Opinion
‘Reconciliation initiative – the bigger picture’: A response
Rear Admiral (Dr.) Sarath Weerasekera, MP
Dr. Nirmala Chandrahasan (NC), in her article “Reconciliation initiative – the bigger picture” published in The Island of 25 November, recommends measures for “reconciliation” effort of the government. At the beginning she says, “To my mind, the most important question to be resolved is whether this country is to be regarded as a Sinhalese Buddhist state, where all the other ethnic, religious groups are treated as guests, or as a multi-ethnic, multi-religious secular country where all citizens have equal rights”.
First of all, let me ask NC whether she knows of any citizens in this country, belonging to any ethnic group, who don’t enjoy the same rights as others? If so, she must submit it with proof in her next article.
The majority community in SL are Sinhalese (74%) and majority Sinhalese are Buddhists (80%). The Sinhalese have protected Theravada Buddhism in its pristine form throughout the history.The Sinhalese have lived in Sri Lanka, and during all the invasions, starting from Kalinga Magha/Cholas to British, it was the Sinhalese Buddhists who fought against the invaders. Under the colonial rule all those who were brutally murdered, hanged, raped, lost properties were the Sinhalese Buddhists.
In an aeriel view of the island shows thousands of pagodas, temples built by the Sinhalese thousands of years ago. It bears testimony that this has been a Buddhist country right throughout.
During the war, even pregnant mothers and infants were massacred by terrorists in Gonagala, Ampara. When the Temple of the Sacred Tooth in Kandy was attacked or more than 200 Buddhist worshippers (mostly women) at Anuradhapura Sri Maha Boddhi were mercilessly killed by terrorists. But the Sinhalese never took revenge.
Some Tamil MPs claim that Sinhalese have no right to live in North while living safely and happily with the Sinhalese in Colombo. A few TNA MPs with the help of a mob forcibly stopped the renovation work of 2000-year-old Kurundi Temple at Mullaitive, and prevented the Chief Prelates from even offering flowers to the ancient dagoba. But those TNA MPs could come to Colombo, attend the parliament and return to Jaffna safely. We also know that most of the lucrative trades/businesses are dominated by Tamils/Muslims and the customers are mainly Sinhalese.
If the Sinhalese Buddhist majority had been bigoted people, the situation would have been different. They are, in general, a tolerant people and if they say this is a Sinhala Buddhist country, it is in that spirit only, and they have no intention of marginalising or the other ethnic/religious groups.
NC then goes on to allege that on the pretext of archaeology and Buddhist ruins, Tamil speaking farmers in the area are being dispossessed of their lands. In fact, these very valuable archaeological sites are destroyed using bulldozers and are lost forever to the nation. It is all because those “Tamil speaking farmers” that NC is talking about, do not consider them as their heritage.
NC also complains about “Sinhala Only” Act of 1956 and says it was one of the root causes of ethnic tensions in SL. There was nothing called “Sinhala Only” Act but an “Official Language” Act (No. 33 of 1956). It was meant to return the status of Sinhala Language that the three colonial invaders usurped for 443 years!
Sinhala had been the official language used before the colonial rule while Buddhism was the state religion. Tamil was never an official language during the rule of kings; nor was it the language of administration during British rule. Hence it cannot be argued that in making Sinhala the official language, the Tamils were discriminated. The demand to make Sinhala language the official language after Independence was solely to rectify the injustices the Sinhalese had suffered at the hands of foreign invaders and had nothing to do with denying Tamils as Tamils never enjoyed official status for Tamil language ever.
This Act proclaimed that Sinhala language shall be the one official language of Ceylon. The act was to come to effect on 1st January 1964 while provisions were made for the reasonable use of Tamil language by special provision Act of September 1958.
SWRD Bandaranaike, a Sinhalese, brought the “social disabilities “Act 1957 to prevent such discrimination against the Tamils belonging to the socially disadvanged castes. Anyone trying to blame the Sinhalese for discriminating against Tamils on the “Sinhala Only” issue, must first explain why some Tamils opposed the 1957 “Social Disabilities” Act, which criminalised caste-based discrimination.
The reaction of the Tamil leaders to the 1956 Official Language Act was very mild compared to their strong objection to the Social Disabilities Act where the Tamil leaders even travelled all the way to UK to urge the UK government to annul it!
If the Official Language was the root cause of the Sinhala Tamil conflict, why should Bandaranaike/ Chelvanayagam pact in 1957 continue to maintain Sinhala as official language but promote only devolution? This was how devolution brought in as a “solution” to a bogus “ethnic problem”. In actual fact Tamil leaders started demanding a separate Tamil state from British Empire way back in 1947, well before the 1956 Official Language Act.
NC says the passage of a law disenfranchising the upcountry Tamils was proof of harassment of Tamils by the Sinhalese.
The colonial invaders started many plantation projects and they brought in indentured labourers mostly from South India, referred to as Indian Tamils. The argument that the Indian Tamils were disenfranchised was wrong because they were not citizens of SL in the first place. SL awaiting Independence did not wish to keep them and India (Nehru) did not wish to take them back because 3.5 million indentured Indian labourers scattered all over the world would have also had to be brought back.
SL had every right to decide how to keep people belong to another nation. Under the citizenship Act of 1948, only 5000 out of about 800,000 Indian labourers were able to show two generations residence in Ceylon. Then came the Indian and Pakistan Residents citizenship Act of 1949, where they only had to show seven to 10 years residence in Ceylon. Even then only 134,000 qualified out of original 800,000. In Neru/Kothalawala pact in 1954, Sirima/Shasthri pact in 1964 and Sirima/India pact in 1974, India agreed to receive more than 50% Indian Tamils back to India, implying official acceptance of India that she was responsible for the Indian nationals in SL. However, repatriation was under way till it was stopped by JRJ and practically every remaining Indian Tamil became a citizen of SL.
Because of citizenship, matters improved for the upcountry Tamils. They got better schools, social benefits and opportunities outside the estates.
Therefore, the whole argument of disenfranchisement of Tamils is invalid. In fact, for whatever reason, we have treated them better than some other countries under similar circumstances. There are up to one million ethnic Koreans living in Japan today, almost half of whom do not have Japanese citizenship. A large proportion of this population are descendants of migrant workers brought over as cheap labor during World War II.
NC compares the civil war in USA with the 30 years of war against terrorists in SL and says that like in the aftermath of USA civil war, a war memorial should be built for the LTTE as well, as a measure of reconciliation!
The American civil war was between Northern states of the Union and the Southern states, which formed a confederacy by the states that had seceded. The economy of the confederacy was based on slaved labour as against the industrialised Northern states. The confederacy wanted to perpetuate slavery and to be independent from the Union, and the Union wanted slavery abolished. White people fought on both sides. It is ridiculous if someone tries to compare the American civil war in 1860 with the fight we had with LTTE, which resorted to terrorism to create a separate state in the North. The LTTE mercilessly massacred not only innocent Sinhalese (including pregnant mothers and infants) and Muslims, but also moderate, educated Tamil scholars and politicians who opposed them. The mere suggestion of a war memorial for the dead terrorists is an insolent insult to all of them.
In Malaysia Bumiputra concept is in force. It recognises a special position of the Malay majority provided in their constitution, in particular Article 153.
The Malay majority in Malaysia is 69% and Malay Reserve Land can only be owned and controlled by Malays and it is impossible to be legally released to non-Malays. All Malays are Muslims. In today’s Malaysia, state funds, including tax payers money, is used to further the cause of Islam. There are Islamic schools, Islamic courts and Islamic finances.
In SL the Sinhalese majority is more than 72% and there is nothing similar to Bumiputra concept where the Sinhalese Buddhists are given special provisions or preferences over other communities.
But yet they are blamed of discrimination! In fact, if there is any discrimination, it is the other way a round. The Sinhalese and the Muslims cannot buy any land in Jaffna and it is a fact. But a Tamil is free to buy any land anywhere in the country and no one protests. There had been “ethnic cleansing” in the North in which all the Sinhalese and the Muslims who lived there were driven away and not allowed to return. What about the equal rights of them, NC?
The Tamil leaders had been struggling for a separate state well before 1956 Official Language Act and 1983 riots. They created an ethnic based political party, “All Ceylon Tamil Congress” in 1944 implying that they didn’t want to live in harmony with other communities. In 1936, they demanded 50-50 representation on parliament (for which Soulbury commission responded as “mockery of democracy”) and Chelvanayagam formed ITAK in 1948 with the objective of forming a “separate Tamil State”. In 1977, the TULF asked the Tamils for a mandate to secede as a separate state of Tamil Elam and armed militancy began in the early 70s. A separate state was their dream even before we got independence from British. Hence a” grievance” like “Tamils have no other option other than asking for a separate state or a federal state because, they don’t see themselves as equal citizens in this nation” is not real.
If reconciliation is re-establishing friendship/friendly relations and harmony between communities, what has been the contribution of Tamil politicians towards reconciliation so far? Is it by portraying Sinhalese Buddhists majority as selfish, dishonest, incorrigible group of people who don’t like to grant equal rights to minorities? Or, is it by continuing to harp on “federalism” ? Or, is it by maliciously preventing building a Buddha statue at the famous Nagadeepa Temple at Nainativu island in the North, to mention a few.
I agree with NC on her statement that “reconciliation cannot be a one-sided effort and both communities must be willing to make the effort”. True, both communities must contribute towards it. So for a start, I would like to suggest that Dr. Chandrahasan, who is supposed to be a strong supporter of “reconciliation initiative”, request all Tamil schools and preschools in the Northern Province to include at least one Sinhala cultural item (a song or a dance ) in their school cultural functions like others do with a Tamil item in almost all the Sinhala schools and preschools. It would definitely go a long way!
Opinion
Labour exploitation at Sri Lankan audit firms: A regulatory blind spot
A recent tragedy of a young audit professional has prompted a nationwide conversation on Sri Lanka’s audit work culture. What was initially described as an untimely passing has since raised serious concerns about excessive workloads, workplace responsibility, and the well-being implications of the professional pressure. Accordingly, this article seeks to explore prevailing audit culture and professional practices in Sri Lanka, and highlights areas where thoughtful reform may be considered
The Evolution of Accounting and Finance Education in Sri Lanka
Over the past several decades, accounting and finance education in Sri Lanka has evolved from a narrowly technical field into a recognised professional discipline. Universities and professional institutions now offer specialised programmes aligned with international standards, covering accounting, finance, auditing, taxation, and corporate governance.
Professional bodies have modernised curricula by incorporating international accounting and auditing standards, ethics, and governance related content. As a result, Sri Lankan accounting graduates develop both technical competence and professional judgment, enabling them to compete successfully in multinational corporations, international audit networks, and global financial institutions, both locally and overseas.
This progress reflects a broader national commitment to professional excellence. Accounting and finance are now recognised as disciplines central to economic governance, market transparency, investor confidence, and public trust.
Why Professional Qualifications Matter
Professional qualifications often act as gateways to the corporate world. Professional pathways in Sri Lanka include qualifications offered by the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Sri Lanka (ICASL), the Association of Chartered Certified Accountants (ACCA), the Chartered Institute of Management Accountants (CIMA), the Institute of Chartered Professional Managers (ICPM), and the Association of Accounting Technicians (AAT).
For employers, these qualifications signal technical competence, ethical compliance, and completion of structured practical training. For students, they represent professional legitimacy, career security, and upward mobility.
Therefore, families and students invest significant time and resources in this pathway, reflecting its importance, often exceeding the practical value of a degree alone. Qualified professionals trained through this system contribute to both Sri Lanka’s domestic financial sector and overseas markets.
The Growth and Public Role of the Audit Sector
Alongside educational development, Sri Lanka’s audit sector has expanded in scale and influence as businesses have become more complex and globally connected. Audit firms now operate across the listed companies.
Audit firms perform an important public interest function by assuring the credibility of financial information, supporting investor confidence, and underpinning regulatory compliance and corporate governance. Beyond service delivery, they also act as professional institutions that determine norms and train future leaders in accounting and finance.
As a result, internal practices within audit firms, including organisational culture, workload expectations, remuneration, and supervision, have implications that extend beyond individual workplaces, influencing professional judgment, audit quality, and long-term public trust.
The Dream of Becoming a Chartered Accountant
For thousands of young Sri Lankans, becoming a Chartered Accountant represents one of the most respected professional ambitions. It is widely viewed as a symbol of discipline, resilience, and upward mobility. Students enter the pathway with the expectation that years of study, sacrifice, and perseverance will ultimately lead to professional recognition and stability.
A defining feature of this pathway is mandatory practical training. To qualify, students must complete a prescribed period of supervised training, most commonly within audit firms. This requirement is designed to bridge theory and practice, ensuring that academic knowledge is reinforced through real world exposure, professional supervision, and ethical decision making.
In practice, securing a training position is often the most decisive and competitive stage of the journey. Without completing this training, the qualification remains unattainable regardless of examination success. Therefore, audit firms are not only employers but also essential gatekeepers to professional advancement, controlling access to qualifications, experience, and future career opportunities.
Where the System Begins to Strain
This structure, while well intentioned, creates a significant imbalance of power. Trainees depend on audit firms not only for income, but also for the completion of their professional qualification. In such circumstances, questioning workloads, working hours, or basic welfare provisions can feel risky. Many trainees remain silent, fearing that concerns could delay qualification or affect future career prospects.
Audit work is demanding worldwide, particularly during peak reporting periods. Long hours, tight deadlines, and intense fieldwork are widely recognised features of the profession. However, the concern arises when these pressures become normalised without sufficient regard for rest, safety, remuneration, or minimum working conditions.
Training allowances and entry-level remuneration in audit firms are often modest relative to workloads and expectations, with trainee allowances typically ranging from LKR 10,000 to 20,000 per month, despite daily working hours that frequently extend 8 to 12 hours. Many trainees accept low pay and long hours as temporary sacrifices in pursuit of long-term professional goals. Over time, when such conditions are justified as “part of training,” unhealthy practices risk becoming normalised and embedded within professional culture.
Such environments may still produce technically competent professionals, but at the cost of burnout, ethical fatigue, and reduced long term engagement with the profession.
A Regulatory Blind Spot
In Sri Lanka, audit firms are regulated by CA Sri Lanka with respect to professional standards, ethical conduct, examinations, and prescribed training requirements, thereby playing an important role in maintaining the profession’s credibility and international standing. This is a professional regulation.
However, professional regulation serves a different purpose from organisational or workplace oversight. While audit firms are subject to general labour laws, there is no audit specific public oversight mechanism that systematically reviews audit firms’ internal governance, remuneration structures, or training environments.
This creates a regulatory asymmetry. Audit firms scrutinise others under detailed regulatory frameworks, yet their own internal systems are not subject to equivalent public review. Given the large population of trainees with limited bargaining power, this gap may affect professional sustainability, audit quality, and public trust.
Following a recent tragedy involving a trainee, CA Sri Lanka issued a public condolence statement acknowledging stakeholder concerns and confirming that the circumstances are under review.
Looking Ahead
To strengthen the long-term sustainability of the audit profession, Sri Lanka may consider the following measures:
* Establish a dedicated public oversight body for audit firms, with responsibility for monitoring firm level governance, training environments, and organisational practices, complementing existing professional regulation.
* Introduce transparency reports for audit firms, requiring disclosure of governance structures, quality control systems, training arrangements, and continuing professional education practices.
* Apply modern labour governance principles, drawing on modern slavery frameworks used internationally that emphasise prevention, transparency, and early identification of labour related risks.
* Improve visibility of trainee remuneration and workload practices, particularly where mandatory training creates structural dependency.
* Strengthen coordination between professional self-regulation and public oversight, ensuring that professional excellence is supported by sustainable and accountable organisational environments.
These measures do not imply illegality or misconduct. Rather, they reflect an opportunity to align Sri Lanka’s audit profession with evolving global norms that prioritise transparency, dignity, and long-term public confidence. If audit firms are entrusted with holding others accountable, the systems governing them must also reflect responsibility toward the people who sustain the profession.
by Sulochana Dissanayake
Senior Lecturer at Rajarata University of Sri Lanka | Sessional Academic & PhD Candidate at Queensland University of Technology (QUT)
and
by Prof. Manoj Samarathunga
Faculty of Management Studies
Rajarata University of
Sri Lanka Mihintale
Opinion
Buddhist insights into the extended mind thesis – Some observations
It is both an honour and a pleasure to address you on this occasion as we gather to celebrate International Philosophy Day. Established by UNESCO and supported by the United Nations, this day serves as a global reminder that philosophy is not merely an academic discipline confined to universities or scholarly journals. It is, rather, a critical human practice—one that enables societies to reflect upon themselves, to question inherited assumptions, and to navigate periods of intellectual, technological, and moral transformation.
In moments of rapid change, philosophy performs a particularly vital role. It slows us down. It invites us to ask not only how things work, but what they mean, why they matter, and how we ought to live. I therefore wish to begin by expressing my appreciation to UNESCO, the United Nations, and the organisers of this year’s programme for sustaining this tradition and for selecting a theme that invites sustained reflection on mind, consciousness, and human agency.
We inhabit a world increasingly shaped by artificial intelligence, neuroscience, cognitive science, and digital technologies. These developments are not neutral. They reshape how we think, how we communicate, how we remember, and even how we imagine ourselves. As machines simulate cognitive functions once thought uniquely human, we are compelled to ask foundational philosophical questions anew:
What is the mind? Where does thinking occur? Is cognition something enclosed within the brain, or does it arise through our bodily engagement with the world? And what does it mean to be an ethical and responsible agent in a technologically extended environment?
Sri Lanka’s Philosophical Inheritance
On a day such as this, it is especially appropriate to recall that Sri Lanka possesses a long and distinguished tradition of philosophical reflection. From early Buddhist scholasticism to modern comparative philosophy, Sri Lankan thinkers have consistently engaged questions concerning knowledge, consciousness, suffering, agency, and liberation.
Within this modern intellectual history, the University of Peradeniya occupies a unique place. It has served as a centre where Buddhist philosophy, Western thought, psychology, and logic have met in creative dialogue. Scholars such as T. R. V. Murti, K. N. Jayatilleke, Padmasiri de Silva, R. D. Gunaratne, and Sarathchandra did not merely interpret Buddhist texts; they brought them into conversation with global philosophy, thereby enriching both traditions.
It is within this intellectual lineage—and with deep respect for it—that I offer the reflections that follow.
Setting the Philosophical Problem
My topic today is “Embodied Cognition and Viññāṇasota: Buddhist Insights on the Extended Mind Thesis – Some Observations.” This is not a purely historical inquiry. It is an attempt to bring Buddhist philosophy into dialogue with some of the most pressing debates in contemporary philosophy of mind and cognitive science.
At the centre of these debates lies a deceptively simple question: Where is the mind?
For much of modern philosophy, the dominant answer was clear: the mind resides inside the head. Thinking was understood as an internal process, private and hidden, occurring within the boundaries of the skull. The body was often treated as a mere vessel, and the world as an external stage upon which cognition operated.
However, this picture has increasingly come under pressure.
The Extended Mind Thesis and the 4E Turn
One of the most influential challenges to this internalist model is the Extended Mind Thesis, proposed by Andy Clark and David Chalmers. Their argument is provocative but deceptively simple: if an external tool performs the same functional role as a cognitive process inside the brain, then it should be considered part of the mind itself.
From this insight emerges the now well-known 4E framework, according to which cognition is:
Embodied – shaped by the structure and capacities of the body
Embedded – situated within physical, social, and cultural environments
Enactive – constituted through action and interaction
Extended – distributed across tools, artefacts, and practices
This framework invites us to rethink the mind not as a thing, but as an activity—something we do, rather than something we have.
Earlier Western Challenges to Internalism
It is important to note that this critique of the “mind in the head” model did not begin with cognitive science. It has deep philosophical roots.
Ludwig Wittgenstein
famously warned philosophers against imagining thought as something occurring in a hidden inner space. Such metaphors, he suggested, mystify rather than clarify our understanding of mind.
Similarly, Franz Brentano’s notion of intentionality—his claim that all mental states are about something—shifted attention away from inner substances toward relational processes. This insight shaped Husserl’s phenomenology, where consciousness is always world-directed, and Freud’s psychoanalysis, where mental life is dynamic, conflicted, and socially embedded.
Together, these thinkers prepared the conceptual ground for a more process-oriented, relational understanding of mind.
Varela and the Enactive Turn
A decisive moment in this shift came with Francisco J. Varela, whose work on enactivism challenged computational models of mind. For Varela, cognition is not the passive representation of a pre-given world, but the active bringing forth of meaning through embodied engagement.
Cognition, on this view, arises from the dynamic coupling of organism and environment. Importantly, Varela explicitly acknowledged his intellectual debt to Buddhist philosophy, particularly its insights into impermanence, non-self, and dependent origination.
Buddhist Philosophy and the Minding Process
Buddhist thought offers a remarkably sophisticated account of mind—one that is non-substantialist, relational, and processual. Across its diverse traditions, we find a consistent emphasis on mind as dependently arisen, embodied through the six sense bases, and shaped by intention and contact.
Crucially, Buddhism does not speak of a static “mind-entity”. Instead, it employs metaphors of streams, flows, and continuities, suggesting a dynamic process unfolding in relation to conditions.
Key Buddhist Concepts for Contemporary Dialogue
Let me now highlight several Buddhist concepts that are particularly relevant to contemporary discussions of embodied and extended cognition.
The notion of prapañca, as elaborated by Bhikkhu Ñāṇananda, captures the mind’s tendency toward conceptual proliferation. Through naming, interpretation, and narrative construction, the mind extends itself, creating entire experiential worlds. This is not merely a linguistic process; it is an existential one.
The Abhidhamma concept of viññāṇasota, the stream of consciousness, rejects the idea of an inner mental core. Consciousness arises and ceases moment by moment, dependent on conditions—much like a river that has no fixed identity apart from its flow.
The Yogācāra doctrine of ālayaviññāṇa adds a further dimension, recognising deep-seated dispositions, habits, and affective tendencies accumulated through experience. This anticipates modern discussions of implicit cognition, embodied memory, and learned behaviour.
Finally, the Buddhist distinction between mindful and unmindful cognition reveals a layered model of mental life—one that resonates strongly with contemporary dual-process theories.
A Buddhist Cognitive Ecology
Taken together, these insights point toward a Buddhist cognitive ecology in which mind is not an inner object but a relational activity unfolding across body, world, history, and practice.
As the Buddha famously observed, “In this fathom-long body, with its perceptions and thoughts, I declare there is the world.” This is perhaps one of the earliest and most profound articulations of an embodied, enacted, and extended conception of mind.
Conclusion
The Extended Mind Thesis challenges the idea that the mind is confined within the skull. Buddhist philosophy goes further. It invites us to reconsider whether the mind was ever “inside” to begin with.
In an age shaped by artificial intelligence, cognitive technologies, and digital environments, this question is not merely theoretical. It is ethically urgent. How we understand mind shapes how we design technologies, structure societies, and conceive human responsibility.
Buddhist philosophy offers not only conceptual clarity but also ethical guidance—reminding us that cognition is inseparable from suffering, intention, and liberation.
Dr. Charitha Herath is a former Member of Parliament of Sri Lanka (2020–2024) and an academic philosopher. Prior to entering Parliament, he served as Professor (Chair) of Philosophy at the University of Peradeniya. He was Chairman of the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) from 2020 to 2022, playing a key role in parliamentary oversight of public finance and state institutions. Dr. Herath previously served as Secretary to the Ministry of Mass Media and Information (2013–2015) and is the Founder and Chair of Nexus Research Group, a platform for interdisciplinary research, policy dialogue, and public intellectual engagement.
He holds a BA from the University of Peradeniya (Sri Lanka), MA degrees from Sichuan University (China) and Ohio University (USA), and a PhD from the University of Kelaniya (Sri Lanka).
(This article has been adapted from the keynote address delivered
by Dr. Charitha Herath
at the International Philosophy Day Conference at the University of Peradeniya.)
Opinion
We do not want to be press-ganged
Reference ,the Indian High Commissioner’s recent comments ( The Island, 9th Jan. ) on strong India-Sri Lanka relationship and the assistance granted on recovering from the financial collapse of Sri Lanka and yet again for cyclone recovery., Sri Lankans should express their thanks to India for standing up as a friendly neighbour.
On the Defence Cooperation agreement, the Indian High Commissioner’s assertion was that there was nothing beyond that which had been included in the text. But, dear High Commissioner, we Sri Lankans have burnt our fingers when we signed agreements with the European nations who invaded our country; they took our leaders around the Mulberry bush and made our nation pay a very high price by controlling our destiny for hundreds of years. When the Opposition parties in the Parliament requested the Sri Lankan government to reveal the contents of the Defence agreements signed with India as per the prevalent common practice, the government’s strange response was that India did not want them disclosed.
Even the terms of the one-sided infamous Indo-Sri Lanka agreement, signed in 1987, were disclosed to the public.
Mr. High Commissioner, we are not satisfied with your reply as we are weak, economically, and unable to clearly understand your “India’s Neighbourhood First and Mahasagar policies” . We need the details of the defence agreements signed with our government, early.
RANJITH SOYSA
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