Opinion
Presidential Election and 1.65 million Muslim votes!
By M M Zuhair,
former MP
With only a few days more for the Presidential election due on 21/9, the matters that the Muslims of Sri Lanka are considering at civil society discussions and within the community as a whole, would be of immense relevance to all political and other leaders of the country.
Statistically Muslims constitute only 9.3% of the national population. They are a close second to the Sri Lankan Tamil strength of 11.1% according to the 2012 Census. The statistical difference is only 1.8% unlike the figures before the July 1983 racial riots. The anti-Tamil pogrom led to Tamils emigrating from the island in noticeably large numbers. It must be added that Tamil migration increased the statistical percentages of both Sinhala and Muslim population in the country but not their real numbers.
In terms of the real numbers who are likely to go to polls, placed at 75%, the number of votes cast by the Muslims would be around 1.2 million and Tamil votes around 1.4 million. The difference in the number of voters would be only around point 2 million or 200,000! The Upcountry Tamils, the third largest minority, who vote invariably independent of the Sri Lankan Tamils constitute 4.1% of the national population.
It has been pointed out that the majority Sinhala votes of 75% had split into four separate blocks and that it has been argued incorrectly that the minority votes can be the deciding factor, overlooking the reality that the minority votes are also divided based not only on ethno-religious differences but also on broader national and regional issues. It is in this backdrop, the significant differences in the Muslim voting patterns and what affects their decision making are being considered.
Muslims consider themselves, in terms of their role in the thirty year war, as the most patriotic amongst the minority ethno-religious communities in the island. However, within two years following the successful conclusion of the war against LTTE’s separatist struggle, the anti-Muslim hate campaigns that got launched most disturbingly from 2012, and the subsequent anti-Muslim riots from 2014 to 2018, had shocked and shaped Muslim perspectives.
The Parliamentary Select Committee on Easter Attacks and the Presidential Commission of Inquiry on the Easter Attacks attributed the hate campaigns and the anti-Muslim riots as having contributed to the despicable Easter Sunday attacks of 21/04/2019, condemned by the entire community and all others.
State sponsored Collective Punishment
The reprehensible anti-Muslim violence including attacks on over 50 mosques, which occurred during the seven years that preceded the Easter attacks of April 2019 and the State sponsored “collective punishment” of the entire community during the subsequent five years that followed it, not mentioning here the post-Easter counter attacks on the Muslims in the NC Province and attacks on another nearly 50 mosques, made the hitherto patriotic Muslims, the “second most victimised community” after the Christians, who obviously suffered the most.
The then political leaders and security establishments, as held by the Supreme Court failed to avert the attacks. On the contrary, Muslim community was “collectively punished” by the then political and security establishments for the crimes of a few criminals, disclosing thereby possible criminal intent in the then rulers’ failure, most inexplicably to avert the attacks, at a time when it was clearly preventable. These have affected the voting considerations of the Muslims.
The forthcoming elections will show that the country wants a change of government, a real democratic change that will oust the very same Cabinet of Ministers and the very same executive officials who together imposed the economic hardships and continued with the said “collective punishment”. It is the very same pohottuwa team that governed Sri Lanka under President Gotabaya Rajapakse (GR) as well as under President Ranil Wickremesinghe (RW).
Some Samples of Collective Punishment
Let us see some samples of this ‘collective punishment’ imposed on the Muslim community under cover of the Easter attacks and which continued under RW and consider how the Muslims are likely to vote on 21/9.
The Muslim community was accused falsely of indoctrinating and creating extremists through service oriented Muslim civil organisations, targeting in particular the Thouheed organisations, the Thabligh movement, the Jamathe-Islami and also the alleged followers of the respected Saudi intellectual Muhammad Ibnu Abdul-Wahab in an attempt to divert attention away from the post war Islamophobic majoritarian radicals.
False accusations were also made against a number of respected global Islamic scholars without any evidence, in an attempt to hide the Western handlers of Al Qaida, Osama bin Laden and the ISIL. On the contrary no accusations or actions were taken against Sinhala extremist entities which carried out hate campaigns, organised anti-Muslim riots and attacks on Mosques.
There were no Trials at Bar or equivalent prosecutions against the majoritarian radicals, or those who failed to avert the Easter attacks while several Trials at bar were initiated against Muslim offenders under the GR and RW governments.
Many Muslim civil organisations were discriminatorily banned by Gazette notifications without calling for explanations from any of the banned organisations. Seven Sinhala extremist organisations recommended to be banned by the Presidential Commission on Easter Attacks were never banned either by the GR or RW governments.
‘Peace TV’ featuring reputed Islamic scholar Dr Zakir Naik watched by Sri Lankan Muslims and widely seen throughout the world was taken off the air, without any explanation and not restored to date.
A non–Muslim female with no knowledge of running mosques was appointed by the Wickremesinghe government as Director of the Department of Muslim Affairs!
Mosques controlled by Buddhist Affairs Minister
Buddhist Affairs Minister controlled Mosque affairs without getting the Wickremesinghe government to appoint Ministers from the respective communities, already in the Cabinet to manage the religious affairs of the respective religions!
Education Ministry stopped the distribution of examination prescribed Islamic texts for Muslim schools alleging that Islamic texts need to be revised.
Aviation Minister inaugurated a direct flight between Colombo and the Israeli administrative capital Tel Aviv in February 2024, fourth month after Israel commenced massacring Palestinians, with an average slaughter of 160 civilian Palestinians per day, in the Israeli war of destruction of the host country Palestine, now entering its 12th month.
Then Minister of Foreign Employment sent Sri Lankans to the Israeli war zone in an explicit support of the Israeli occupation of Palestinian Territory. He refused to withdraw them notwithstanding agitation against the move. When the Supreme Court removed the Minister from his membership of Parliament, President Wickremesinghe appointed the same man as his advisor on Foreign Employment, trampling over Palestinian sentiments and Muslim feelings over Islam’s third holiest Mosque ‘Al Aqsa’ in “Occupied Palestinian Territory” .
Earlier the US Ambassador to Colombo (happily) announced at a Pathfinder Foundation meeting that Sri Lanka had deployed a vessel gifted by the US to the Sri Lankan Navy to fight the Yemeni Houthis at war with Israel!
Houthi destruction if any of the Sri Lankan vessel could have led to more anti-Muslim convulsions in Sri Lanka! RW displayed no sympathy to the Palestinians facing destruction at the hands of an extremist Israeli government. On the contrary, SJB leader Sajith Premadasa courageously named Israel as a “Terrorist State”!
Religious education interfered with
The Wickremesinghe government has continued the Rajapakse initiative of interfering in the religious education in Madhrasas, in violation of both national and international laws.
In addition a consignment of ‘Holy Quran with Tamil Translation’, a reprint of an earlier edition already available in Sri Lanka, gifted from Saudi Arabia had been kept blocked by the Sri Lankan authorities, for over six months from being cleared, though there is a report that the government last week, in the midst of the Presidential election campaign, permitted the Holy Quran consignment to be cleared.
There is no point in talking about the Saudi gifted ‘Houses for the Tsunami Victims’, now over grown by a jungle of trees, rats and rabbits. GR and RW had failed the tsunami victims of the East!
Large numbers of Sri Lankan muslims have been named by the government in an UN Act list of persons on the basis of allegation without any evidence of allegedly financing Al Qaeda/ISIL. It was republished under the RW government! Do those in the then governments believe that the listed muslims or any single person therein financed the named foreign terrorist organisations?
Many other instances of harassment by the authorities, without taking prompt decisions on pending matters including in the Attorney-General’s department, can be cited. Many international human rights organisations have highlighted some of these instances of State authorities’ harassment of minorities, particularly Muslims.
Many more instances of the “collective punishment” of the community by the GR and the RW governments do exist. Notwithstanding the efforts of a few local Muslim political brokers and tender dealers, 90% of the Muslim voters will not vote for RW or NR. They do not want to live under fears of racial riots!
Muslims were revenged upon
The next President must not make the costly blunder of seeing the Muslims as evil entities! He should know that Muslims played a patriotic role during the war but were revenged upon from 2012 by Norwegian brain-washed majoritarian radicals that led to several anti-Muslim riots, attacks on over fifty Mosques and the Easter attacks! RW had no apologies for appointing a foreigner, the Norwegian LTTE- Sri Lanka broker, as his climate advisor!
The list is endless! Only pseudo-nationalists can continue to side track the plight of the Northern Muslims, all 90,000 were driven out from the North by the LTTE or the sufferings of over a thousand Muslims who were killed by the LTTE in the East, including 147 killed in Kattankudy in a single night while at night prayers in three Mosques and another 75 from Kattankudy killed at Kurukkalmadam, even while agricultural lands were forcibly taken over after killing Muslim farmers, all because Muslims did not support separatism! The reward Muslims got in return was “collective punishment” from two successive governments led by GR represented now by NR and RW!
Opinion
“Pot calling the kettle black?” A response
I was taken aback by the response of the well-known academic Uswatte-Aratchi (U-A) to my article “Achievements of the Hunduwa”, which appeared in The Island on 15 March. In his piece, titled “Pot calling the kettle black?” (The Island, 23 April) U-A accuses me of belittling Sri Lanka in just the same way President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) did with his reference to Sri Lanka as a hunduwa. Being an academic of repute, U-A’s comments cannot be ignored and before I proceed further to explain, let me state that I am very sorry if what I stated appeared in any way to be derogatory; my intentions were otherwise.
U-A states, “Most sensible people, even uneducated, judge that the volume of a little drop (of whatever) is smaller than that of a hunduwa; so is weight. When the learned doctor emphatically maintains ‘we are not a hunduwa’ but ‘a little drop in the ocean’, is the pot calling the kettle black or worse?” He implies that my ‘insult’ is worse. Whilst conceding that a drop is smaller than a hunduwa, what baffles me is how an academic overlooked the fact that comparisons should be made based on context. Whereas AKD used hunduwa in the parliament to belittle the country, I used the term ‘little drop’ to highlight our achievements, which are disproportionate to our size. In contrast, AKD used hunduwa to trifle with the country.
“Surely, this little drop in the Indian ocean performed well beyond its size to have gained international recognition way back in history,” I said in my article. This cannot in any way be considered derogatory. In fact, what U-A stated in his article about the achievements of countries, either smaller or with populations smaller than ours, only supports my view that there is no correlation between a country’s size and its achievements.
U-A casts doubt on the assertion that Sri Lanka was once the ‘Granary of the East’; he cites instances of drought and famine. There may have been bad periods, as we are at the mercy of nature, but it does not negate the fact that there were periods of plenty too. Our rulers in days of yore did everything possible to feed the populace by building tanks and extensive irrigation systems. In addition to major works, there were networks of small projects, Uva being referred to as ‘Wellassa’; the land of one hundred thousand paddy fields fed by small tanks. What has the present government done to ease farmers’ burden? Absolutely nothing! Whilst farmers are struggling to eke out a living, rice millers are importing super-luxury vehicles and even helicopters!
I agree with U-A that unfortunately the contribution of the ordinary people is not well recorded in history. This is a universal problem, not limited to Sri Lanka. When one watches some of Prof. Raj Somadeva’s programmes, it becomes clear how ordinary people helped complete gigantic projects. Although there are many documentaries on how the pyramids were built, no one seems interested in exploring how Great Stupas in Anuradhapura were built with millions of bricks.
AKD is doing just the opposite of what he preached whilst in Opposition and does not seem to have any sense of shame. His hunduwa reference, possibly, makes him the only President to have demeaned the country.
by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
Opinion
Openness, not isolation, is the bedrock of the West
Recent statements from Washington show how global politics is being increasingly framed along civilisational terms. The U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has referred to the idea of a shared “Western civilisation,” describing the U.S. and Europe as bound by common history, cultural heritage, and institutional traditions. At the same time, U.S. President Donald Trump has amplified comments about countries such as India, China, and Iran in the context of migration and geopolitical competition that reinforce a tendency to interpret global politics in civilisational terms. Taken together, these statements point to a broader shift: global affairs are being interpreted not only through the language of power and interest, but also through civilisational identities.
The appeal of such framing is understandable. It offers a sense of clarity in an era of rapid technological disruption, demographic change, and geopolitical uncertainty. But apparent clarity is not the same as analytical accuracy. Moreover, it is not an entirely new framing either. As early as the 1990s, political scientist Samuel Huntington had argued that global politics would evolve into a “clash of civilisations,” where cultural and religious identities would become the principal fault lines of international relations.
Civilisational explanations can obscure more than they reveal, particularly when they imply that cultural cohesion, rather than institutional adaptability, is the primary source of national strength. A historical record of the modem West suggests otherwise.
A look at history
Much of the West’s post-Cold War dynamism has rested not on homogeneity, but on openness — to talent, ideas, capital, and global competitive pressures. Its advantage has been institutional: the capacity to absorb diversity and convert it into innovation within rules-based systems.
Nowhere is this more evident than in today’s innovation economy. AI, in particular, has become the defining frontier of global competition, shaped by deeply international talent flows and research ecosystems. Companies such as Microsoft, Open Al, and NVIDIA exemplify systems in which breakthroughs depend on globally sourced expertise, cross-border collaboration, and the ability to attract the most capable minds regardless of origin.
The COVID-19 pandemic underscored this complementary reality: innovation now operates through globally distributed production systems. Rapid vaccine development and distribution, by firms such as Modema and AstraZeneca, depended on international research networks and global manufacturing ecosystems. In the case of AstraZeneca, large-scale production through partnerships such as that with the Serum Institute of India illustrated how innovation and industrial capacity now operate across borders.
This is not an argument against immigration control. Immigration must be governed effectively, and civic norms must be upheld. But managing diversity is fundamentally different from retreating from it.
In an era of intensifying geopolitical competition, openness remains a critical strategic asset. The West’s advantage lies not only in military alliances or economic scale, but in institutional resilience and its capacity to attract, integrate, and retain talent. Civilisational framing, by contrast, risks misdiagnosing this advantage —privileging identity over capability and boundaries over performance. Demographic realities reinforce this point. Many advanced economies face ageing populations. In this context, immigration is not simply a cultural or political issue, but an economic necessity.
Without sustained inflows of sldlled labour and human capital, growth slows, fiscal pressures increase, and innovation ecosystems weaken.
Openness as an advantage
The defining challenges of the 21st century —including AI governance and climate change —further highlight the limits of civilisational thinking. These are problems that cannot be addressed within cultural silos. Against this backdrop, framing global politics in terms of civilisational hierarchy carries risks. It encourages a narrowing of identity at precisely the moment when cooperation and adaptability are essential.
The question, therefore, is not whether identity matters. It dearly does. Societies require shared norms, institutional trust, and continuity. The more important question is whether democracies can manage change without losing confidence in the openness that has sustained their development. The strength of the West has historically rested on its ability to combine stability with adaptation — to absorb new influences while preserving core principles such as the rule of law, individual liberty, and accountable governance.
Therefore, the policy challenge ahead is not to retreat into notions of cultural purity, but to govern openness with clarity and purpose. This requires strengthening integration frameworks and reinforcing institutional trust. It also requires recognising that engagement with other civilisational spaces is not a concession, but a necessity in a globally interconnected world.
In a world of intensifying geopolitical rivalry, it may be tempting to define strength in narrower terms. But doing so risks undertnining one of the West’s most important strategic assets. Openness — disciplined, governed, and anchored in strong institutions — is not a vulnerability. It is a source of sustained advantage.
(Milinda Moragoda –Former Sri Lankan Cabinet Minister, diplomat and the Founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, a strategic affairs think tank. The Hindu – 08, May 2026)
By Milinda Moragoda
Opinion
Palm leaf manuscripts of Sri Lanka – 2
Palm leaf manuscripts are now valued as historical documents and collections of palm leaf manuscripts are carefully preserved in libraries, in Sri Lanka and abroad. Most of the palm leaf manuscripts available in these collections date only from the 18th and 19th century. The palm leaf is a perishable item. Manuscripts of an earlier period are rare and are greatly valued.
Sri Lanka has the greatest number of these palm leaf manuscript collections. This indicates the value placed on palm leaf manuscripts in this country. The largest collection in Sri Lanka and possibly in the world, is in the National Museum Library, Colombo. The collection exceeds 5000. It includes the collections of H.C.P. Bell, W.A. de Silva, Ananda Coomaraswamy and E.B Gunaratne as well as the poetry section of the Hugh Neville collection. In 1938, W.A. de Silva prepared a “Catalogue of palm leaf manuscripts in the Library of the Colombo Museum.” This was published by the Museum.
The Museum library has the oldest palm leaf manuscript in the country, the Cullavagga, dated to 13 century. Cullavagga gives an account of the religious life of the sangha and the legal confines of their conduct. The last chapter carries the earliest known account of the Buddhist Great Council at Rajagaha.
The library has a copy of Buddhaghosa’s commentary on Digha nikaya. The cover is of silver embossed with white sapphires. The library has a copy of Sumangala Vilasini , one of the Bodhiwamsa (Ref No 1823) in Sinhala giving the history of the Sri Maha Bodhi, and the Mahavagga, copied by the Peramuna rala of Siyambalapitiya Galboda korale, completed on October 1802 and offered to Malwatte.
The Museum library has approximately 300 medical manuscripts Saddharmaratnavaliya manuscript says that doctors had to be paid for their services and travelling expenses. It said that physicians jealously guarded their knowledge of medicine and kept their prescriptions for medical remedies in safe custody.
University of Peradeniya has the next largest collection of 4000 items. Peradeniya has the UNESCO recognised copy of the Mahavamsa and the 13 century Visuddhi Magga Tika. The library has the de Saram and Hettiarachchy collections and several collections of palm leaf manuscripts donated to it.When I was studying at Peradeniya in the 1960s, the Main Library displayed palm leaf manuscripts and their decorative covers, in a case, upstairs, by the staircase, where the readers would not miss it. That was our introduction to palm leaf manuscripts.
The National Library of Sri Lanka (est. 1990) has a small but distinctive collection of 523 items which include Sinhala vedakam, Sinhala bana katha and Yantra mantra gurukam . It has a rare literary manuscript, Diya Savol Sandeshaya, dated April 26, 1904. It begins with the evocative phrase “Sarada Sarada Somi Paharusamu.” It provides a unique glimpse into the late-modern period of Sinhala literature. The manuscript is in good condition, with beginning and end intact. It measures 50 cm in length.
Other state institutes also have collections. The Institute of Indigenous Medicine, Rajagiriya has 700 palm leaf manuscripts. The collection includes Besajja Manjusa , the oldest medical manuscript in Sri Lanka . The collection also has a very old, valuable manuscript on acupuncture, written in Sinhala. The manuscript is reproduced in full in the book “Palm leaf manuscripts of Sri Lanka” by Sirancee Gunawardana. She comments, it is well illustrated. The human form is drawn clearly and acupuncture points indicated.
There are valuable private collections of palm leaf manuscripts, acquired by knowledgeable collectors. University of Kelaniya has digitised and made available the manuscripts of 13 private collections. The Danton Obeyesekera collection includes an ath-veda-pota containing prescriptions. James D Alwis collection has a copy of the Jataka Atuwa getapadaya. L.S.D Pieris has an extensive collection of Yantra manuscripts and medical manuscripts as well as a copy of the Rajavaliya. It was noted that SWRD Bandaranaike also had a collection of palm leaf manuscripts .
Private collectors seem to have been specially interested in the pansiya panas jataka. K.V.J. de Silva’s collection had a magnificent pansiya panas jataka. The collection assembled by Rohan de Silva and Jacques Soulie at the Suriyakantha Centre for Art & Culture, Handessa, also has on display a palm leaf manuscript of the Jataka stories, dated to late Kandyan period, in exceptional condition. Its clarity of script, leaf preparation, and intact binding show the highest standards of Sri Lankan scribal craftsmanship, the Centre said.
The largest collection in a foreign library (western) is probably the collection in the British Library, London, which has around 2464 Sinhala palm leaf manuscripts . The major portion of this collection is the Hugh Neville collection of 2227 palm leaf manuscripts. Everybody has heard of the Hugh Neville collection and most think that this is the only collection of Sri Lanka palm leaf manuscripts in the world and that we must be grateful to Hugh Neville for collecting them. Some probably think he wrote them. They do not know of the much larger collections in Colombo and Peradeniya.
Hugh Neville (1869 – 1886) came to Sri Lanka during the British period as private secretary to the Chief Justice. He later became an Assistant Government Agent. He travelled across the country collecting palm leaf manuscripts. They were mainly 19 century manuscripts. Hugh Nevill observed that just one in his collection may be 100 years old. I have no copy over 200 years old, he said.[1]
Hugh Neville died in France, but London acquired the palm leaf collection at the instigation of D.M de Z. Wickremasinghe. They were catalogued by K.D. Somadasa and published in seven volumes, titled ‘Catalogue of the Hugh Nevill Collection of Sinhalese manuscripts in the British Library”. The British Library, in 2021, digitized and made freely available online, four Sinhalese palm leaf manuscripts from the Hugh Nevill collections, namely Dighanikaya, Majjhimanikaya and two copies of Mahavamsa.
The libraries of Cambridge and Oxford Universities have Sri Lanka palm leaf manuscripts. Bodleian Library in Oxford has the Mahavamsa manuscript which was used by Turner for his English translation. Jinadasa Liyanaratana has examined some of the manuscripts in Cambridge and has catagloued 24 Sinhala manuscripts of which 6 were medical texts, others were on Buddhism. This was published in Journal of the Pali Text Society, Vol. XVIII, 1993, pp. 131-47[2]
The John Rylands Library, University of Manchester holds over seventy manuscripts from Sri Lanka, “mostly on Theravada in the Pali language in Sinhalese script” . They are probably from the Rhys Davids collection. The manuscripts date from the 17th-19th centuries and include copies made in Sri Lanka for T.W. Rhys Davis. There are complete manuscripts of the Paṭṭhāna-Pakaraṇa and Nettipakaraṇa, which are rare even in Sri Lanka.
There are palm leaf manuscripts at Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, the Azistische Kjust Museum, Amsterdam, and Bavarian State Library in Munich . Paris has the Talapata sent from the Udarata chiefs to Dutch governor Falck. Jinadasa Liyanaratne examined and wrote on the “Sinhalese Medical Manuscripts in Paris” for Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient Année 1987 pp. 185-199[3] The Netherlands collection included 135 medical manuscripts.
The palm leaf manuscript collection in the Royal Library, Copenhagen is well known. It was obtained by Rasmus Rask who came to Sri Lanka in 1822 in search of them. The collection was catalogued by C.E. Godakumbure. The catalogue is available in Gunawardene’s “Palm leaf manuscripts of Sri Lanka”(p 339). This collection contains the manuscripts collected by Ven. Kapugama Dharmachandra who lived in Dadalla, Galle. He converted to Christianity and his extensive collection, went to Denmark, said Gunawardana.[4]
Small collections of palm leaf manuscripts are held in various other foreign libraries in the west. Casey Wood, (b 1856) an American ophthalmologist who had in interest in medical research, toured the world after retirement. In Sri Lanka he connected with Andreas Nell, also an eye surgeon, obtained palm leaf manuscripts, mainly medical, which he then donated to institutions and individuals all over North America. At least 50 different recipients have been identified.[5]McGill University has a collection of 27 palm leaf manuscripts gifted by him.[6] The Metropolitan Museum of Art, in New York has one manuscript on display[7]. (To be continued)
[1] Stephne C Berkwitz. Buddhist history in the vernacular. P . 115..
[2] https://hasp.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/journals/jpts/article/view/28096/27490
[3] https://www.persee.fr/doc/befeo_0336-1519_1987_num_76_1_1723
[4] Sirancee Gunawardana Palm leaf manuscripts of Sri Lanka . (1977 )p 1-9, 35,41-43,50,127,129,140-146,248,286-292,339-,
[5] https://findingaids.library.northwestern.edu/repositories/8/resources/1303
[6] https://hiddenhands.ca/sri-lanka-essays/
[7] ps://libmma.contentdm.oclc.org/digital/collection/p16028coll4/id/47247/.
by KAMALIKA PIERIS
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