclaimed the fight, was 1848. Such facets have long been forgotten by those who insert contemporary ideology into the past: perhaps the most grievous error we can commit, not just to history, but to our history. To rescue that history thus requires a radical re-evaluation of our past.

The writer can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com

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Features

Virulence of identity politics heightens as Mid-East peace hopes fade

Published

5 hours ago

2024/10/10

Sahan Weerasooriya

Protesters commemorating the October 7th violence in the Middle East.

Very rightly, important sections of world opinion are commemorating the Hamas-initiated terror attack of October 7th last year on Israeli civilians in southern Israel which triggered the current spiral of unsettling bloodshed in the Middle East. Prospects of initiating a fresh peace effort in the region are bleak at the moment but it is probably comforting for particularly humanists the world over to note that more and more responsible public personalities and entities are calling for an immediate ceasefire in the Middle East.

It is equally important that the latter sections are also voicing the need for the implementation of the sensible ‘Two State’ solution in the Middle East. The latest of prominent political leaders to call for a political solution on these lines was New Zealand Prime Minister Christopher Luxon, who is on record as stating that; ‘There is simply no military action that will reduce regional tensions and conflict’, while underscoring the need for the ‘Two State solution’.

The latter solution has come in for criticism over the decades in some quarters as unlikely to proving effective, but the rationally-inclined among the world community are not likely to perceive an alternative to it and very rightly so. Given the highly horrific character of the present bloodshed in the Middle East, only the sadistic and emotionally unstable are likely to continue to advocate a military solution to the crisis.

However, there is no denying that the road to peace in the Middle East would prove to be rocky and hazardous. One factor that has been getting in the way of a political solution is the persistence of virulent identity politics on both sides of the divide.

For instance, the current protests globally over the October 7th bloodletting clearly indicate a marked polarity of opinion on questions growing out of the conflict. To all intents and purposes there is an accelerated ‘crowding out’ and stifling of moderate opinion advocating a peaceful solution to the crisis on both sides of the divide.

That is, hardline opinion springing from irrational loyalty to religious and ethnic identities has come to the fore in both predominant camps; the Israelis and the Palestinians. The persistence of such polarities would majorly hamper any peace moves.

On the Israeli side, the charge is being led by no less a person than Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. His recent addresses to the UN General Assembly and the Lebanese public, for example, had the effect of killing all hope of the international community and other sections even attempting to resolve the conflict by political means. The essential thrust of his addresses was that Israel would stop at nothing until all terror groups in the enemy camp were militarily eliminated.

Netanyahu has the staunch backing of his defense establishment which is dominated by religious fundamentalists. That is, Jewish religious texts are coming to be interpreted most literally. The scripture is taken at face value. The word of the sacred law takes paramount precedence over its spirit, from the viewpoint of such fundamentalist national leaders.

This is how bloodshed comes to be repaid with bloodshed. Retributive Justice and not humanity comes to guide these policymakers. ‘A fracture for a fracture, an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth..’, thus runs the logic of these religious hardliners. It ought to be plain to see that until those hostile to Israel are rooted out ‘tooth and nail’, the war against Hamas and its militant backers, local and foreign, would continue.

Unfortunately the Palestinian side too is dominated by religious hardliners who are committed to destroying Israel. From the time of the Jewish state’s inception it has come to be seen by Palestinian hardliners as the archetypal enemy which needs to be eliminated by military means. In this destructive project they are staunchly backed by the Islamic theocratic state of Iran which is ardently committed to seeing an end to Israel; which for Iran, is the number one enemy state of the Islamic world or ‘the rabid dog of the US.’

Thus, given that neither Israel nor Palestine is for making peace under their current leaders it would not be wrong to infer that both sides are locked in a conflict that promises mutual destruction. Nor could it be presumed that a cessation of the supply of lethal arms to Israel by the US and its allies would prompt the Israeli leadership to consider going in for a negotiated solution.

The fallaciousness of the latter line of thinking is borne out by the fact that since its inception, Israel has, when the situation demanded it, stood up alone against its enemies and defeated them on even several geographical fronts.

It would not be wrong to infer from the foregoing that Israel would even fight ‘on its own steam’, irrespective of whether it would be having external backing or not. However, a guarantee by the Palestinian side and its backers of Israel’s future security and its physical wholeness and integrity could see a de-escalation of the conflict.

Until the latter development comes to pass, therefore, along with a similar guarantee being made by Israel to Palestine, prospects of seeing a cessation of the current bloodshed in the Middle East could be described as bleak.

However, a final peace in the Middle East is a much bigger, complex issue that could be only taken on by perhaps the UN, once there is a drastic reduction in the present bloodletting. Besides a commitment by the Palestinian side to ensure the security of Israel and a like guarantee by the latter to Palestine, the highly knotty issue of identity politics needs to be resolved by both sides in cooperation with the international community to pave the way for permanent peace.

This is an uphill task considering that identity politics is kept alive by ambitious politicians for the furtherance of their power designs. In fact the challenge is for the entirety of the world’s democracies. As has been pointed out in this column previously, one way to meet this challenge is for the UN to play a predominant role in encouraging democratic change worldwide.

The UN could increasingly, for instance, tie its assistance to the more repressive states on the condition that the latter would be accountable to their people, rid them of repressive control and foster democratic institutions and values within their borders. This could help in blunting the appeal of identity politics for populist leaders and their regimes but, admittedly, this a long gestation, challenging project. However, this process needs to be initiated majorly going forward, considering the mounting human and material costs of identity politics, as is the case in the Middle East.

Features

Nation’s Defender Celebrates Diamond Jubilee

Published

5 hours ago

2024/10/10

Sahan Weerasooriya

One of the Unicorn/Unibaffle vehicle built by the Sri Lanka Army

This year marks a milestone for the Sri Lanka Army as it celebrates its diamond anniversary—75 years of unwavering dedication to safeguarding the nation’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence. Since its inception on 10 October 1949, Sri Lanka Army has stood at the forefront of national security, defending the motherland and its people against visible or invisible challenges. At the moment where the institution celebrates its diamond jubilee on 10 October 2024, it is the prime time to honour the sacrifices of all who contributed to shape this illustrious journey from then to the present leadership.

Lieutenant General Vikum Liyanage RWP RSP ndu, who played a pivotal role in humanitarian operations to end a 30-year prolonged war, currently, serves as the 24th Commander of the Army. Under his leadership, Sri Lanka Army continues to uphold its dedicated mission of defending the nation progressively. His leadership, shaped by years of experience and valour, reflects the unyielding commitment of the institution towards its duties and responsibilities. The current Commander-in-Chief, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, also plays a vital role in guiding the Army’s vision and progress, alongside Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya and Defence Secretary Air Vice Marshal Sampath Thuyacontha (Retd) to fulfill the aspirations of the Nation in the coming years.

Legacy of Sacrifice and Valour

Helping the nation face natural disasters

The Sri Lanka Army’s history is deeply connected with the nation’s struggle to maintain sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. Its role in the elimination of the prolonged terrorism for thirty years is one of the most defining chapters in its legacy. Valourous and dedicated troops of the Sri Lanka Army successfully terminated the bitter, decades-long menace of terrorism, which tore apart families and communities, on 18 May 2009, bringing hope for a new beginning. The internal war began with the assassination of Jaffna Mayor Alfred Duraiappah in 1975 by Velupillai Prabhakaran, culminating in a hard-earned victory, paying blood and tears of thousands of soldiers and civilians.

The Humanitarian Operations against Fourth Eelam War, launched on 26 July 2006, under the command of Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka and the leadership of President Mahinda Rajapaksa marking a decisive turning point in the nation’s history. The operation, named “Eastern Humanitarian Operation,” aimed to restore basic needs and protect civilians from the atrocities committed by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The war reached a critical point when the LTTE blocked the Mavil Aru sluice gate, depriving 30,000 civilians’ access to the water. This marked the beginning of a humanitarian effort to liberate the area to secure the region bringing peace.

Following the Eastern Humanitarian Operation, the focus shifted to the North, where the LTTE had consolidated its power. The Northern Humanitarian Operation, initiated with the goal of liberating the Northern Province, was an arduous and strategically complex task. A key moment in this operation was the capture of the Silavathura Sea Tiger base in 2007 – a crucial supply hub for the LTTE. The combined Armed forces of the Army and Navy decisively captured the north- west supply hub of the foe, and by September 2, the camp had been captured.

The ultimate victory in May 2009 not only signified the end of terrorism in Sri Lanka but also opened a new chapter for the country. Yet, it came at an enormous cost. Over 23,562 Army personnel were either killed or reported missing in action, and more than 23,200 were injured. However, Sri Lanka Army’s immense sacrifices were recognised through numerous gallantry awards and accolades totalling 33131, which included 29 Parama Weera Vibhushanaya (PWV), the nation’s highest military honour awarded for supreme heroism, along with 18 Weerodara Vibhushanaya (WV), 312 Weera Wickrama Vibhushanaya (WWV), 5,101 Rana Wickrama Padakkama (RWP), and 27,671 Rana Sura Padakkama (RSP) medals.

Nation Building and Rehabilitation

Demining the former war zone

While the Army’s primary mission is to safeguard national security, its contributions to post-war rehabilitation, reconciliation and nation-building have been equally commendable. After the end of the war, the Army took a leading role in rehabilitating and resettling displaced civilians and ex combatants in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, working tirelessly to restore normalcy in war-torn areas. These efforts helped to mend the fabric of society, enabling communities to heal and rebuild their lives.

The Army’s involvement in national development has extended far beyond its main responsibility. It has played a significant role in assuring best healthcare service, infrastructure development, education, agriculture, and cultural reconciliation initiatives. Through projects such as the “East Navodaya” number of infrastructure initiatives and a range of agricultural ventures initiated contributing to the country’s economic progress. Successful agricultural projects have launched at Vellankum, Menik Farm, Adiapulianthulam, Neeraviya, Kandakadu, Galkanda, Balella, Yala Palatupana Farm and Aralaganwila Agricultural Training School, Army Headquarters Agricultural Project, Kohilawagurawatta Regimental Farm helping to boost food security and contribute to the development of nation’s agricultural production. In addition, the agri projects initiated by the Sri Lanka Army Corps of Agriculture and Livestock at every Army Camp have successfully progressed achieving their desired objectives.

In line with former President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s vision for a self-sustaining Army, the Commander of the Army, Lieutenant General Vikum Liyanage RWP RSP ndu has overseen the expansion of agricultural initiatives across the country. Notably, the Sri Lanka Army Corps of Agriculture and Livestock has expanded projects to produce food for the Army’s consumption. The surplus harvest is delivered to the public through government programmes. In 2024, the Army successfully handed over 10 metric tons of rice to the government’s rice subsidy programme, marking a significant step toward reducing the Army’s dependence on government funds for rations.

The modernisation of the Weyangoda Machinery Complex as Army Ordnance Industries, is another major achievement. The facility, once abandoned, has been revitalised to manufacture essential goods such as iron bed products, hardware, garment products, tyre re-stitching, bed sheets and pillows etc, uniforms required for training recruits, shorts, helmets, work clothes, t-shirts, all types of packs, raincoats, ponchos capes, vehicle canopies. All types of camping tents, belts, all types of belts, assault jackets, flak jackets and other special equipment worn by officers and other Ranks are also produced in the factory, saving millions in foreign exchange and reducing procurement costs up to 40%.

The degree of self-sufficiency achieved highlights the Sri Lanka Army’s broader economic contribution, which extends beyond the battlefield.

Responding to National Emergencies and Disasters

Enabling the nation’s battle against the Covid-19 pandemic

The Sri Lanka Army has also consistently demonstrated its readiness to assist the nation during natural disasters and national emergencies. From the 2004 Tsunami to the Meethotamulla landslide and the COVID-19 pandemic, the Sri Lanka Army has been at the forefront of rescue and relief operations. In particular, the establishment of the Sri Lanka Army Centre for Disaster Response Training in Gampola is a significant milestone that marks the Army’s proactive approach in preparing for future disasters. This centre offers research and training in civil-military operations, ensuring the ability of the Sri Lanka Army to handle both domestic and international crises.

Moreover, the Army’s commitment to restraining illegal activities such as drug trafficking further underscores its role as a guardian of the nation’s in the perspectives of its social fabric. Under the direction of the Commander of the Army Lieutenant General Vikum Liyanage RWP RSP ndu, the troops have ramped up intelligence and operational efforts to curb the menace of narcotic drugs, seizing quantities of hashish, kush, and other illicit substances to safeguard future generations from the perils of addiction.

International Recognition in Peacekeeping

The Sri Lanka Army has also earned international acclaim for its contributions to United Nations peacekeeping missions. Since its first deployment, Sri Lankan troops have been deployed in conflict zones worldwide such as Haiti, Lebanon, South Sudan, the Republic of Chad, and Mali. To date, more than 20,775 soldiers have served under the UN flag, earning Sri Lanka close to $300 million in foreign exchange.

Adding to its list of achievements, the Sri Lanka Army has developed the Unicorn/Unibaffle vehicles, which are used in UN peacekeeping missions. Manufactured by the Sri Lanka Electrical and Mechanical Engineers Corps (SLEME), these vehicles used at Sri Lankan Combat Convoy Company comply with international standards, saving significant foreign exchange while enhancing the Army’s technical capabilities.

Excellence in Sports

Boosting Covid-19 vaccination drive

Sri Lanka Army has long demonstrated a strong commitment to the field of sports, both in national and international arena. Apart from the main role as the defender of the nation, Sri Lanka Army also contributed to the nation’s sporting achievements across various disciplines fostering unity and harmony. From cricket to boxing and rugby, archery, sepak takraw, javelin throw, kayaking, the Sri Lanka Army has consistently excelled producing talented athletes who have achieved the national and international levels.

Warrant Officer II Samitha Dulan earned the silver medal in the Paralympics F-44 Javelin throw, marking a significant global accomplishment. Corporal Aruna Dharshana and Staff Sergeant Nadeesha Lekamge earned the proud honour of representing Sri Lanka at the Paris Olympics while Staff Sergeant Nadeesha Ramanayake won the gold medal in the 400 meters at the Asian Athletics Championship, ending a 23-year gold medal drought for Sri Lanka.

National caps in cricket, Ajantha Mendis, and Seekuge Prasanna, Dinesh Chandimal and Mahesh Theekshana are the proud products of the Sri Lanka Army in the field of Sports. The Army’s rugby and volleyball teams have consistently demonstrated excellence in both local and international arenas, reflecting the Army’s commitment to nurturing and fostering athletic talent.

Looking to the Future

As the Sri Lanka Army celebrates its 75th anniversary, it continues to honour its legacy of valour and service further for the wellbeing of the Nation. The Army’s unwavering dedication to the nation—whether in times of war or peace—remains at the core of its identity. From protecting the country’s borders to rebuilding communities and contributing to national development, the Sri Lanka Army’s role has evolved significantly over the years, reflecting both the challenges and opportunities ahead.

The Army’s vision for the future includes self-reliance in food production by 2030, further modernisation of its industrial capabilities, and continued leadership in disaster management and national security. As the nation moves forward, the Sri Lanka Army will undoubtedly continue to be the proud defender of the motherland, embodying the spirit of sacrifice, resilience, and unity that has continued for 75 years.

– Sri Lanka Army Media

Features

Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024…oozing with talent

Published

5 hours ago

2024/10/10

Sahan Weerasooriya

Chit-Chat
Melloney Dassanayaka

The judges have certainly made the right decision in selecting Melloney Dassanayaka to represent Sri Lanka at the Miss Universe 2024 pageant to be held in Mexico.

Melloney not only won the prestigious title of Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024 but she also took the honours in the categories Best Catwalk and Most Elegant in Evening Dress.

Melloney says she is looking forward to the international event with great expectation and is confident of doing Sri Lanka proud, in Mexico.

“I’m also excited about checking out the scene in Mexico and, maybe, also do some sightseeing with the rest of the contestants.”

A banker by profession, working for Standard Chartered Bank, she also actively participates in various extracurricular activities within the bank. Melloney is a member of the bank’s Diversity and Inclusive Council and have previously been a part of the Women’s Association.

In addition, she is the captain of the bank’s basketball team, and was adjudged the most valuable player at last year’s Mercantile Tournament. What’s more, she works part-time as a TV host, which allows her to explore her passion for media, she says.

I had a very interesting chit-chat with this extremely talented and versatile beauty queen, and this is how it all went…

1. How would you describe yourself?

I’m a go-getter who is deeply motivated to reach my full potential. I thrive on challenges, viewing them as opportunities for growth rather than obstacles. My self-motivation drives me to pursue my goals relentlessly, and I believe in perseverance – no matter how difficult the situation, I never give up.

2. If you could change one thing about yourself, what would it be?

I wouldn’t change anything about myself. I believe every aspect of who I am has shaped my journey and contributed to my strengths and resilience. I appreciate my experience and qualities, as they’ve all played a vital role in making me who I am today.

3. If you could change one thing about your family, what would it be?

It would be to tone down the noise a bit. While I love their enthusiasm and energy, sometimes it can be a little overwhelming. A little more quiet time would be nice, but I wouldn’t trade their vibrancy for anything.

4. School?

I attended St. Lawrence’s Convent Wellawatte and then Holy Family Convent Bambalapitiya. During my school days, I was highly active and took part in several leadership roles, including leading the school Eastern band, captaining both the basketball and netball teams, and serving as a junior prefect. I also had the honour of vice captaining the Sri Lanka schools’ basketball team.

5. Happiest Moment?

Seeing the joy in my parents’ eyes when I was crowned Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024.

6. What is your idea of perfect happiness?

My idea of perfect happiness is to live fully in the moment, without worrying about how long it will last. It’s about embracing and enjoying the things I truly love and creating lasting memories. I believe that true happiness comes from cherishing those experiences and the connections I make along the way. I also need to add that I have four doggies with me and they give me a lot of happiness. In fact, the fourth I adopted just recently.

7. Are you Religious?

Yes, I am. I believe that religion plays an important role in our lives, as it teaches us valuable lessons and provides a sense of calmness in our minds and souls. It reminds us to be grateful and encourages us to uplift and be compassion to one another.

8. Are you Superstitious?

No, I’m not.

9. Your ideal guy?

My ideal guy is someone who truly understands me and shares similar values. He should make me a priority and, most importantly, respect me. I value a motivated person who strives to be the best version of themselves and complements my life. It’s essential that he cherishes our love and stands by my side through thick and thin.

10. Which living person do you most admire?

Not one but four, I admire both my grandparents on my mother’s and father’s sides immensely. I feel their energy runs through me, and I deeply respect their independence; they still manage their own tasks at their age. I also appreciate how, despite our age gap, they make an effort to understand my passion and support me in every aspect of my life. Their blessings and encouragement truly keep me going.

11. Which is your most treasured possession?

Currently, it’s the Miss Universe Sri Lanka Sash which we received from Mexico.

12. If you were marooned on a desert island, who would you like as your companion?

My little brother; he would blame it all on me which will eventually lead me to finding a way out to get rid of him!

13. Your most embarrassing moment?

Oh! I have so many, but each one has overpowered the other and I don’t want to reveal anything out too soon.

14. Done anything daring?

I still haven’t …

15. Your ideal vacation?

My ideal vacation would begin within the roots of my motherland because I feel like there’s so much beauty and memorization within my own country. I would start my journey from Jaffna, engaging in its culture and heritage, then Trincomalee to immerse myself in the scenic beauty of some of the most beautiful beaches in the world. Next, I would like to visit the ancient city of Anuradhapura. I would like to engage in a wild life safari at Wilpattu National Park and be absolutely awestruck by the magnificent animals that call our beautiful island paradise home. Finally, I would like to explore the southern part of the country and, on the way, I would like to explore some of the lesser-known pristine areas of Sri Lanka with beautiful streams, forests and landscapes.

16. What kind of music are you into?

The ’80s music; the catchy melodies and vibrant sounds create such a nostalgic vibe. The pop and rock from that era have a unique energy that feels timeless, plus, there’s something special about how those songs often tell stories or evoke strong emotions.

17. Favourite radio station?

I like Gold FM, because they play the most classical and nostalgic songs that I have heard throughout my childhood, which helps brighten up my day just a bit more, every day.

18. Favourite TV station?

National Geographic is my favourite because I truly love the outdoors and it’s a channel that truly brings out the beauty of nature.

19. What would you like to be born as in your next life?

I’d like to be born as an eagle. I think it would be incredible to experience the world from above, freely and exploring diverse landscapes. The sense of liberation and perspective would be amazing. It’s also fascinating to be able to travel without borders.

20. Any major plans for the future?

As the Miss Universe Sri Lanka, my major plan is to represent my country at the 73rd Miss Universe pageant in November and bring honour to Sri Lanka. I’m also passionate about promoting financial literacy among women and youth, as I believe it’s crucial for empowering individuals and fostering independence. Ultimately, I aspire to be remembered as someone who is down-to-earth, humble and dedicated to making a positive impact in my community. Beyond that, I am open to where this journey takes me, embracing each opportunity as it comes.