Features
Prostituting public service
By Sonali Wijeratne
Once in a while, albeit at least a state minister tells the explicit truth. Dr. Nalaka Godahewa quoted in The Island of 06 August said: “There are over 1.4 million public sector workers. There are a large number of pensioners. Annually, we need about Rs 1.2 trillion to pay salaries and pensions. In 2020, our annual income was Rs 1.4 trillion. We are left with Rs 200 billion to provide health services, education, transport et al.” It is a fact that the annual public service wage and pension bill has surpassed the trillion-rupee mark for the first time in history with the budgetary outlay for both public sector salaries and pensions showing a significant rise from 2019 to date.
It is ironic that these extraordinary revelations are made in the context of the current government continuing to burden an already overstaffed top heavy public service of over one million with yet more massive injections of 150,000 public servants! This programme to offer jobs to 50,000 unemployed graduates and another 100,000 so called ‘poor’ applicants with educational qualifications below the GCE Ordinary Level was first mooted as a pre-election promise in 2019. However, the Chairman of the Elections Commission directed its postponement due to the declaration of the general election in 2019. The expectation of employment opportunities would no doubt have supported the poll in favour of the incumbent government which has now commenced the said programme without work study, or needs assessment, but presumably purely on the basis of amassing support for future victory at the elections! But where will such short term manoeuvrings, by politicians to keep themselves in power at the expense of the country’s steadily depleting resources, lead us the citizens of Sri Lanka?
The recruitment of unemployed graduates and others into the public service outside the required cadre cannot be healthy or useful when most of them find themselves in an overstaffed environment with little substantive work to do. The relative lack of challenging work occupations and inadequate training to go around leads to a gross misallocation of resources with a superfluous workforce engaged in repetitive replication of tasks. Sooner or later this huge multitude of public servants will find itself with no real opportunity, ideal or goal to make a worthwhile contribution. Their only recourse then is to latch on to the privileges of the public service such as security of employment, shorter work hours and extensive leave entitlement, pension and less work.
Many castigate the bloated public sector in Sri Lanka as generally lethargic, corrupt and parasitic. What else could one expect when politicians of every hue continuously use what was once an elite meritocracy as a job bank to get more votes for themselves to win in the short run to the next elections! Even the most enthusiastic, qualified youth selected to the public sector is bound to encounter demoralisation, and dissipation of his or her talents when faced with such self-defeating and destructive manner of recruitment often imbued with politicisation and nepotism to boot. We no longer have Permanent Secretaries heading Ministries which was the hallmark of the previous era of the Ceylon Civil Service. Even the Constitution was changed in the 1970s to facilitate all Secretaries of Ministries to be hand-picked for appointment and changed at will by the political authorities irrespective of their ability, seniority or official experience and qualifications! Therefore, in order to safeguard their prized privileges, position and perks of office, most Secretaries of Ministries are apt to take the easy way out by appeasing political authority and not taking a stand against irregularities.
Moreover, it is no surprise that in recent times, the government seems quick to placate a group of vociferous public servants in the education sector who take to the streets, howling vengeance on the State if their so-called demands for wage increase are not met without ascertaining whether there is a genuine justification or need for such a pay hike! It is a fact that these teachers wilfully neglect their helpless students in a crisis situation, virtually holding the people and government of this country to ransom and taking undue advantage of the pandemic situation by denying online education to innocent schoolchildren already bereft of a normal education. At the same time, they have become super spreaders of COVID-19 in public demonstrations disregarding all norms of curtailing the pandemic which is at its highest. All the while, it is a fact that after bringing formal online education to a standstill, they are engaging in the lucrative practice of private tuition online and earning a mint owing to increased demand for such services.
Since placating the teachers at any cost seems to be the intention of our politicians, even the simple fact whether there is any truth to the so called allegations of anomalous salary in the education sector is not the focus of the government or that giving an undue salary hike to teachers will upset the delicate equilibrium of the salary structure across the entire public sector and result in further anomalies and require an all-round increase of salaries to the entire public sector.
The previous so-called Yahapalana regime too had in turn feted the entire public service with more than 100 percent pension and salary increase between 2016 and 2020. It is now the turn of the present government, already saddled with a huge economic crisis replete with debt burden, intractable budget deficit and balance of payments woes, to promise another round of public sector salary increases with the next budget in November this year. Anything and everything to survive in power on the horns of the populist vote.
Such cynical callous disregard for economic imperatives seems designed to win the confidence of the masses in the short term in time for the next general and presidential elections. No matter that it may lead to galloping inflation when you feed the public service with paper money due to a myriad of problems facing one of Sri Lanka’s worst economic crises. The nature of government related services in public sector salary and pension expansions leading to rising recurrent expenditures is bound to increase aggregate demand without a commensurate increase in manufacture/supply. This will in turn result in an inflationary spiral owing to an increase in prices eroding the purchasing value of increased salaries and pensions. Once the aggrieved workers and unions start demonstrating for higher pay hikes on the streets, the government will no doubt start printing money amidst other short-term un-economic manoeuvres and accede to their various demands for yet another salary rise. The one million public sector is an all-important voter base for any prospective government. So, to hell with rational responsible governance and sound economic management for sustainable development since the deciding factor for politicians appears to be to stay in power at all costs.
The negative effects arising from unbridled increases in excessive public sector employment expenditure have not been met by reducing recurrent government expenditure by way of rationalizing or downsizing the swollen public sector employment or increasing revenue. Instead, we have nonsense solutions such as non-sustainable recourse to additional borrowings, reliance on futuristic outputs from capital expenditure on a profusion of urban beautification projects, construction of gymnasiums and non-tradable flyovers and the acceptance of unsolicited tenders sans competitive bidding processes.
The case for public service reform to tame the monster of a hugely rotund and moribund public service devouring the nation’s resources sans a worthy contribution has been ably argued by veteran Public Servant, Deshamanya K. H. J. Wijayadasa, former Secretary to the President of Sri Lanka as well as a host of management gurus in the media, journals and other forums. First on the list is the need for de-politicisation, downsising, closure of non-profit making state owned enterprises, ridding the State of over-institutionalisation, duplication of tasks, that has resulted in the lack of coherence and fragmentation, the sheer scale of lack of professional integrity, discipline, accountability and resultant corruption and nepotism.
But it is questionable whether such rationalization is of any value to the politicians in government or those awaiting to form government, whose appeasement, at any cost, of the valuable voter base of over one million public servants is vital to their victory at periodic elections.
Irrespective of political differences, in general one of the first requirements of a politician in charge of a ministry is to find out how much recruitment, whether necessary or not, could be made. Often, the politician in charge of a ministry will single out compliant officers who will do his bidding, even those instructions that flout regulations and go against the best interests of the country. He will then call these officers and give instructions directly ignoring the Head of Department under whom they serve. There are instances where even officers, against whom there are well evidenced serious disciplinary matters pending, will be treated with kid gloves by their political masters and senior officers as Secretaries of Ministries and allowed to continue in privileged status without any inquiry.
The sad truth is that in a land of Lotus Eaters, there are significant numbers of ordinary people, as well as the businessmen and academia, who will lick the feet of politicians to get whatever benefits, privileges, opportunities for themselves and their kith and kin. The so-called Advisors, Consultants, and the hierarchy of senior officialdom surrounding the political authority will rarely utter a word against the dictates of their political masters even in matters of professional subject matter since they wish to hold on to their comfortable posts and enjoy the perks and privileges of office. Despite the fact that the state has given them free education and training both locally and abroad, these so-called professionals are seen flocking like veritable servant boys in their droves, round political authorities often aiding and abetting in deal-making and commissions or leading them down the garden path of policy blunders and national catastrophes. This is apparent, where some have diverted from their own field of qualifications and training and become pseudo authorities on every other conceivable subject!
Some recent examples bear the truth to this parlous state of affairs. For instance, the drastic decision to stop import of chemical fertilisers and replace it overnight with organic fertilizer when the country does not have immediate capacity and supply to service the same. The purported reason of chemical fertilizer being a causative agent for Chronic Kidney Disease and Cancer remains unproven in the international scientific community. Nor have our local pundits adduced scientific evidence in proof of the supposed correlation between ingestion of chemical fertiliser through food leading to carcinoma. The decision has been supported by some sections of the medical fraternity, not the agricultural scientists and growers! Now the farmers are up in arms predicting a poor harvest with food security gone to the whims of unprofessional decision making and implementation.
When import duty for sugar was slashed last year, the benefit was passed neither to the consumer nor the government, which lost revenue to the tune of Rs 15.9 billion. But insider information on the proposed reduction of commodity levy duty from Rs 50 per kilogram to 0.25 cents per kilogram enabled one specially favoured M/s. Pyramid Wilmar Pvt. Ltd. to sell more than 2000 metric tons of sugar, imported under the Rs. 0.25 levy to state-owned Sathosa for an exorbitant price above Rs. 125, per kilogram. The State owned Sathosa then sold the sugar to the consumers at a reduced rate of approximately Rs. 85 per kilo. Therefore, Sathosa purchased sugar at a higher price and sold it at a lower price. It is apparent that this is either due to negligence or official blundering for the purpose of defrauding the state for enrichment of certain vested interests. It was pitiful to see the mandarins of the Finance Ministry making feeble apologies over the media for such blatant debacles.
The heat seems to have died down on Sri Lanka’s most destructive environmental disaster of the X–Press Pearl and the previous New Diamond ships affecting marine life, livelihood of fisher folk, and most importantly the coastal and oceanic environment of a small island state. Questions remain as to why the Sri Lanka Ports Authority allowed an already compromised leaking ship to enter the port of Colombo with tons of toxic substances. Investigations have revealed deleted email communications, and a general delay, inaction, malaise, on the part of a number of state regulatory organisations responsible for this sector. The removal of the politically appointed Chairman of the Sri Lanka Ports Authority does not seem to absolve the responsibility for this great national disaster which also rests on several marine environment, merchant shipping regulatory organisations in the public sector as well as its political leadership.
As for the performance of the public health sector, we are in the fourth wave of the pandemic reporting approximately 200 official deaths per day, many hundreds under wraps or undocumented, a dire warning from World Health Organization of a holocaust of deaths to come! The ‘Bubble Tourism’ and great economic resurgence expected to be ushered in by the new normal of carrying on ‘business as usual’ with all public servants requested to report to work on a daily basis now seems to have evaporated into nothingness! Thanks to the mayhem policy prescriptions of blowing hot and cold on regulating movement, the peniya (decoction) which received a temporary approval without adequate plan on bona fide data of COVID-19 spread, the relative absence of consistent implementation of restricting large crowd gatherings, inter district travel and Sinhala and Tamil New Year travel. Except for the still small voice of truth of the Sri Lanka Medical Council and a few upright academics, the pitch seems to be full of the blame game, some professionals casting cheap accusations of sabotage against other professionals for lack of data when all the while the truth is plain to see. Over 75 percent of approximately 8,000 deaths recorded due to COVID-19 are those above the age of 60 years with comorbidities such as high blood pressure, diabetes and kidney dysfunction. Why was this group not given priority in vaccination since the beginning of this year? Who is responsible for such manslaughter and criminal negligence? When the Sri Lanka Medical Council recommended a lockdown during the April New Year period, and subsequently, why was such informed recommendation rejected by the Government? When the admirable performance of the former Health Ministry Secretary, Dr. Anil Jasinghe showed a controlled management of the COVID-19 last year, why was a ‘push-up-and-kick-out’ strategy followed when he was moved as Secretary to an entirely different sector foreign to his medical training and experience as Environment?
The sad truth seems to be that behind every public servant stands the shadow and spectre of the politician. His is the desire for continued electoral victory, by hook or by crook, power and desire for personal wealth creation during term of office. The 1972 Constitution has ensured that the public service is at his disposal and command to achieve such objectives.
There are exceptions no doubt, but the brave and the honourable few who take a principled stand and try to work for the good of the country are invariably sidelined, undermined and ignored. These are the faceless public servants, quiet heroes and heroines who still serve and give their best, striving to make a difference for the better: They are those who trust in God and do their best for their fellow citizens despite all odds and being wearied and harried in the extreme! It is they who experience the ultimate bliss of certainty and quiet joy of knowing that come what may, their exertions have not been in vain and even in extremely limited and circumscribed circumstances and terrain, they have been able to deliver for the common good.
(The writer is a retired Public Servant with 34 years service as an executive in varying capacities in Colombo State Sector and Diplomatic Service.)
The global trading system, once a beacon of predictability and cooperation, is in tatters. For decades, the World Trade Organisation (WTO) upheld a rules-based order grounded in principles like the Most Favoured Nation (MFN) clause, ensuring equitable treatment among trading partners. This framework fostered an era of unprecedented economic integration, lifting nations—large and small—through the tide of globalisation. Yet, that era is fading fast. The United States, long a champion of this system when it suited its interests, has detonated its foundations with escalating tariffs and unilateral protectionism. These measures, often targeting economic rivals like China, flout the WTO’s core tenets, replacing multilateral consensus with a power-driven free-for-all. The US’s selective tariffs—disregarding MFN principles—signal a retreat from cooperative trade norms, fragmenting the global economy into blocs shaped by political expediency rather than economic logic. For smaller nations like Sri Lanka, this shift is both a peril and a puzzle: the rules we relied upon are gone, and the future is being forged around us, whether we act or not.
This upheaval is not merely a bilateral spat between superpowers; it’s a seismic reconfiguration of global trade. The US, despite trumpeting its goods trade deficits, quietly maintains a surplus in services—a complexity drowned out by the rhetoric of protectionism. Its push to resurrect domestic manufacturing, especially in critical industries like semiconductors and steel, hints at a broader strategy to insulate itself from foreign competition. Historical parallels loom large: the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930, which raised US duties on hundreds of imports, deepened the Great Depression by choking global trade. Today’s interconnected supply chains amplify that risk, where a single tariff can ripple across continents, slashing demand and destabilising markets. The likelihood of a full-blown trade war grows, with tit-for-tat retaliations threatening to redraw economic alliances. Growth forecasts for 2025 are already tilting downwards, and for Sri Lanka—just emerging from the bruising IMF-prescribed reforms—this instability could snuff out nascent recovery. Yet, amidst this chaos, the future is taking shape. Regional blocs are coalescing, new trade routes are emerging, and nimble nations are seizing opportunities. Sri Lanka cannot afford to stand still as the world moves forward.
Opportunities and Strategies for Sri Lanka:
Exploiting Trade Diversions and Gaps
The fracturing of traditional trade flows offers Sri Lanka a chance to step into the breach. As US buyers grapple with higher costs from tariff-hit countries like China, Sri Lanka could position itself as a viable substitute. Our apparel sector, already a global player, could capture market share lost by pricier competitors, while rubber products and electronics components—where we have latent capacity—could find new buyers. Beyond substitution, we could embed ourselves as a cost-effective link in supply chains shifting away from China, offering stability to multinationals wary of volatility. The actionable path is clear: identify tariff-affected goods where Sri Lanka holds competitive edges, then aggressively market these through international trade fairs, digital B2B platforms, and targeted outreach to US importers. This requires swift coordination between the Export Development Board and the private sector to seize the moment.
Strengthening Bilateral Trade Negotiations
While the WTO weakens, bilateral deals gain prominence. Sri Lanka must negotiate preferential trade agreements or tariff concessions with the US, focusing on key exports like tea, garments, and spices. Our status as a developing nation, potentially via the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP), offers leverage—though its reinstatement has been erratic since its lapse in 2020. Diplomatic and economic lobbying in Washington, backed by a clear case of mutual benefit, could restore or expand this access. Beyond the US, forging similar pacts with other major markets—such as the UK post-Brexit or Japan—would bolster our position. This demands a dedicated trade negotiation team, armed with data and a compelling narrative of Sri Lanka as a reliable partner in a turbulent world.
Diversifying Export Markets
Over-reliance on any single market, particularly the US, is a liability in this volatile landscape. Sri Lanka must pivot towards emerging economies and regional players—India, ASEAN, the Middle East, and Africa—where tariff structures are less prone to sudden shocks. India’s growing consumer base, for instance, could absorb more of our tea and apparel, while the Gulf’s demand for construction materials aligns with our rubber and coir strengths. Supporting small and medium enterprises (SMEs) to tap these markets is vital, through trade facilitation hubs, subsidised market research, and digital tools like e-commerce platforms. The Ceylon Chamber of Commerce could lead here, bridging SMEs with opportunities abroad.
Investing in Value Addition and Branding
Exporting raw materials confines us to low-profit cycles. Shifting to high-value, branded goods—think premium Ceylon teas with traceable origins, eco-friendly packaging, or artisanal spices—could transform our economic profile. Take tea: instead of bulk exports, we could market single-estate blends to affluent consumers in Europe or North America, commanding triple the price. Government support is key—tax incentives for innovation, grants for sustainable packaging, and training for entrepreneurs to build global brands. The success of Dilmah, a homegrown name, proves this model works; scaling it across sectors could redefine Sri Lanka’s export identity.
Attracting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)
As multinationals flee US-China trade tensions, Sri Lanka can pitch itself as a neutral, cost-effective production hub. Our strategic location, skilled workforce, and existing Export Processing Zones (EPZs) are assets—if we market them right. Streamlining FDI approvals, cutting red tape, and offering tax holidays could lure firms in textiles, electronics, or even renewable energy components. Look at Vietnam, which has soaked up billions in FDI by positioning itself as a China alternative; Sri Lanka could emulate this with a fraction of the scale but equal ambition. The Board of Investment must prioritise this, showcasing our stability amid global upheaval.
Cushioning Vulnerable Sectors and Building Resilience
Not all sectors will thrive in this shift. Those hit by reduced global demand—say, gemstone exporters reliant on Western jewellers—need a lifeline: subsidies, credit guarantees, or export insurance to weather the storm. More broadly, Sri Lanka’s lack of a coherent industrial policy is a glaring weakness. Selling off state development banks like DFCC and NDB was a strategic blunder; we need a new institution tied to a long-term industrial vision, fostering manufacturing and innovation. Education, too, is underfunded—government spending is at historic lows, leaving us unprepared for a skills-driven economy. Job support programmes and a task force to tackle immediate business and worker uncertainties are urgent steps to shore up resilience.
Partnering with Regional Blocs
Isolation is not an option. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is moribund, crippled by India-Pakistan tensions, but alternatives beckon. The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) offers a platform to deepen ties with India, Bangladesh, and Thailand, prioritising collaborative growth. More ambitiously, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)—the world’s largest trade bloc, spanning ASEAN, China, Japan, and Australia—looms as a game-changer. Could Sri Lanka join? It’s not a member yet, but observer status or a phased accession isn’t implausible. Our proximity to India, an RCEP signatory, and our trade complementarities (e.g., tea for China’s market, apparel for Southeast Asia) make a case. Joining would require aligning regulations, boosting competitiveness, and lobbying through diplomatic channels—perhaps via ASEAN ties. Even short of full membership, negotiating parallel deals with RCEP nations could integrate us into their supply chains, amplifying our reach. Regionalism, not nationalism, is our shield against global fragmentation.
The way forward
The rise of protectionism tests Sri Lanka, but it need not break us. History warns of downturns, yet today’s stakes—jobs, wages, stability—are too high for inaction. The government must act boldly: unite resources, strengthen resilience, and prioritise citizens over short-term politics. Economic openness and social cohesion remain our north stars. As the world reshapes itself, Sri Lanka must carve its place—not just to survive, but to thrive.
(The writer is Professor of Marketing University of Surrey. Views expressed in this article are personal)
by Prof. Chanaka Jayawardhena
Chanaka.j@gmail.com
BBC Earth recently launched a seven-part documentary series titled ‘Asia’, showcasing the region’s diverse wildlife. The Guardian referred this documentary as a masterclass in television, in which every element is cooked to perfection. The narration was done by Attenborough, and it also featured Sri Lanka’s wild elephants. Series producer Matthew Wright told The Daily Telegraph that “every recording session includes a pronunciation guide, no matter who the narrator is. But David politely said he doesn’t need it because he’s been to most places and met most of the animals we cover – so you hear his great voice pronouncing all these words correctly straight off the bat.”
by Tharindu Muthukumarana
tharinduele@gmail.com
(Author of the award-winning book “The Life of Last Proboscideans: Elephants”)
Sir David Attenborough has been an internationally recognised household name. On May 8, 2025, he did celebrate 99 years on this planet, and he remains as dynamic as ever. Fans of his span multiple generations, from the Silent Generation and Baby Boomers to Gen X, Millennials, Gen Z, and even Gen Alpha. On that account, it’s no surprise that Time magazine named him one of the 100 most influential people in the world. As a nature documentary narrator, he had touched on many natural subjects. Attenborough’s voice is distinguishable, and it’s remarkable that, despite his age, it remains in high demand. Having said that, something special for us Sri Lankans is that he had narrated various documentaries related to Sri Lanka as well. This article features a glimpse of it.
Attenborough’s dream to visit Sri Lanka and how it got shattered
In the year 1945, Attenborough won a scholarship from the University of Cambridge to study zoology and geology. He completed his degree in natural sciences in 1947 and was anticipating a career that would ultimately take him to remote and exciting parts of the world. This was during an era when World War II had just ended. Soon after, he was called for National Service and enrolled in the Royal Navy. But as he joined, his main interest was not fighting in a war but to travel somewhere romantic where natural beauty is concerned. During his training period at Gosport, he met old naval hands who talked a lot about Trincomalee. As you may know, at that time Trinco was the home port of the Eastern Fleet of the Royal Navy. Young Attenborough was captivated by Sri Lanka’s natural beauty and hoped to be posted to Trinco after completing his training. But, unfortunately, his dreams got shattered when he was sent to join an aircraft carrier that was being mothballed as part of the Reserve Fleet in the Firth of Forth. He served in the Navy for two years but was not involved in any war during his service.
Having said that, there is lingering doubt: ‘What if Attenborough got the chance to come to Sri Lanka during his naval days?’ Would he have made Sri Lanka his home like Sir Arthur C. Clarke did? I will leave it to you to decide!
Narration on sperm whales in Blue Planet II
Blue Planet II is a 2017 marine life documentary series created by the BBC and narrated by Attenborough. The filming process spanned over four years, encompassing 125 expeditions across 39 countries. This series featured sperm whales found in Trincomalee waters. A superpod is a vast assembly of whales, where they interact through physical contact, socialising, and communication. Sri Lanka provided an incredible opportunity to witness this phenomenon. The documentary showcasing it became the most-watched television programme in the UK in 2017. In China, its popularity was so immense that it reportedly impacted the nation’s internet speed due to the sheer number of viewers. Additionally, British universities, including the University of Southampton, saw a significant rise in applications for marine biology degrees after the documentary aired.
In April 2018, spurred by the rising public awareness generated by Blue Planet II, the British government revealed it was contemplating a nationwide ban on single-use plastic items. Reports also indicated that Queen Elizabeth II’s move to prohibit plastic bottles and straws within the royal estates was partially influenced by the documentary. A study conducted in 2020 further suggested that the programme had a lasting impact, significantly heightening political, media, and public engagement with plastic pollution in the UK—an issue that had previously struggled to gain momentum. According to Sri Lankan tourism experts, this documentary had a positive impact on whale-watching tourism in the country.
Narration for Sri Lanka’s mangrove conservation project
A few years ago, a non-profit environmental conservation organisation, called Seacology, did an important project to help Sri Lanka to preserve and replant all of its mangrove forests. For this project a mini documentary was made, and the narration was done by Attenborough. This project conserved about 21,782 acres (8,815 hectares) of mangrove forests on the island. Furthermore, it offered alternative career training and microloans to 12,000 underprivileged women living in 1,500 hamlets near the country’s mangrove forests. This initiative also replanted 9,600 acres (3,885 hectares) of mangrove forests that had been cleared, using seedlings cultivated in three Seacology-funded mangrove nurseries.
Narration on mugger crocodile in Planet Earth III
In 2023, the BBC launched a wildlife documentary series titled Planet Earth III, narrated by Attenborough. In it, a scene that was shot in Yala National Park was included, and The Daily Mail regarded this as “stunning shots of a crocodile surprising a group of deer”. This involves, during the dry season, how a mugger crocodile waits for the opportunity to grab its prey. As time passes by, a herd of spotted deer arrive at the waterhole to quench their thirst. However, the crocodile was successful. Attenborough says in the documentary that “These crocodiles have learnt to exploit the deer’s desperate need for fresh water.” According to the cameraman Abdullah Khan, to take that shot, it took about five weeks of filming.
Narration on Sri Lankan elephants
BBC Earth recently launched a seven-part documentary series, titled ‘Asia’, showcasing the region’s diverse wildlife. The Guardian referred this documentary as a masterclass in television, in which every element is cooked to perfection. The narration was done by Attenborough, and it also featured Sri Lanka’s wild elephants. Series producer Matthew Wright told The Daily Telegraph that “every recording session includes a pronunciation guide, no matter who the narrator is. But David politely said he doesn’t need it because he’s been to most places and met most of the animals we cover – so you hear his great voice pronouncing all these words correctly straight off the bat.”
It gave special attention to cheeky elephants on the Buttala-Kataragama road, which have a behaviour of staying in the middle of the road and soliciting food from motorists. The elephant named ‘Buttala Raja’ stole the show. In the documentary, Attenborough says, “Raja’s persuasive charm has earned him a reputation. He knows which vehicles aren’t worth bothering with and which have the potential to deliver a feast. Raja’s gentle nature has won many hearts.” A cropped video clip from that documentary, which shows those elephants, went viral on social media sites recently.
In conclusion, as Attenborough celebrates 99 years, I wish him a joyful year filled with exciting adventures and remarkable discoveries. Also, not to mention what we Sri Lankans always say: “Ayubowewa! (May you live long)”.
I have not, for many months, written about the current political situation, not least because I had really no idea where we were heading. I thought the President elected last September was the best alternative we had, but that was no great recommendation given the other candidates. Sajith Premadasa was the best of the rest, to my mind, but he did seem to carry a lot of old Ranil Wickremesinghe baggage, and he did not develop the vision of his father, by far the most productive President we have had.
Premadasa adjusted the opening of the economy which, to give him his due, J R Jayewardene had initiated, to introduce a healthy dose of social recalibration, with enormous emphasis on rural development which had been ignored in the first 11 years of UNP rule. I was sorry that Sajith seemed instead to go along with the Westernised model his principal economic advisers trumpeted. Given how Donald Trump has now upended the gospel of free trade which the West imposed on us for years, it is a good thing that the extremists did not have a free hand for the three months before Trump turned everything upside down.
The current government however was not as independent in its approach as I would have liked, and perhaps under the influence of the most effective of American ambassadors in recent years has seemed to go along with many of the remedies that the previous government has put forward. But there was one area in which they did shift from the lethargy of Ranil Wickremesinghe. This was with regard to the most important, to my mind, of World Bank recommendations—pursuing the plundered money. Obviously Ranil, given his own record and that of those who made him President, was not likely to act, though I was deeply ashamed that more decent folk such as Indrajith Coomaraswamy remained mealy-mouthed and allowed the rot to carry on.
Indeed, the evidence that is emerging about the role of the Presidential Secretariat in continuing corruption suggests that things got worse in the two years of Ranil’s Presidency. Though I may be more indulgent to Gotabaya Rajapaksa than he deserves, it is worth noting that there are no allegations of his office being the fountainhead of corruption while he was President, though he seems to have given a free hand to the most monstrous of the hangers on of the Rajapaksa clan, let alone its members. But Ranil’s antics with his friend Lord Francis Maude suggest that he was no better than those characters, though obviously he worked in more subtle ways.
But though the NPP seemed to present a sea change as far as dealing with corruption is concerned, they are painfully slow. It is disappointment about this that was the most important reason for its loss of support at the local government election. Efforts to convince itself with specious arguments that it in fact won the election are pitiful. Worse, they may become a substitute for analysis of what went wrong.
It is useless to complain that governments have to proceed slowly. This is what we have been told for years, and while there are traces of some efforts being made, the general impression is that this government will fail miserably to check corruption. If not corrupt itself, for the moment, unless it acts some of its members will begin to think there is nothing wrong with corruption. For one still remembers how swiftly members of Chandrika Kumaratunga’s cabinet lost their ideals – I recall my brother-in-law telling me with surprise that Srimani Athulathmudali was pretty bad, though that may have been due to those who controlled her then – and I recall too how the promise of Yahapalanaya was destroyed, with the President soon enough following Ranil Wickremesinghe in paving the way for his near and dear to make money.
There are enough mechanisms in place to act, and the government also has a majority to introduce new mechanisms. The argument one hears from those who probably did not vote for this government but were happy to give it a chance is that they have no experience, and there is no professional capacity to innovate. But they do have enough experts with goodwill towards them who could advise productively.
I cannot understand for instance why they have not made use of Nigel Hatch, who did yeoman service for them in cases before the courts to highlight the double dealing of the government with regard to postponement of elections. Perhaps, the problem was that he was approached to represent the party through the Prime Minister, and she has less authority than her position would imply. But surely those who do have authority must understand the need to make sure that the capable are entrusted with responsibilities commensurate to the problems before us.
If they are diffident about their capacity to communicate, they should once again make use of the Prime Minister and her staff. Her Secretary is a capable man, but he seems unable to assert himself, and will not take decisions. To move from corruption to diffidence about productive action, it is worrying for instance that he seems to have shelved the admirable project about mangrove restoration that has been presented to him. That had been initiated by Ruwan Wijewardene before the big wind came and blew him away. But surely Pradeep Saputantri can understand English as well as Ruwan, and he should be able on his own to get the Prime Minister’s approval to take things forward. Sending things up and down for comments takes ages and is no way to give the country the action it so urgently wants.
The President must realise that, though the honeymoon is not yet over, it soon will be. Premadasa was up and running as soon as he was elected; so were J R and Mahinda with regard to their most productive activities. Nothing can be done about natural disasters, but a combination of strikes and what seems incompetence in vital areas will make unpopularity increase in leaps and bounds. I hope the President will not be carried away by the pleasures of travel and forget the hopes the country had in him six months ago.
by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha
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