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Editorial

Pressure group in the making

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Today’s journalists carry more than a notebook and a pencil as their predecessors did. Thus we’ve had no “I was misquoted/misreported” or “I was reported out of context” claim from Industries Minister Wimal Weerawansa who set a cat among the canaries in the country’s political firmament the other day.

The minister who leads the National Freedom Front did not deny his controversial statement for obvious reasons. His entire interview with the Sunday Lankadeepa was recorded and he could not take the well-worn route of blaming the media. He therefore chose to clarify that what he intended to say was not that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa should replace Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa as SLPP leader, but that a “suitable position” in the party should be created for him.

Observers of the political scene well know that Weerawansa is not disloyal to either the president or the prime minister. He owes them a lot for being where he is. They believe that he was targeting another Rajapaksa – who he thinks brought in Rear Admiral (Retd.) Sarath Weerasekera to run from the Colombo district at the last election rather than from Ampara he previously represented. That cost the onetime JVPer his coveted position of the top preference vote-getter in the district. It is unlikely that the prime minister took umbrage at Weerawansa’s unsolicited proposal, or if he did preferred to keep quiet about his feelings. Although opponents of the government would wish to see aiya – malli differences within the ruling coalition, there is no credible evidence that such is the case. But that did not stop SLPP General Secretary, National List MP Sagara Kariyawasa, from clearly rebuking Weerawansa. There was no angry denunciation, but the message was clear. It was totally unacceptable that the leader of another party, even though a member of the ruling alliance, should make proposals on who should lead the SLPP.

The president and prime minister have refrained from making any comment on this flutter. Doing so would have further muddied the waters. The always sharply dressed and immaculately groomed minister, whose eloquence in the official language must be acknowledged even by the ranks of Tuscany, has reined his tongue for once. He is not obliging the media chasing him with any sound bytes or quotable quotes to get himself into more trouble. His supporters predictably accuse his detractors of fishing in troubled waters and assure them that they will not bite. It wasn’t long ago that Weerawansa hosted a group of leaders from the smaller parties of the ruling coalition at his official residence to resist the government’s proposal on the East Container Terminal (ECT) of the Colombo port. The government wanted to run it on a 51-49 percent arrangement with the Sri Lanka Ports Authority holding the controlling stake and Indian, Japanese and other investors taking the balance.

That meeting was summoned when a great deal of dust was being kicked up by those who strongly supported the election campaigns of both President Gotabaya Rajapaksa as well as the SLPP-led government of Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa that followed. The protesters included a formidable section of the Buddhist clergy that nationalist sections of the polity would not want to offend as well as port unions that hinted at strike action. It is doubtful that even old warhorses like Vasudeva Nanayakkara or newcomers like Udaya Gammanpila who has demonstrated rapid upward mobility in the political picture would have been able to get elected outside the SLPP umbrella and they well know it. Prof. Tissa Vitarana of the once-proud LSSP and Mr. Gevindu Kumaratunga of the Yuthukama Organization had to content themselves with SLPP National List seats. The Communist Party did not get even that and Mr. Dew Gunasekera is in retirement. While the SLFP is not down to zero like the UNP from which Mr. Bandaranaike broke away, it may have suffered a similar or near-similar fate but for its alliance with the SLPP. Even giant-killer Maithripala Sirisena, while retaining the leadership of the blue party, had to succumb to realpolitik and ally with the lotus bud to make sure he was returned to parliament from his Polonnaruwa stronghold.

After winning the ECT battle by trimming their sails to the direction in which the wind was blowing, the minor partners of the ruling alliance, sometimes called “name board parties,” appear to be in the process of setting up some kind of ginger group within the ruling party in the style of backbenchers in Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake’s UNP government of the middle sixties. But in this instance many of the movers and shakers are frontbenchers and not backbenchers. Gammanipila is on record saying that they planned to meet periodically obviously to take a collective stand on issues within the government. The leadership would normally be wary of the development of a pressure group signaling possible trouble down the road. But right now there does not appear to be any major differences within the ruling coalition.

To get to another subject, few will buy the feeble attempt to pretend that the Prime Minister did not last week say that the burial of Muslim Covid-19 victims would be permitted. Since he made this statement in Parliament, winning the accolades of deeply distressed Muslims both inside and outside the legislature, there have been attempts to change gear with Dr. (Mrs.) Sudarshini Fernandopulle, State Minister of Primary Health Services, Pandemics and Covid Prevention saying that a scientific committee is looking into the matter which was not one for an individual decision. Another woman government MP, Kokila Gunawardena, said that what the PM said was that burial will be permitted but did not say of Covid victims. Who is fooling whom?



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Editorial

When the self-righteous turn unspeakably brutal

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Friday 6th March, 2026

Only about 35 crew members of an Iranian frigate survived a torpedo attack by the US, off Galle, on Wednesday. More than 100 Iranians are believed to be dead. The Sri Lanka Navy and Air Force rescued the survivors and brought ashore about 85 bodies of the victims of the US attack. The sinking of the Iranian naval vessel, the IRIS Dena, which was on a non-combat mission, and the brutal act of killing so many naval personnel, thousands of kilometres away from the conflict zone, must be condemned unreservedly.

The NPP government led by the JVP, which would condemn the US and the western bloc at the drop of a hat during its Opposition days, has not explicitly criticised Wednesday’s incident. The Opposition yesterday asked in Parliament whether the Iranian vessel had come under attack while waiting for permission to reach the Galle harbour. Its question went unanswered. The government resorted to prevarication.

It is believed that the US did not inform India of its move to launch Wednesday’s attack in the Indian Ocean. The sinking of the IRIS Dena, which was Indian Navy’s guest, has become not only a huge embarrassment but also as a strategic concern to New Delhi, for the attack was carried out in an area where India projects its dominance as a regional leader. Has a Quad member got short shrift from the US?

Most of all, the IRIS Dena was returning from India, where it took part in an international fleet review, together with vessels from 40 other nations including the US and Russia. The naval exercise was conducted in Visakhapatnam, where the Indian Navy’s Eastern Naval Command is headquartered. This has made the sinking of the IRIS Dena and the killing of its crew members even more unacceptable. Strangely, India has refrained from explicitly condemning the incident.

If the US thinks Iranian assets anywhere in the world are legitimate targets, can Iran be blamed for adopting a similar approach, in dealing with the US and its interests? The Middle East conflict is not going to end in a few weeks or months with the conclusion of the ongoing US-Israeli bombing spree. Iran has vowed to take revenge.

Much has been spoken about the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace during the past five decades or so, but it is fast becoming a conflict zone for all intents and purposes. The peace-zone doctrine is based on several core principles such as demilitarisation, non-aggression, freedom of navigation, removal of foreign bases, regional cooperation, and the promotion of international peace and security. It was intended to prevent smaller states from being dragged into conflicts that are not of their own making and preserve regional stability. Wednesday’s US submarine attack in Sri Lanka’s exclusive economic zone should be viewed against the backdrop of the Indian Ocean peace zone concept.

The expansion by the US of the theatre of its current military operations against Iran beyond the Gulf region and the presence of a US submarine in Sri Lanka’s exclusive economic zone pose a serious threat to international trade routes in this part of the world. This is why India’s position on the issue of offensive US military action in the Indian Ocean matters.

The NPP government also gave evasive answers when the Opposition demanded to know whether another Iranian naval ship in Sri Lanka’s exclusive economic zone was also in danger, and whether it would be given permission to enter Sri Lanka’s territorial waters. The civilised world must help Sri Lanka ensure that another Iranian vessel in imminent danger is not left to its fate and condemn the brutality of the self-righteous unequivocally.

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Editorial

From ‘Granary of the East’ to a mere hunduwa

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Thursday 5th March, 2026

There was a time when Sri Lanka was known the world over as the Granary of the East. Ancient rulers made selfless sacrifices to enable it to achieve and sustain self-sufficiency in food, especially rice. Alas, it has today become a hunduwa (a small traditional rice-measuring cup), according to its current Head of State himself.

On Tuesday, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) caused quite a stir by referring to Sri Lanka as a hunduwa in a bid to drive a point home in Parliament. Opposition politicians let out howls of protests, condemning him for disparaging the country. Their ruling party counterparts, true to form, did their best to obfuscate the issue and defend their leader.

If the Granary of the East has ended up as a mere hunduwa, as President AKD says, then the blame for its retrogression should be apportioned to its leaders, both past and present. All of them secured power by promising to usher in good governance and develop the country, but they conveniently reneged on their promises.

The JVP-led NPP came to power on an anti-corruption platform, claiming that the leaders of all previous governments had institutionalised waste and corruption among other things, and the post-Independence era had been a 76-year curse, which had to be broken. Its campaign slogan struck a responsive chord with the resentful public and helped it obtain a two-thirds majority in Parliament to eliminate the scourge of corruption. One cannot but agree with President AKD that previous governments were notorious for corruption, and the corrupt elements currently in the Opposition, masquerading as good governance campaigners must be brought to justice. Similarly, the incumbent government must make a serious effort to rid itself of corruption, which is eating into its vitals.

US President Donald Trump’s Operation Epic Fury (or Epstein Fury?) against Iran, its economic fallout, and the brouhaha over hunduwa have eclipsed a mega coal scam here. Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa has told Parliament that the government has resorted to emergency purchases of coal amounting to five shipments to meet a power generation shortfall caused by nine low-grade coal shipments. The country has already lost about Rs. 9 billion due to the coal scam, according to the Opposition. The JVP-NPP government has made a mockery of its commitment to upholding accountability by trying to cover up the coal scandal.

As for the hunduwa debate, a country with a patriotic, visionary leadership can achieve progress, overcoming challenges arising from territorial and resource constraints. This has been the secret behind Singapore’s success. Had Lee Kuan Yew (LKY), leading a city state with limited resources, let an inferiority complex weigh him down, Singapore would still have been lagging behind Sri Lanka. Opinion may be divided on the methods used by LKY to achieve his goals, but the leaders of the developing countries ought to emulate his strong leadership and unwavering commitment to accountability and development.

One is reminded of what LKY said about ministers and officials in this part of the world. In his widely read book, From Third World to First, he has said: “The higher they are, the bigger their homes and more numerous their wives, concubines, or mistresses, all bedecked in jewellery appropriate to the power and position of their men. Singaporeans who do business in these countries have to take care not to bring home such practices.” When one sees Sri Lankan politicians and bureaucrats enriching themselves and living the life of Riley, one remembers LKY’s memorable words.

All Singaporean politicians who did not heed LKY’s aforesaid warning were severely dealt with. The fate that befell Teh Cheang Wan, the Minister for National Development, is a case in point. When the CPIB (Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau) launched a probe into an allegation of bribery against Wan in the mid-1980s, he sought to meet LKY, who refused to see him until the investigation was over. Wan took his own life. In 2023, LKY’s son, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, allowed the CPIB to arrest his Transport Minister, S. Iswaran, over a top-level corruption probe. Iswaran was imprisoned after he pleaded guilty to accepting gifts worth more than S$403,000 while in office, as well as obstructing the course of justice.

As we pointed out in a previous editorial comment, if the Sri Lankan ministers had received from their leaders the same treatment as Wan and Iswaran, most of them would have been either pushing up the daisies by now or languishing behind bars; the vital sectors such as health, education, finance, agriculture, power and energy, and trade and commerce in this country would have been free from corruption, and most of all, substandard drugs and equipment would not have snuffed out so many lives in the state-run hospitals, and the issue of low-grade coal causing huge losses to the state coffers would not have arisen.

The least AKD can do to transform the hunduwa back into the Granary of East and make good on his thriving-nation-beautiful-life promise is to take a leaf out of LKY’s book on punishing the corrupt regardless of their political affiliations and pursuing development goals vigorously.

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Editorial

Crisis and opportunity

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Wednesday 4th March, 2026

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake yesterday spoke in Parliament about the worsening Middle East conflict and its impact on Sri Lanka. Sidestepping the hot-button issue of unprovoked US-Israeli attacks that killed Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on Saturday, he called upon all parties concerned to resolve the conflict peacefully. There was a time when the JVP would openly market its anti-American rhetoric, but under President Dissanayake’s leadership, it is wary of criticising the US for attacking a sovereign nation and killing its supreme leader. Interestingly, even UNP leader and former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, widely considered pro-American, has called US-Israeli attacks unacceptable.

President Dissanayake read the economic consequences of the Middle East conflict accurately, reassuring the public. He said the Central Bank and the Finance Ministry had been tasked with assessing the developing situation and its economic consequences and recommending how to navigate issues affecting Sri Lanka. It is said that in facing any conflict, one should expect the best and prepare for the worst.

The first casualty of any conflict in the Middle East region is the global oil supply. Iran has closed the Strait of Hormuz, located in its territorial waters, and threatened to attack all vessels that pass through it. This is bound to affect 20% of the global oil supply. Even before the closure of that vital sea route, Sri Lankans went on a fuel panic buying spree, causing long lines of vehicles outside filling stations. President Dissanayake referred to fuel queues in his speech, and assured the public that there would be no fuel shortage.

It is hoped that the government will be able to formulate a robust strategy to face any eventuality, with the Middle East conflict showing signs of spreading across the region. Sri Lankan economy is likely to receive multiple shocks, such as decreases in remittances and a decline in export earnings. The success of a national strategy to weather a mega crisis hinges on cooperation among political parties, especially in Parliament. Thankfully, the current Opposition has been acting responsibly during the past several days, without trying to aggravate the panic buying of fuel in sharp contrast to the manner in which the JVP instigated protests during the 2022 fuel crisis.

Revealing that sufficient fuel stocks were currently available and more oil shipments were on the way, President Dissanayake lamented the limited fuel storage facilities in Sri Lanka. This situation has come about because successive governments have not cared to develop the Trinco oil tank farm as a national priority. Only a section of the 99-tank complex built during World War II has been developed. According to media reports, 14 tanks have been given to Indian Oil Corporation (IOC); 61 are to be developed as a joint venture between the CPC and the IOC. The CPC owns 24 tanks with a capacity of about 10,000 MT each.

There have been only half-hearted efforts to develop the Trinco tanks owned by the CPC. It is up to the NPP government to expedite the development of these facilities and increase the country’s petroleum storage capacity significantly to face global supply disruptions and price escalations. After all, President Dissanayake, during the 2024 presidential election campaign, rightly flayed previous governments for their failure to make use of the Trinco oil tanks and promised to develop them under an NPP government.

Meanwhile, Sri Lanka is now paying the price for ignoring the wise counsel of renewable energy experts who have been striving to knock some sense into successive governments, but in vain. If their advice had been heeded and steps taken to lessen the country’s fossil fuel dependence, we would have gained tremendously.

One can only hope that the current crisis will strengthen Sri Lanka’s resolve to strategise and invest more in producing renewable energy, especially by expanding solar power generation, to overcome formidable challenges arising from escalating fossil fuel prices and supply disruptions. At the same time, the government should incentivise the use of electric vehicles with higher tax concessions to reduce the country’s reliance on fossil fuel imports and promote a cleaner transport sector.

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