Seeing through the myth:
An analysis By Dr. R.R. de Silva
Man’s greatest feat has been his constant pursuit of knowledge. Unlike other sentient beings in the animal kingdom who do, to some extent, display momentary interest such as when ‘having to gain entry to a container of food’, man has constantly delved on matters of philosophical interest such as where we hail from and where we are headed. The entire story of humanity then oscillates between not knowing and not knowing.
Within these two anthropological milestones, a few men have discovered a formula for achieving great comforts at the expense of other men. Whether these men come from the East or West, whether they are white, oriental or black (although most often white), they have but one objective – global domination, holding no less than the rest of the population in bondage.
The average citizen has been made too busy to see through the myth. Prof. Herbert Macusse in his essay, titled “An essay on liberation,” explains in the very first few pages, how the masses are being provided the necessary training to become obedient workers. These obedient voluntary slaves then become the fodder that fuels the major corporations. Living a life tuned into a rhythm of never-ending obligations, the average citizen is programmed through conditioning to feel the need to seek employment, earn a fair living, pay taxes and keep their heads down while looking after family and friends. This, the citizen is expected to continue until death with no regard to “the virtues of selfishness” that Ayn Rand had so beautifully and succinctly articulated in a book by the same name. The Media first sets the standards that alters your needs into wants. Then using the smallest social unit – “the couple” – the corporation drills into the psyche of man, the need to follow the prescriptive path laid out into modern financial slavery. Unbeknown to many, the trap is set as early on as conception as antenatal care costs commence and continue until, as in some countries, such as Japan, where the parents’ debt is handed down to successive generations.
Have you ever stopped to ask yourselves the questions – Why does school last 12 years, and not nine years or 15 years? Why are the subjects we study the subjects we study? Who chose and defined the syllabus? Why are we forced to attend a registered school? Why are we punished for truancy? Why are we put into tribal uniforms – when uniforms divide and are the instruments of mass identity culling. There is rarely room for individuality among uniformed individuals.
Meanwhile, we experienced to a great extent disruption of life and lifestyle through the grace of the Coronavirus (SARS-CoV -2). Suddenly there was no rush and the most important people around the world spent time at home, washing their hands and hiding behind masks. One cannot but stop to wonder what rush our lives had been until then. People began to experience solitude. Many, could not handle the loneliness, the isolation. Many could not live with the people they had vowed to spend their lives with – till the day death parts them. But others picked up very fast and engaged in gardening, reading, watching movies and if one had sufficient stocks even a booze.
Home cooking became option-less and many despite the shortage of material did experiment. Life and nature, at least for a short while, had a break. But alas, the race is back on with possible truths labelled as conspiracies, governments across the globe acting in concert with numbers that do not appear to reflect the true position.
The Coronavirus has rendered borders closed and time immemorial advice to stay together has made a 180 degree turn with government public health advice now to socially distance ourselves from our normal gregarious selves. The last such epidemic, which may have required face masks and social distancing, took place in 1918 at the tail end of World War 1 – the so called ‘Spanish Flu’. Every war as we know has had a purpose.
In the case of the Covid-19 virus, face masks have rendered us asexual and identity-less minimising any form of human interaction, including sexual attraction. In fact, Public Health guidance forbids social contact through enforced social distancing, in some countries even sex is forbidden. How will this affect our population, especially the young and impressionable? Is this a depopulation attempt? The question should cross your mind! Meanwhile, the situation is pushing people towards a cashless society, digitalising the undigitalised, as more and more people are captured by global digital surveillance systems. Pandemic commotion allowing for uncontrolled data harvesting of vulnerable populations by opportunistic governments colluding with corporates. For instance governments have only hitherto dreamt of citizens volunteering their every whereabout.
The purpose of war has always been commerce. Imperial colonisation was the beginning of the exponential ascent of money and wealth for Europeans, in particular, the British, funded by their Monarchy of German descent. To understand this let us take a look at an article from no less than the BBC – the British Broadcasting Corporation, a media group funded by Her Majesty’s UK Government. Lets review World War 1 because that is what children are most likely to be taught first in world history. I say that the purpose of this war was profiteering as this article by the BBC also suggests. After all the British who are now recognized as the frontline saviours of the world in that war actually have German heritage. This is why the Royal family changed its name to Windsor from Saxe-Coburg-Gotha in 1917.
As the bodies piled up in a war known to have been fought in the trenches, technological advancement saw the development of tanks and aeroplanes develop rapidly to be tested on the field while money was being made. However, not enough people were suspicious of this. Why ? The reason is education – the brainwashing that schools undertake on behalf of their corporate masters whose proxies in legislative bodies around the world prescribe for the average citizenry. To understand this let us dig deeper. According to Elizabeth Bruton of Leeds University, what a lot of people did not see was how the war drove technologies that we are using today like the development of communication technology. The Marconi Company, whose founder was Guglielmo Marconi, led the way with transatlantic broadcasts. They developed voice over wireless. Subsequently Mark Harrison, an economics professor at Warwick University, describes the war as a driver for production. According to this professor, the allied forces/ nations out-produced the Germans. On the other hand businesses, such as shoe-makers and shoe polish producers, had done immensely well according to Terry Chairman the historian at the imperial war museum.
Though seen as the ‘war to end all wars (referring to World War 1)’ The BBC article cites Smedley Butler then a US marine corps Major General who had written in 1935 that “war was far too profitable to be impossible again” points to the profits of steel and weapons manufacturers. Munitions maker du Pont had had the value of its stock rise 374% from 1915 to 1918 and had consequently distributed dividends worth 458% of the value of each share. Shipping companies also paid dividends of 44.7% in 1915 and 47.5% in 1916.
Meanwhile, in the public space media promoted the idea of righteousness and noted that outright profiteering that hurt people would be punished heavily. As a result one article in the Western Daily Press reported in November 1917 that Henry Thompson, a Lincolnshire farmer, was fined £1,800 (about £90,000 in today’s money) for selling potatoes above the maximum allowed price. Does this ring a bell? We certainly do not live too far from that.
Finally, the sweeping meant disconnecting from the other side. For example, “Having a German-sounding name like Schweppes was bad for business and lots of firms made a declaration that they were British through and through. “Lyons Tea sued Liptons for suggesting its board were German. Bovril had it in its adverts that it was all-British and always was British,” he says, while hotels and restaurants stated that they had fired their German and Austrian waiters.
And this then is but a part of World War 1’s commercial interests. Did anything in the above paragraphs sound familiar? Well if it didn’t, read on.
According to a research article on the website of the National Bureau on Economic Research, one researcher points out that when World War I began the US economy was in recession. But a 44-month economic boom ensued from 1914 to 1918, first as Europeans began purchasing US goods for the war and later as the United States itself joined the battle. “The long period of U.S. neutrality made the ultimate conversion of the economy to a wartime basis easier than it otherwise would have been,” The researcher adds that “Real plant and equipment were added, and because they were added in response to demands from other countries already at war, they were added precisely in those sectors where they would be needed once the U.S. entered the war.” Moreover, Entry into the war in 1917 unleashed massive U.S. federal spending which shifted national production from civilian to war goods. Between 1914 and 1918, some three million people were added to the military and half a million to the government. Overall, unemployment declined from 7.9 percent to 1.4 percent in this period, in part because workers were drawn into new manufacturing jobs and because the military draft removed many young men from the civilian labour force.”
Today, a few friends who have had difficulty with their payments on leases for their vehicles have shared with me the institutions from which these leases had been sought had not honoured the so called ‘Moratoriums’ that news telecasts across channels in Sri Lanka have spoken so highly of. Yet in another case several individuals are now having to pay even more so than they had had to. Building owners continued to earn albeit in some cases at discounted rates the rent due for the curfew days of March to June, and now for October and possibly November.
But essentially, people dug into their savings, as their fixed deposit interest diminished and interest rate drops have not been passed on to people’s debt as credit card payments, loan repayments as well as leases pile up with no recognition of the situation.
“Minimisation of life’s volatilities is the secret of long term survival”—Dr. R.R. de Silva 2010
The writer is a doctor of medicine & invites feedback via email to firstname.lastname@example.org
Solidarity and Aragalaya: A few thoughts from an educationist’s perspective
by Harshana Rambukwella
Very little in Sri Lanka at the moment inspires hope. We are facing an existential crisis that was inconceivable just six months ago. Sri Lanka is also, ironically, just a year away from marking the 75th year of its independence. As we reflect on these seven decades of postcolonial nation building, and as we confront a future of extreme precarity, our scorecard as a country is not a proud one. Much blood has been spilt in the name of postcolonial nation building and the ethno-nationalist conflict that shaped almost three decades of that history and two youth rebellions against the state speak to a history of division and enmity. While our current predicament cannot be entirely attributed to this conflictual history alone, it surely played more than a small role in shaping our present misery. It is within this context that I want to offer this brief set of reflections on what I feel is an unprecedented form of solidarity that has emerged in Sri Lanka as the aragalaya took shape. While I do not want to romanticize this solidarity because it is a highly contingent phenomenon and is shaped by the extreme nature of the current political and economic conditions, it offers us as a society, but more specifically as educators, something to reflect on as we try to imagine our role in a society that faces a painful process of rebuilding and recovery (though my hope is that such rebuilding and recovery does not mean the repetition of the tired old neo-liberal script we have followed for decades).
Before I explore what I mean by solidarity within the aragalaya, let me briefly reflect on solidarity as a concept. Solidarity is a term sometimes deployed in geopolitics. Particularly in this time of global turmoil where not just Sri Lanka, but many other countries are experiencing serious economic challenges, we see nations expressing solidarity with or towards other nations. However, such solidarity is almost always shaped by instrumental motives. This is what we might call a form of ‘vertical’ solidarity where more powerful and wealthy nations extend a ‘helping hand’ to their more unfortunate counterparts. Therefore, when India says ‘neighbourhood first’ and expresses solidarity with Sri Lanka in this time of trouble one can easily discern this as a hierarchical gesture shaped by instrumental motives. It is in reality, India’s strategic geopolitical interests that largely dominate this narrative of solidarity though one cannot disregard the critical importance of the assistance extended by India and other such ‘powerful’ nations in this time of national distress.
Another form in which solidarity manifests is through what some scholars have termed ‘enchanted’ solidarities. This is literally and metaphorically a distant form of solidarity where intellectuals, activists and others extend solidarity towards a struggle they perceive as deserving their support but without truly understanding the context in which they are intervening. This has often happened with ‘first world’ academics and intellectuals expressing solidarity towards ‘third world’ struggles which they felt were ideologically aligned with their beliefs. One example is how many liberal and leftist intellectuals supported the rise of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, believing it to be an anti-imperial liberation movement, only to become disillusioned with the movement as they began to see the full horror of the repression and violence unleashed by the Khmer regime. I think if we reflect on Sri Lanka’s postcolonial history, we can also find many such moments where enchanted solidarities were expressed towards various movements from people in the ‘metropolitan’ center with little understanding of the nuances of the politics on the ground.
Premised against both vertical and enchanted solidarities, scholars have also proposed what is called ‘disenchanted solidarity’. By this they mean a situation where diverse groups, sometimes with very different political and ideological agendas, come together to fight for a common cause. They are often critically conscious of their differences but face a common precarity that pushes them together to struggle and align in ways that were not possible before. Often such moments are also underwritten by anger, though the sources of anger or the objects towards which the anger is directed could be different. I would like to read the aragalaya through this lens of disenchanted solidarity. Particularly at the height of the Galle Face ‘Gota go gama’ protests – before the brutish May 9th attack symbolically ‘killed’ something of the ‘innocence’ of the struggle – there was a sense in which the different groups represented in that space were expressing solidarity towards a singular goal – getting rid of the Rajapakasas and a political system they saw as deeply corrupt – there was anger and a gathering of disenchanted solidarities. For many middle-class people, the aragalaya was a way in which to express their frustration at the lack of the basic necessities of life – be it gas, electricity and fuel – and how a corrupt political class had robbed them of their future. For those with longer histories of political activism such as the IUSF (the Inter University Students Federation) or youth activists from the Frontline Socialist Party or the JVPs youth wing or the many trade unions that supported the aragalaya, this moment in some ways represented the culmination, and perhaps even a vindication, of their longstanding struggles against a political, social and economic order that they consider fundamentally unfair and exploitative. Of course, within this larger narrative, there were and continue to be pragmatic political calculations, particularly from groups affiliated with political parties. At the same time, we also witnessed ethnic and religious minorities, often historically marginalized in Sri Lanka’s social and political mainstream finding a rare space to express their anger at the ways in which they have been discriminated against. However, the argalaya gave them a rare space to do so by channeling their anger as a form of solidarity towards the common goal of getting rid of the Rajapaksa dynasty and the corrupt political system as a whole.
But at the same time, we also saw the tenuous nature of these disenchanted solidarities in the aftermath of the 9th May attack on ‘Gota go gama’. Initially we saw another spectacular display of organic and spontaneous solidarity when health workers and office workers abandoned their workstations and rushed to ‘Gota go gama’ when news of the attack broke. But by the evening of that day the story had turned more insidious with a wave of attacks against the properties of politicians and others thought to have been involved in the attack against the peaceful aragayala participants. While we may understand and even empathize with this backlash, its violent nature and what appeared to be other instrumental motives driving it, such as the looting and revenge attacks, made it difficult to associate it with the moral principles that had animated the aragalaya thus far.
Thereafter, at the current moment I am writing, the aragalaya also appears to have lost some of its vital energy as the political configuration has shifted and the tragi-comedy of Sri Lanka’s realpolitik with its underhand deals and political mechanizations seems to have regained the upper hand.
However, what does this mean? Does it mean post May 9th the aragalaya has lost its meaning and purpose or can we push our analysis a little deeper. At this point I would like to introduce one final way in which scholars have discussed solidarity which I feel is appropriate to understand the aragalaya and the spirit that underwrote it and continues to underwrite it. This is what some scholars have called ‘deep solidarity’ – a situation where in today’s neo-liberal context where the vast majority of the population come to a realization of their common social and economic predicament and realize their common enemy is the symbolic ‘one percent’ or an insidious nexus between crony capital and political power that disempowers them. This is of course an idealistic conception but one which I feel holds true at least partially to this moment in Sri Lanka. People from widely varying social and economic strata, from different religious persuasions and people with wildly different ideological and political beliefs have been suddenly pushed together. They are all standing in the never-ending petrol and diesel queues, they are desperately hunting for the next cylinder of gas and increasingly many of them are going hungry. The privileges and the divisions that once defined them, no longer seem to be so ‘real’ and the one stark reality confronting them is a form of existential annihilation. I believe within the aragalaya we can glimpse traces of this deep solidarity and as an educationist I think it is our vital task to think of creative ways in which we might sustain this solidarity, grow it and nurture it, so that we can at least ‘imagine’ a better future. These are idealistic sentiments, but at least for me, such hope, is a political and pedagogical necessity of the current moment.
Harshana Rambukwella is attached to the Postgraduate Institute of English at the Open University of Sri Lanka
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies
No solutions to nation’s problems from draft constitutional amendment
by jehan perera
The three-wheel taxi driver did not need much encouragement to talk about the hardships in his life, starting with spending two days in the petrol queue to get his quota. He said that he had a practice of giving his three children a small packet of biscuits and a small carton of milk every morning. But now with the cost tripling, he could only buy one packet of biscuits and his three children had to share it. This is because their beloved country is facing one debacle after another for no fault of those kids or the larger nation. The latest is the failure of the government to make headway in accessing either IMF funding or other funding on any significant scale. Several countries have made donations, but these are in the millions whereas Sri Lanka requires billions if it is to come out of its vicious cycle of a dollar shortage.
There was much anticipation that the appointment of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe would bring in the billions that are desperately needed by the country if it is to obtain the fuel, food and medicines to keep the people healthy and the economy moving. But things have not worked out in this manner. The pickings have been slim and sparse. The IMF has given the reasons after the ten day visit by its staff to Sri Lanka. They have specifically referred to “reducing corruption vulnerabilities” in their concluding statement at the end of their visit. The international community in the form of multilateral donors and Western governments have prioritized political stability and a corruption-free administration prior to providing Sri Lanka with the financial assistance it requires.
The pressing need in the country is for the government to show there is political stability and zero tolerance for corruption in dealing with the prevailing crisis. It is not enough for government leaders to give verbal assurances on these matters. There needs to be political arrangements that convince the international community, and the people of Sri Lanka, that the government is committed to this cause. Several foreign governments have said that they will consider larger scale assistance to Sri Lanka, once the IMF agreement is operational. So far the government has not been successful in convincing the international community that its own accountability systems are reliable. This is the main reason why the country is only obtaining millions in aid and not billions.
The draft 22nd Amendment that is now before the parliament (which will become the 21st Amendment should it be passed) would be a good place for the government to show its commitment. The cabinet has approved the draft which has three main sections, impacting upon the establishment of the constitutional council, the powers of the president and dual citizenship. However, the cabinet-approved draft is a far cry from what is proposed by the opposition political parties and civil society groups. It is watered down to the point of being ineffective. Indeed, it appears to be designed to fail as it is unlikely to gain the support of different political parties and factions within those parties whose support is necessary if the 2/3 majority is to be obtained.
In the first place, the draft constitutional amendment does not reduce the president’s power in any significant manner. The amendment is drafted in a way that the reduction of presidential powers will only occur with the next president. The president now in office, who has publicly admitted failure on his part, continues to be empowered to appoint and sack the prime minister and cabinet ministers at his arbitrary discretion. He is also empowered to appoint and dismiss the secretaries to ministries, who are the highest-ranking public service officials. In short, the executive arms of the government are obliged to do the president’s bidding or risk their jobs. This indicates the Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, whose party has only a single seat in parliament, has no independent strength, but is there at the will and pleasure of the president.
In the second instance, the draft amendment was expected to set up a system of checks and balances for accountability and anti-corruption purposes. The pioneering effort in this regard was the 17th Amendment of 2001 that made provisions for a constitutional council and independent commissions. According to it, the members of all state bodies tasked with accountability and anti-corruption functions, such as the Bribery and Corruption Commission, the Human Rights Commission, the Police Commission, the Public Service Commission and the appointees to the higher judiciary were to be appointed through the constitutional council. The 17th Amendment made provision for seven of the ten members of the constitutional council to be from civil society.
Unfortunately, in a manner designed to deal a death blow to the concept of checks and balances, the draft amendment sets up a constitutional council with the proportions in reverse to that of the 17th Amendment. It reveals a mindset in the political leadership that fears de-politicisation of decision making. Seven of the ten members will be appointed by the political parties and the president in a way in which the majority of members will be government appointees. Only three will be from civil society. This ensures a majority representation in the Council for government politicians, and the ensures government dominance over the political members. The composition of the constitutional council proposed in the Bill undermines the independence of the institutions to which appointments are made through the Council who will be unable to stem the wildly growing tide of corruption in the country.
It is no wonder that the furious people in the endless queues for petrol and diesel should believe that there is corruption at play in the continuing shortage of basic commodities. The government promised that ships would come in laden with fuel a week ago. Then, inexplicably, the information was disseminated that no ships were on the horizon. In any other country, except in a country like no other, the concerned leaders would have resigned. Due to the lack of fuel, perishable farm produce rots in rural farmhouses and markets in urban centres are empty and prices are rocketing up. In the meantime, the media has exposed rackets where the privileged, politically powerful and super rich, are given special access to fuel. It is patently clear that the government has failed to deliver on the results that were expected. The situation is getting worse in terms of corrupt practices.
To the credit of the Sri Lankan people, they are being patient. The bonds of social solidarity still prevail. But the anger at the self-seeking and incompetent political leaders is reaching the boiling point, as it did on 09 May. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa pledged to set up an interim government in consultation with party leaders in parliament. However, he did not do so but appointed UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister and thereby ended efforts of other parliamentarians to form a national unity government. The president’s pledge, made in the aftermath of the cataclysmic and unexpected violence that took place that day, was to reduce his presidential powers, transfer those powers to parliament and to appoint an all-party and interim government of no more than 15 ministers. These pledges remain unfulfilled and need to be implemented to be followed by elections as soon as the situation stabilises.
Kehelgamuwa’s football skills and President Premadasa’s political sagacity
By Hema Arachi
T.B. Kehelgamuwa, the cricketer who needs no plaudits from anyone, is well known. He represented then Ceylon and, later, Sri Lanka as a fearsome fast bowler during the pre-Test era. His contemporaries still talk about Kehel with great respect. Once S Skanda Kumar, the well-known cricketer, cricket commentator and former High Commissioner for Sri Lanka to Australia, proudly told me about his playing cricket with Kehelgamuwa. Bandu Samarasinghe, a Sri Lanka film star, on a TV programme vividly demonstrated how he faced Kehelgamuwa in a Sara Trophy game. That was the top-level tournament in the country.
This note is to share my watching Kehelgamuwa playing soccer when he was not so young. Then, though his grey hair was visible, he ran fast and played hard like a teenager. This was during President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s tenure. Returning from The Netherlands, after my postgraduate studies, I lived in Pelawatta, near the Sri Lanka Parliament and my workplace – International Irrigation Management Institute headquarters. I used to enjoy walking on Parliament grounds. That day was unique because the game between the President’s soccer team, comprising parliamentarians, and the Sri Lanka Police team, was played there.
President Premadasa was well known for his political sagacity, especially in manipulating any situation in his favour. For instance, the day Anura Bandaranayake became the Opposition Leader, Premadasa, praised Anura stating, “Anura is the best Opposition Leader we have.” He further requested that Anura join the ruling party and become a minister and also marry a girl from a prominent ruling party family. But within weeks, he was critical of Anura. One day an Opposition member asked him, “You said Anura was our best Opposition leader a few weeks ago but now criticise.” His reply was this: “Yes, I said so because Anura is the best Opposition leader for us, the ruling party, not for the Opposition. For the Opposition, the best leader is Sarath Muththetuwegama!”
A few weeks before the scheduled encounter between the Parliamentarians and the Police football team, there was a game between the Parliamentarians and the Colombo Municipality team. Premadasa captained the Parliamentarians and kicked the winning goal. I remember a cartoon in a newspaper where the Municipality team goalkeeper withdrew so that Premadasa could score the goal at his will.
During the game against the Police, Premadasa did not play but visibly played the role of the coach of the Parliamentarian team. Unlike the Municipality players, the Police played the game seriously. Kehelgamuwa represented the Police team that scored five goals by halftime, and the Parliamentarian team was nil. At halftime, Premadasa replaced the Parliamentarian goalkeeper with Jayawickerama Perera. Yet, the Police team recorded a sound victory.
I thought Premadasa was upset due to this defeat for his team. But no. Premadasa claimed victory: “I am happy that my team won the game by beating the Parliamentarians today! Being the Executive President, I do not belong to the Parliament. However, as the Commander-in-Chief, the Police come under my purview, so my team won today!”
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