Features
Putting up a fight for appointment as Cabinet Secretary
Excerpted from the memoirs of B.P. Peiris
T. D. Perera, Deputy Secretary to the Treasury, was appointed the first Secretary to the Cabinet in addition to his other duties. He was a mild man and rarely interfered with my work. He used to arrive at the Cabinet office at about 11 a.m. and, having seen the tappal and my orders thereon, leave about 10 minutes later. I was left more or less to act on my own responsibility.
But, in Cabinet, he was sometimes too talkative as Secretary and was snubbed on two occasions by the Ministers. Once, when he was arguing a point with E. A. P. Wijeratne, who was always polite, he was told by the Minister that the conversation would be carried on in that manner when the Secretary became a Minister. On the other occasion, G. G. Ponnambalam, in his usual bluntness, turned round to Prime Minister D.S. and said, “Sir, I am not prepared to carry on this conversation at this level”.
When I submitted a minute to T. D. that the Treasury connection in the Cabinet was undesirable, he disagreed and said it was most useful. It did not seem to strike him that in the Cabinet he was arguing the Treasury point of view and that he had already made an order against which the Minister was appealing. When the Minister started arguing, T. D. forgot that he was there in a dual capacity.
T. D. was succeeded by A. G. Ranasinha, who also held in addition, the office of Secretary to the Treasury. It was he, I heard, who expressed his amazement at the disrespect in the Legal Draftsman’s Department where assistants smoked in the presence of their Heads. I must confess I was a little nervous when his appointment was announced. I had not met him before and did not know him. Would he, I thought, object to my smoking in his presence when the Prime Minister had no objection to my smoking during a Cabinet meeting?
On the day of his appointment, he walked into my room and said, “I am Ranasinha. How do you run this office?” I told him that I attended to the work and seldom referred a paper to T. D. Perera. He said “Run it as before” and left. He was a charming man; my nervousness vanished. Here was a man, I thought, who has understanding and under whom I could work without friction. I am a very sensitive person and the slightest rudeness on another’s part upsets me.
Remember Mervyn Fonseka’s grilling. It has been my good fortune, during the period of my public service of 27 years, to have been stationed in Colombo in two departments and have had as my Heads five great gentlemen: J. Mervyn Fonseka, P. C. Villavarayan, H. N. G. Fernando, T. D. Perera and A. G. Ranasinha.
I mentioned to Ranasinha the slight friction which T. D. had with the Ministers after which he refused, as Secretary to the Cabinet, to be drawn into a discussion of Treasury matters. He used to say, and in my opinion quite rightly, that if any information was required, he would get his officials to come with the relevant files. Ranasinha did not come to office except on Cabinet days. He gave me complete administrative discretion.
I did not know that Ranasinha was a brother-in-law of Clement de Alwis of the Postal department, an old friend of mine. When the Government, in recognition of his services, conferred on him the titular rank of Mudaliyar, I received a special invitation from him to be present in the evening at his house at Kadawata. On my arrival, the Mudaliyar took me to the bar and, after a few ‘warmers’, I asked him whether a closed piano, which I saw, worked. The piano was so placed that a person playing could not see who was entering or leaving the house. When I had finished playing a piece, I heard Ranasinha’s familiar voice from behind saying “Play the Blue Danube”. The Mudaliyar kept filling my glass. It was past midnight.
My. boss probably thought I was ‘tops’. There was to be a Cabinet meeting the next morning and Ranasinha, on leaving, was gentlemanly enough to tell me not to bother to attend the meeting as he would “take it himself”. I do not remember at what time I left the party, but I did not want to take advantage of a man’s kindness. I was in attendance at the meeting.
In October 1954, the Post of Governor of the Central Bank fell vacant. Sir John Kotelawala was Prime Minister. At a Cabinet meeting he turned round to Ranasinha, and asked him immediately to resign his posts of Treasury Head and Cabinet Secretary as he was to be appointed as the Governor of the Bank. The Prime Minister also asked him to have L. J. Seneviratne appointed as his successor at both ends. I protested.
I said I had previously acted as Secretary, that I was on my maximum salary as Assistant and that I appeared to have no prospects if, every time the Cabinet post fell vacant, a Treasury official was to fill the vacancy. I heard Ranasinha’s voice in Cabinet, a rare occurrence. He said that since 1947 I had been doing all the work of the Cabinet Office without being paid for it, whereas T. D. Perera and he had been doing very little and been drawing the emoluments of the office.
He said that he did not agree with T. D. Perera that there should be a connection between the Cabinet and the Treasury (Lord! What a grand fellow, I thought). Sir John was a man of quick decision. He ordered that L. J. be appointed to the Treasury post and that the Cabinet post should not be filled until he returned from a 10 day visit to Jaffna which he was making the next day. This gave me plenty of time to think and, with my inability to bend my knee, I decided to put my case down in writing. I made the following minute to the Prime Minister:
“I respectfully ask that my name be considered for the post of Secretary to the Cabinet which is now vacant. Next March, I shall be 47 years of age. I am an advocate of 23 years standing with 18 years of public service. In the public service, I am junior by one year to Justice H. N. G. Fernando and senior by four months to Mr T. S. Fernando, Q.C., Solicitor-General.
The late Prime Minister selected me in 1946, out of all the draftsmen, to draft the Constitution and Elections Orders in Council. I am unaware of the reasons for his choice. When the Orders in Council became law, the late Prime Minister ordered me, on the telephone, to take charge of the Cabinet Office. Since then, that is October 1947, there have been 385 cabinet meetings, and I have attended and done the work of all these meetings except one which I missed because I had to attend court on summons.
I have done this work throughout unaided and on my own responsibility, because Mr T. D. Perera and Sir Arthur Ranasinha gave me a completely free hand. Neither of them has had occasion to find fault with my work. In fact, during these seven years, not more than 15 or 20 papers have been referred by me to the Secretary for orders. It will be seen therefore that during the last six or seven years, I have been de facto Secretary without the emoluments of office. I have acted as Secretary to the Cabinet on three occasions.
I am not aware of any other Dominion where the Cabinet Secretary holds office in another Ministry. In the early days, the late Prime Minister asked me to ascertain whether there was a Treasury connection in the United Kingdom. The following is the telegram I received from Sir Norman Brook, Secretary to the United Kingdom Cabinet:
“Chancellor of the Exchequer as Minister responsible for Treasury is member of Cabinet and puts forward Treasury considerations stop very exceptional for treasury officials to be present stop.”
Sir Norman told me that in the United Kingdom, they made it a principle that the Cabinet Secretary should be independent of all Ministers because no Minister should feel that any other had any special pull in the Cabinet by reason of the fact that one of his officers was also Cabinet Secretary. You are aware that in previous cabinets, Ministers have said that they found it embarrassing to express themselves freely while a Treasury official was present as Cabinet Secretary, as it was the same officer who had overruled their proposals in the Treasury. Cabinet practice requires that when an officer is wanted on any matter, he should be summoned to be in attendance on that matter only.
May I therefore ask that the position be now regularized with my appointment. I have no other avenue of promotion and have been stagnating on my maximum salary since 1952.
At Sir John’s first Cabinet meeting after his Jaffna tour, he told the Ministers that there was an urgent item which was not on the Agenda, namely, that the Cabinet was without a Secretary and that an appointment had to be made. He asked me to leave the room for a few minutes. He had read to the Cabinet my minute reproduced above. I was recalled in about ten minutes and informed that it was the unanimous wish of the Ministers that I should be the Secretary and I was appointed on October 14,1954. On my appointment as Secretary, my ex-officio appointment as a Justice of the Peace for the Judicial District of Colombo while holding the office of Assistant Secretary to the Cabinet lapsed and a fresh appointment was made.
The Press now complimented me:
The appointment of a fairly senior lawyer, who gathered his experience in the drafting department, as Secretary to the Cabinet, is a step in the right direction, for such a post should be held by one with some legal experience.”
Another newspaper commented:
The separation of the posts of Secretary to the Cabinet and Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Finance had to come some time, and the appointment of Sir Arthur Ranasinha as the Governor of the Central Bank, has evidently provided the opportunity to make the change. The position now conforms to that in Britain, where the Secretary to the Cabinet is also head of a department—the Cabinet Secretariat or the Cabinet Office as it is known.
It is this office that is responsible for the coordination of policy at the highest level, besides keeping records of the Committees of the Cabinet and the Cabinet itself, and for providing information and advice to Ministers and for issuing directions and promulgating decisions of the Cabinet or the Prime Minister to the Departments concerned.
Our Cabinet Office has yet to acquire a similar character. This it will no doubt develop henceforward, now that it is in full charge of the officer who has been in immediate control of it since the new constitution came into operation. Mr B. P Peiris, the new Secretary to the Cabinet, has also the advantage of having been associated with the drafting of the Constitution, which in fact was the reason for his being appointed Assistant Secretary to the Cabinet on its first formation. He is thus in the best position to organize the Cabinet Office as a clearing house for the Ministers.
I was privileged, on my appointment, to receive the following letter from the Chief Justice, the Hon. Hema Basnayake. I take the liberty of reproducing it in full:
“My dear Peiris,
“I am glad to hear that you have been appointed Secretary to the Cabinet. Let me congratulate you. Your office is one of great trust and responsibility. You have to keep your eyes and ears open and your mouth shut. I have no doubt that you will maintain the high traditions of your office and in due time become our Hankey.
“I think your office demands very hard work from you. Although you are not as a rule required to contribute to the discussions of the Cabinet, you should know all the Cabinet papers sufficiently well, so that, if members turn to you for guidance or help, you will be able to make some contribution to the solution of the problems before them. You should therefore keep in touch with the law, and I do not think you should give up your compilation of the Law Weekly Digest. You should not only know the judge-made law but you should also be conversant with the statute law.
“As you are the first holder of this office since its separation from the office of Secretary to the Treasury, the responsibility for creating the traditions of your office fall on you. You should set a very high standard to be emulated by your successors. I know that you are conscious of your responsibilities and I am confident that you will discharge those responsibilities with acceptance.”
I was fortunate to have the assistance and cooperation of a clerical staff consisting of honest, efficient and hard-working men who had been appointed by personal selection for their integrity and their loyalty to any Government for the time being, irrespective of its political colour, men who, as public servants took no part in politics except to register their votes at an election, men who were at the hub of Government, men who came to know all the secrets and who had no contact with the Press. Nothing leaked out from my office; and the newspapers called me the oyster in the public service.
I was unknown, unseen at public and diplomatic parties and unphotographed. I have been told by several Ministers that I have been a very efficient secretary. If that is so, a very large share of that tribute must go to my staff. I could not run the office unaided. When there was work to be done, they gladly did it, sometimes working till three in the morning. When there was no work, I did not bother if they disregarded the Government rule which demanded their punctual attendance in office at 9 a.m. They understood me and I understood my men. I should like to place on record my deep appreciation of the unfailing help I received at all times from every member of my staff.
Now, after many years in retirement, I ponder ‘Why was I liked, almost loved, by my men? Why was I respected? Why was I obeyed and my orders carried out loyally? Why were my punishments accepted without question?’ I could not answer these questions myself. But I put them to some of my men who still call on me sometimes in my retirement. They have all had but one answer: “Sir, your were human.”
The relationship between me and my staff was cordial. They were my friends and I always treated them as such.But Government requires a Head, in certain circumstances, to act according to prescribed regulations, and on such occasions, I have acted firmly with a sense of justice and fair play. I was never vindictive in any punishment I was compelled to impose and my officers knew and appreciated this.
I cannot close this Chapter without a reference to my friends, loyal servants of the Government, who are insultingly called “minor employees”. There was a great gentleman at their head, Arachchi Dissanayake. He was a rare type of gentleman, brought up in the ways of the bad old Colonial days. He was all courtesy. I have not come across another man like him. He was a podian in the Secretariat when my father was a clerk. When my father came to the Cabinet Office to see me, the Arachchi bowed low and greeted him, and my father remembered old times.
Mr Dissanayake retired from the public service after 43 years of loyal and honourable work. He had served a long line of distinguished Civil Servants including Sir Murchison Fletcher, Sir Bernard Bourdillon, Sir Graeme Tyrell, W. E. Wait, Sir Maxwell Wedderbum, W. L. Murphy, G. S. Wodeman, Sir Robert Drayton, Sir Charles Collins, T. D. Perera and Sir Arthur Ranasinha. Prime Minister Dahanayake made the following minute in his personal file:
Mr M. D. J. Perera Dissanayake, Arachchi in the Cabinet office, has had a most remarkable career. He had earned the trust and confidence of several superiors, who bear distinguished names, and his entire record is one of which anybody can be truly proud. His diligence, devotion to duty, loyalty and his general outlook towards work and responsibility is such as may be retold to all subordinate officers of the present and future as an example to be followed by one and all. I have great pleasure in recording my own high appreciation of his unique work.
When Mr Dissanayake retired, Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s Cabinet honoured him by posing for a photograph at Temple Trees, all standing. This was the first time that the Cabinet had posed for a photograph as a farewell to a public officer. The Ministers presented that Arachchi with a purse of one thousand rupees, a spontaneous gesture.
Features
The Paradox of Coercion: US strategy and the global re-emergence of Iran
(A sequel to the two-part article, War with Iran and unravelling of the global order, published in The Island on April 8 and 9.)
The unfolding developments in the US-Israeli coordinated military attack against Iran reveal a striking paradox at contemporary geopolitics: efforts to weaken a state through coercion may, under certain conditions, contribute to its structural elevation within the international system. What appears as short-term tactical success can generate long-term strategic consequences that are neither anticipated nor easily reversible. In this context, the policies associated with Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu, marked by unilateralism and the willingness to use force, risk producing precisely such an unintended outcome. Rather than marginalising Iran, their actions may be accelerating its re-emergence, not merely as a regional actor in the Middle East, but as a consequential player in the global geopolitics and the wider architecture of international supply chains of energy economy.
Iran not merely a state
Iran is not merely a state, but a civilisation with a distinctive political trajectory. At the heart of the present transformation lies its asymmetric strategy, rooted in the strategic exploitation of geography. Few states possess the capacity to shape the global system through geography alone. Iran’s proximity to the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow maritime passage through which a substantial share of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas flows, endows it with a latent structural power that transcends conventional measures of national capability.
In periods of stability, this position translates into economic opportunity; in moments of crisis, it becomes a lever of systemic disruption. Recent tensions have demonstrated that even limited instability in this corridor can reverberate across global markets, triggering sharp increases in energy prices, disrupting supply chains, and amplifying inflationary pressures worldwide. Should Iran consolidate its capacity to influence or control this chokepoint, whether through military deterrence, asymmetric instruments, or diplomatic maneuvering, it would shift from being a participant in global energy markets to a pivotal arbiter of their functioning.
Energy-embedded global economy
The contemporary global economy is not merely energy-dependent; it is deeply energy-embedded. Hydrocarbons underpin not only transportation and electricity generation but also the production of petrochemicals, fertilisers, and a wide range of industrial inputs essential to modern manufacturing and food systems. Disruptions linked to Iran have already illustrated how shocks in the energy sector cascade through interconnected supply chains, affecting everything from agricultural output to high-technology industries. In this sense, Iran’s leverage is no longer confined to the traditional realm of resource geopolitics. It increasingly operates within a networked global system in which control over a single critical node can generate disproportionate influence across multiple sectors. This form of power, diffuse, indirect, and systemic, marks a departure from the more linear dynamics of twentieth-century oil politics.
The implications of such a shift are profound for the structure of the international order. For decades, the global system has been underpinned by a set of institutions, norms, and economic arrangements often described as the so-called liberal international order. Sanctions, financial controls, and diplomatic isolation have been key instruments through which dominant powers have sought to discipline states that challenge this order. However, Iran’s prolonged exposure to sanctions has compelled it to develop adaptive strategies: alternative trade networks, informal financial channels, and closer ties with non-Western partners. A crisis-induced re-entry into global markets would therefore not signify reintegration into the existing order, but rather the expansion of parallel systems that operate alongside, and sometimes in opposition to, it. In this context, Iran’s rise would contribute to the gradual fragmentation of the global economy, accelerating trends toward decoupling, regionalization, and the erosion of established institutional authority.
Decline of global order based on US hegemony
This process of fragmentation is closely linked to declining global order based on U.S. hegemony. A more globally consequential Iran would inevitably become a focal point in the strategic player in emerging multipolar world. For China, whose economic growth remains heavily dependent on secure energy supplies, deeper engagement with Iran would serve both economic and geopolitical objectives, reinforcing its presence in the broader Middle East and insulating it from vulnerabilities associated with maritime chokepoints. Russia, already positioned as a major energy exporter and a challenger to Western dominance, may find in Iran a complementary partner in reshaping global energy markets and contesting sanctions regimes. Meanwhile, countries across the Global South, including major importers such as India, would face a more complex strategic environment, characterized by heightened exposure to supply disruptions and increased pressure to navigate between competing power centers. In this emerging landscape, Iran would function less as an isolated actor and more as a pivotal node within a reconfigured network of global alignments.
Dynamics enhancing Iran’s strategic importance
Paradoxically, the very dynamics that enhance Iran’s strategic importance may also accelerate efforts to reduce dependence on the conditions that enable its influence. Recurrent energy shocks tend to catalyze policy responses aimed at diversification and resilience. States are likely to expand strategic reserves, invest in alternative supply routes, and accelerate transitions toward renewable energy and nuclear power. Over the longer term, such measures could diminish the centrality of fossil fuel chokepoints, thereby constraining Iran’s leverage. However, this transition will be uneven and contested. Advanced economies may possess the resources to adapt more rapidly, while developing countries remain structurally dependent on affordable hydrocarbons. In the interim, the global system may experience a prolonged period in which dependence on Iranian-linked energy flows coexists with attempts to transcend it—a duality that adds further complexity to the evolving geopolitical landscape.
Beyond material considerations, Iran’s potential re-emergence also signals a deeper transformation of the existing global order. Traditional metrics—military strength, economic size, technological capacity—remain somewhat important, but they are increasingly complemented by the ability to influence critical nodes within global networks. The capacity to disrupt, delay, or redirect flows of energy, goods, and capital can generate strategic effects that rival, or even surpass, those achieved through direct military confrontation. In this sense, Iran exemplifies a broader shift from territorial geopolitics to what might be termed network geopolitics. Control over chokepoints, supply chains, and infrastructural linkages become a central determinant of influence, enabling states with relatively limited ‘conventional’ capabilities to exert outsized impact on the international system.
Iran’s trajectory may be understood as a transition through several distinct phases: from a regional challenger seeking to assert influence within the Middle East, to a strategic disruptor capable of unsettling global markets, and ultimately to a systemic actor whose decisions carry worldwide consequences. This evolution is neither inevitable nor linear; it depends on a complex interplay of domestic resilience, external pressures, and the responses of other global actors. Nevertheless, the possibility itself underscores the unintended consequences of policies that prioritize short-term coercion over long-term strategic foresight.
Transition shaped by paradoxes
In historical perspective, moments of systemic transition are often shaped by such paradoxes. Actions taken to preserve an existing order can, under certain conditions, accelerate its transformation. The current crisis involving Iran may represent one such moment. By elevating the strategic significance of energy chokepoints, exposing the vulnerabilities of interconnected supply chains, and encouraging the development of alternative economic networks, it contributes to a broader reconfiguration of global power. In this emerging context, Iran’s re-emergence as a global actor would not simply reflect its own capabilities or ambitions; it would also embody the structural shifts reshaping the international system itself. What began as an effort to constrain Iran may ultimately facilitate its transformation into a decisive player in the global energy economy and supply chain architecture. The implications of this shift extend far beyond the Middle East, touching upon the stability of markets, the cohesion of international institutions, and the evolving nature of power in the twenty-first century.
The war with Iran is best understood not as a discrete regional conflict, but as a structural moment in the transformation of the international system. It reveals a growing disjuncture between the continued reliance on coercive statecraft and the realities of an interdependent global order in which power increasingly derives from control over critical economic and infrastructural nodes. Rather than achieving strategic containment, the conflict has underscored the capacity of a relatively constrained actor to generate systemic effects through geoeconomic leverage. In doing so, it highlights a broader shift from military-centric conceptions of power toward forms of influence embedded in networks of energy, trade, and supply chains.
This is not merely a redistribution of power, but a redefinition of how power operates. At the systemic level, the war accelerates the erosion of the post-Cold War order, reinforcing tendencies toward fragmentation, parallel economic arrangements, and multipolar competition. Iran’s potential re-emergence as a global actor should therefore be seen less as an isolated outcome than as a manifestation of these deeper structural changes. In this sense, the strategic significance of the war lies in its unintended consequences: it exposes the limits of coercive hegemony while simultaneously amplifying the importance of those actors positioned to exploit the vulnerabilities of an interconnected world.
by Gamini Keerawella ✍️
Features
The dawn of smart help for little ones
How Artificial Intelligence is breaking barriers in Autism Diagnosis and Care
For any parent, the early years are a most valuable countdown of “firsts” of his or her precious child: the first step, the first clear word, the first beautiful smile, and quite a few other firsts as well. Yet for all that, for some families, that joy is overshadowed by a growing, quiet, but disturbing intuition that something is even a little bit different. Perhaps a child is not responding to his or her name, or the little one seems to be more interested in the spinning wheels of a toy than a game of peek-a-boo, or even avoids normal social responses.
In many countries, especially in the developing world, the road from that first “gut feeling” that there is something wrong, to a formal diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) is often a long and exhausting journey. While doctors can often identify autism in children as young as 12 to 18 months, the average age of diagnosis in our communities still hovers around four years. In these critical years, when a child’s brain is most like a machine ready to learn and adapt, time is of the essence and is the most valuable resource a family has.
Today, a new “algorithmic dawn” is offering a shortcut to really cut that delay. Artificial Intelligence (AI), the very same smart technology that helps us navigate traffic, suggest a new song, or help people with ChatGPT, is moving out of the lab and into the children’s nursery. By acting as a digital “magnifying glass”, specifically designed AI tools can now spot subtle patterns in a child’s gaze, some little quirks in the rhythm of their babbling, or the way they move, often much faster than the human eye can. Then the machine can issue a warning signal and indicate that further action and a proper evaluation are necessary. This is most certainly not about replacing the brain, the heart and the expertise of a paediatrician; it is about providing “Smart Help” that can be accessed from a smartphone in a family living room. For millions of “little ones on the spectrum”, most notably in the developing world, this technology is turning a journey once defined by waiting, uncertainty and even tears, into one of proactive care and even brighter horizons. The time gained is most certainly a very valuable window of opportunity.
What is the “Spectrum,” and Why Does Time Matter?
Autism is described as a “spectrum” because it affects many children somewhat differently and to varying degrees. Some children may have advanced technical skills but struggle to hold a conversation; others may be non-verbal or have intense sensory sensitivities. It can be very mild or very severe, and perhaps everywhere in between as well.
The common thread is that the brain develops differently in these affected children. This is why Early Intervention is the gold-standard goal. During the toddler years, a child’s brain is incredibly “plastic”, meaning that it is a highly adaptable and ready to learn type of organ. Starting therapy and management strategies during this valuable period of opportunity can fundamentally change a child’s future life path.
The problem, to a certain extent, is that traditional diagnosis of ASD is a slow, manual process. It requires intensively trained experts to watch a child play for hours and fill out complex checklists. In many countries, including Sri Lanka, where there is a massive shortage of these highly qualified specialists, the waiting list for a consultation alone can take months or even years. These doyens are rather thin on the ground and even when available, are heavily overworked.
Enter the AI Revolution: Seeing the Unseen
AI certainly does NOT replace doctors, but it acts like a high-powered magnifying glass. By using “Machine Learning”, computers can analyse massive amounts of data to find tiny patterns that the human eye might miss. Here is how it is changing the game:
1. Tracking Gaze and Smiles
One of the earliest signs of autism is how a child looks at the world. AI “Computer Vision” can analyse a simple video of a child playing. It can track exactly where the child is looking. Does the child look at a person’s eyes when they speak, or are they drawn to the spinning wheels of a toy in the corner? AI can quantify these “social attention” patterns in seconds and add them to a cache of things that ring warning bells.
2. The Sound of a Voice
Did you know that the “music” of a child’s speech can hold clues? AI can listen to the pitch and rhythm (called prosody) of a child’s voice. Children on the spectrum sometimes have a “flat” or monotonic way of speaking. AI algorithms can measure these vocal biomarkers with incredible precision, helping to flag concerns long before a child is old enough for a full conversation.
3. Movement and Play
Repetitive behaviour, like hand-flapping or rocking, are core traits of ASD. Sensors in smartphones or simple video analysis can now categorise these movements objectively. Instead of a parent trying to describe how often a behaviour happens, the application or ‘app’ provides a clear, data-driven report for the doctor.
Innovation at Home: India’s Digital Solutions
The most exciting part of this technology is that it does not require a million-dollar lab. In India, where smartphone use is booming, several “homegrown” apps are bringing specialist-level screening to rural and urban homes alike.
Apps like CogniAble, which give parents a step-by-step intervention plan based on the child’s specific needs, or START, a tablet-based tool used by local health workers in areas like Delhi slums to spot risks via simple games, or LEEZA.APP, which offers free AI screening to remove the “money barrier” that keeps many families from seeking help, or AutismBASICS, which provides thousands of activities and a milestone tracker to help parents manage daily therapy at home, are just a few of the programs in use at present. These tools are “democratising” healthcare. A mother in a remote village with a basic smartphone can now access the same level of screening logic that was once only available in a major city hospital.
Beyond the Diagnosis: A Robot Tutor?
The role of AI does not stop once a diagnosis is made. It is also becoming a tireless “co-therapist.”
For many children with autism, the human world can be unpredictable and overwhelming. AI-powered “Social Robots” or interactive apps provide a safe, predictable environment. These “Robo-Therapists” do not get tired, they do not get frustrated, and they can repeat a social lesson even 100 times until the child feels comfortable.
Furthermore, for children who are nonverbal, AI-powered communication apps serve as a “voice”. These apps use smart technology to predict what a child wants to say, allowing and facilitating them to express their needs and feelings to their parents, even for the very first time.
The Human Element: Proceed with Care
As bright as this dawn is, experts warn that we must move forward carefully and most intelligently.
= Privacy: Because these apps collect sensitive videos and data about children, keeping that information secure is a top priority.
= Cultural Differences: An AI trained on children in the US or Europe might not perfectly understand a child in Sri Lanka. We need “diverse local data” to ensure the algorithms understand our local languages, gestures, and social norms. Many of these programs need to be home-grown or baked at home in Sri Lanka.
= The Human Touch: Most importantly, we need to always remember that AI is a tool, not a replacement. A computer can spot a pattern, but it cannot give a hug, provide emotional support to a struggling parent, or celebrate a breakthrough with the same joy as a human therapist.
A Brighter Future
We are moving toward a world where “waiting and seeing” is no longer, and quite definitely, not the only option for parents. By combining the heart of a parent and the expertise of a doctor with the speed of an algorithm, we can ensure that no child is left behind because of where they live or how much money they have.
The “Algorithmic Dawn” is not just about code and data. It is about giving every child the best possible start in life. It is the main principle on which Hippocrates, the Father of Medicine, all those centuries ago, based all his postulations on how physicians should work.
The “Red Flag” Checklist: 18 to 24 Months
The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends screening all children at 18 and 24 months. If you notice several of these signs, it is time to use an AI screening app or consult your paediatrician.
Communication and Social Cues
= The Name Test: Does your child consistently fail to turn around or look at you when you call his or her name?
= The Pointing Test: By 18 months, most toddlers point at things they want (like a biscuit) or things they find interesting (like a dog). Is your child using your hand as a “tool” to get things instead of pointing?
= The Eye Contact Test: Does your child avoid looking at your face during social interactions or during play or when being fed?
= The Shared Smile: Does your child rarely smile back when you smile at him or her?
Behaviour and Play
= The Toy Test: Does your child play with toys in “unusual” ways? (e.g., instead of rolling a car, they spend 20 minutes just spinning one wheel or lining them up in a perfect, rigid line).
= The Routine Rule: Do they have an extreme “meltdown” over tiny changes, like taking a different route to the park or using a different coloured cup?
= Repetitive Motions: Do you notice frequent hand-flapping, rocking, or spinning in circles, especially when they are excited or upset?
The “Golden Rule” of Regression
Finally, an extremely important rule for concerned parents to follow.
If your little one had words (like “Mama” or “Dada” or “Amma” or “Thaththa” or Thaii/Amma or Appa) or social skills (like waving “Bye-Bye”) and a beautiful social smile etc, and then SUDDENLY STOPS USING THEM, that could be a most significant red flag. In such situations, the standard advice would be: Please consult a doctor immediately.
by Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics),
MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK),
FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Features
Governance, growth and our regional moment:Why Sri Lanka must choose wisely
The recent disclosure of a substantial internal fraud at National Development Bank has understandably unsettled the financial community. What began as a relatively contained incident has since been revised upwards, revealing a scheme that operated over an extended period within a specific operational area. To their credit, both the bank and the Central Bank of Sri Lanka responded with speed. Staff were suspended, arrests followed, an independent forensic review was commissioned, and clear assurances were given that customer funds remained secure. The institution’s capital and liquidity positions continue to meet regulatory requirements, and day to day operations have not been disrupted.
Yet it would be a mistake to view this as an isolated operational error at a single respected institution. When a fraud of this magnitude, equivalent to more than a year’s profit for the bank, emerges within one of our most established listed companies, the implications extend well beyond the banking sector. It prompts a necessary and uncomfortable question. Are we truly strengthening the foundations of our economy so that every part of our society can operate with the integrity and confidence that sustainable progress demands?
Banking sits at the heart of any modern economy. It channels savings into investment, supports enterprise, and underpins household security. When even a leading institution reveals weaknesses in internal controls, risk oversight or governance culture, the signal to international observers is difficult to ignore. It suggests that the financial system upon which growth depends may not yet possess the resilience we aspire to project. If institutions that have undergone significant reform since 2022 can still experience such failures, what assurance can investors reasonably expect in other sectors of our economy? At a time when Sri Lanka needs to demonstrate strength and reliability, perceptions of fragility carry a heavy cost.
This matters profoundly because a genuine window of opportunity is now opening. Geopolitical shifts in the Middle East and beyond are prompting global investors and entrepreneurs to seek stable, well governed destinations for capital and talent. Sri Lanka possesses distinct advantages. Our geographical position offers natural connectivity. We have invested in critical infrastructure, including two major ports, international airports and strategic energy reserves. In an era where businesses prioritise rule of law, institutional predictability and sound fundamentals, our potential alignment with these criteria is significant. However, high profile governance failures at this precise moment risk undermining that narrative before it can gain meaningful traction.
The stakes are equally significant for initiatives such as the Port City Colombo. With substantial projects now approved, foreign investment commitments secured and early construction underway, this endeavour is moving from concept to delivery. Yet persistent concerns about governance standards in our established companies can act as a drag on investor sentiment. The confidence required to attract high value international tenants and long- term capital depends not only on physical infrastructure but on the perceived strength of our institutions and the consistency of our regulatory environment.
For decades, Sri Lanka has experienced growth averaging around four to five per cent per year. While this is not insignificant, it falls short of our potential, particularly when measured against the progress of our regional neighbours. India, for example, has sustained growth at roughly twice our rate for more than twenty years, driven by consistent policy execution and strengthening institutional credibility. Our own trajectory has been held back not by a lack of ideas or ambition, but by recurring shortcomings in how our major institutions are governed and held to account. The result is a cycle of unrealised potential, where promising openings are not fully converted into lasting advancement.
The current situation, though challenging, can serve as a catalyst for meaningful change. Boards of listed companies must move beyond procedural compliance to foster a genuine culture of ethical leadership, proactive risk management and zero tolerance for control failures. Regulators have an opportunity to undertake a comprehensive review of fraud prevention frameworks, whistle-blower protections and monitoring standards across the financial sector, with lessons applied to other key industries. Greater transparency in reporting material incidents and more timely forensic follow through will help rebuild trust with both domestic and international stakeholders.
Crucially, the government must tread carefully as it responds. Short term fixes or reactive measures may address immediate concerns but will not deliver the enduring stability that investors seek. What is required is a coherent long-term strategy that balances the imperative for rapid economic development with the equally vital need to conserve our natural environment and strengthen regional cooperation. Our neighbours in South Asia and Southeast Asia offer not only markets for trade and investment but also partners in shared challenges such as climate resilience, sustainable infrastructure and digital connectivity. By deepening these relationships through practical collaboration, Sri Lanka can position itself as a reliable and forward-looking partner in a dynamic region.
Sri Lanka stands at a pivotal moment. Global realignments are creating rare opportunities for capital inflows, technology transfer and new economic partnerships. Yet these opportunities will flow most readily to nations that demonstrate they can protect investor interests, uphold the rule of law and operate with predictability and transparency. If we allow governance weaknesses in our flagship institutions to persist, we risk once again watching potential pass us by.
This is a defining moment, and our response must be equally purposeful. We can treat the recent events as an unfortunate but isolated incident and return to established patterns. Or we can seize this moment as a timely reminder to strengthen every pillar of our economy, with particular attention to environmental stewardship and regional collaboration. Only by getting our house in order, with patience, consistency and a clear-eyed commitment to long term goals, can we convert today’s challenges into tomorrow’s competitive advantage. The path to sustained prosperity demands nothing less.
by Professor Chanaka Jayawardhena
Professor of Marketing
University of Surrey
Chanaka.j@gmail.com
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