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President Premadasa’s ascendancy from small beginnings

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Sirisena Cooray and Gamini Fonseka

(Excerpted from volume ii of Sarath Amunugama autobiograph )

By the time we (the Amunugama family) returned to Colombo President Premadasa had, with characteristic impatience, commitment and sincerity, launched his new programmes for the development of the country. Even as Prime Minister he had no hesitation in offering the voters a new people friendly administration. As his closest confidante Sirisena Cooray has written, that the new Presidents constant admonition to him was “do not forget the people”.

Before he came on the scene Colombo Central – the largest electorate in the island with three representatives in Parliament – was the playground of the rich Colombo UNP Muslims who were liberal spenders at the time of elections. They were close personal friends of Dudley Senanayake and J.R. Jayewardene. Colombo Central was the closest to what sociologists like Robert Merton have described as urban voting machines.

Politics was enmeshed with obligations of voters who had benefited from the services of ‘ward bosses’ who were agents of the political leaders who represented the electorate. These ward bosses were friends of the poor and the helpless majority of voters who needed a `powerful friend’ to help them navigate their lives in a social context which necessitated constant interaction with various authorities who wielded power from the municipality upwards.

Tambiah in his groundbreaking sociological study of `Wattas’ [Compounds] in Colombo municipal areas around Maradana has highlighted these intermeshing obligations which tend to transform themselves into votes for their ward bosses ‘patrons’ at election time. The Marxist left too tended to duplicate this pattern of ward representatives who would deliver votes to their party candidate at an election.

These ward bosses, as in the case of Chicago studied by Merton, were selected on particularistic criteria to suit the ethnic composition of the locality they served. Thus even Marxists would ensure that the ward leader of a particular area would emerge from the largest caste concentrated in that locality. Fortunately for the Marxists their top leaders were drawn from all the leading castes in the country and they could, perhaps unwittingly, corral their caste and party comrades.

Premadasa as a son of the urban poor, had an unparalleled knowledge of Colombo’s electoral mathematics. But he, coming from a numerically small caste, could create a support base which included the poor of all large castes who were mesmerized by his superb oratory which attacked all high and mighty oppressors and spoke up for the underprivileged and dispossessed. His speeches had an authenticity which could not be matched by the westernized politicians of every persuasion.

As described in volume one of my autobiography I owed the trajectory of my public service career to Premadasa who plucked me out of a large number of colleagues with the same seniority to head the Department of Information at a comparatively young age in 1967. He was then the Deputy Minister of Information and chafing under the reluctance of Dudley Senanayake to give him a cabinet position though he was the chief speaker for the UNP in the 1965 general election.

It was only in 1968 that he entered the Cabinet on the resignation of his Minister Tiruchelvam. So I was well aware of the heroic struggle he had to engage in to enter the higher rungs of his party. That unfair social prejudice remained even up to the day of his untimely and violent death. I knew that his cry of a few days before when he said, “kill me but do not tarnish my character” was a heartfelt one. Since he was sensitive to social prejudice against him Premadasa created a coterie of loyalists who were both efficient and sympathetic to change. He was a hard taskmaster but he also gave credit to his staff who implemented his orders without question.

His Chief of Staff was Sirisena Cooray whose family had been involved in municipal politics of the UNP for generations and were early supporters of Premadasa. In fact Premadasa was not a born ‘true green’ UNPer. His early political affiliation was with the Labour Party of A.E. Goonesinha who led the Colombo working class before the foreign trained Marxists displaced him. Premadasa’s father Richard came from the same village as Goonesinha in Balapitiya. Inspired and aided by his fellow villager Goonesinha Richard set up a transport business in the vicinity of the Colombo harbour which was the strong hold of the Labour leader.

I was told by Premadasa that his father managed hackeries used to transport people and goods a business that flourished during the growth of Colombo city. He followed his mentor Goonesinha into Labour party politics and contested a seat in the municipality. He was defeated in his first foray and when Goonesinha, increasingly under pressure from the Marxists, allied himself with the UNP young Premadasa, whose political talents were recognized by the local populace, also joined the UNP and was elected to the Council from a UNP ‘pocket borough’.

From then on despite many obstacles Premadasa never looked back. Many of the old stagers of the UNP led by V.A. Sugathadasa opposed him but he prevailed. This was due to two factors; his superb speaking skills and organizing ability. Premadasa was easily one of the best speakers on the UNP platform. He was a brilliant, attacking speaker and the UNP pitted him against Bandaranaike who too was a brilliant orator but without the Sinhala language skills of the young ‘nationalist’ challenger from San Sabastian Hill.

Premadasa’s organizational skills were legendary. He undertook responsibilities that other party members shirked. For instance he contested the Ruwanwella seat which was held by N.M. Perera at the request of the party. He told me that he went to Ruwanwella for the first time to hand over his nomination papers. Nevertheless his electoral organization was so efficient that he gave a good fight to the LSSP leader. After the election NM, in his usual generous manner, had complimented Premadasa for a splendid effort.

He had great respect for the LSSP leaders especially NM and Colvin and did not attack them with the venom he reserved for Bandaranaike. Later when he was my ‘boss’ as deputy Minister of Information I found that Premadasa never forgot his supporters from Ruwanwella. He helped them even though he had by then established himself in Colombo Central and had no intention of going back to the “Four Korales”.

Sirisena Cooray, whose brother Nandisena was a senior UNP municipal councillor and early mentor of Premadasa, was the `Alter Ego’ of the young politician and the two of them became a formidable force in municipal and later, national politics. It was not easy to deny Premadasa his wishes when he set his mind to it. When I was Secretary to the Ministry of Tourism I refused to grant a gaming license to a Chinese businessman who had become a friend of Premadasa as instructed by JRJ who was afraid of starting another confrontation with the Buddhist monks who were advocates of Temperence.

Premadasa ignored JRJs instructions and got Cooray who was the Mayor of Colombo to issue the businessmen a gaming license under Municipal Council bye-laws. JRJ turned a blind eye to this insult but soon Premadasa himself fell out with the Chinese businessman and had him bundled out of the country within 48 hours and JRJ and my Minister Anandatissa de Alwis had the last laugh.

Sweeping Changes

The new President made sweeping changes. On the Economic Front he introduced the garment industry. This drew in foreign investment throughout the country in addition to providing employment to thousands of rural women. It also had a spin off effect on other services for the nascent industry. In his own colorful phraseology he had enabled the poor rural girl to earn an income and buy her own gold necklace. This was an opportune time because other manufacturers had exhausted their preferential quotas and were willing to transfer some of their production centres to Sri Lanka.

He encouraged the migration of workers to the Middle East, thereby opening up a new source of foreign exchange and employment which even today is an important prop of our economy. On the welfare front he launched the Jana Saviya programme which created a safety net for those below the poverty line. His trademark housing programme caught the imagination of the poor and the homeless.

Perhaps remembering our national exhibitions of Dudley Senanayake’s time when he was my deputy minister at the time I was Director of Information’ he began district level exhibitions which also catered to fun and frolic called `Gam Udawa’. Keeping to his election pledge he managed to get the Government of V.P. Singh to withdraw the IPKF in short order. He failed in his overtures to the JVP and the LTTE even though he was willing to compromise in order to open a new path to peace and reconciliation.

But he failed due to the intransigence of both terror groups. Rukman Senanayake became his trusted intermediary to the JVP in discussions held in ‘Woodlands’. But the JVP was too fragmented for quick decision making as they were on the run from the armed services which were wresting the initiative from them. Moreover, secret communications of the JVP were distrusted by the armed services which were better organized now under the management of Ranjan Wijeratne and were confident of victory.

When talks failed Ranjan launched an all-out offensive which saw brutal killings by both sides. Finally, the JVP leadership were all eliminated, and the uprising came to an end. Among those killed was Richard de Zoysa who is alleged to have supported the JVP. I remembered the time when Richard and I had office rooms in the same compound at Kinross Avenue, as I have mentioned before. He was the local correspondent of IPS and I was the Additional Secretary General of WIF.

We were all shocked by his murder and I recall the small knot of people at Kanatte cemetery on a gloomy evening when we said farewell to him. Close friends published a paid supplement in the newspapers in his memory and I had no hesitation in writing about him and our friendship, though several of his close friends were afraid to contribute because they knew that the Premadasa regime had killed him. The tragedy was that Richard had been warned of impending danger and was to leave Colombo for IPS headquarters in Rome in a few days en route for an European assignment.

Gamini Fonseka

With the ascent of Premadasa to the Presidential ‘gadi’ two of my close friends Gamini Fonseka and Indra de Silva became part of his inner circle. Indra worked in the information section of the USIS when Premadasa was a junior minister of information in the Dudley Senanayake government. He helped to bring the ambitious neophyte deputy into the ‘patrons list’ of the embassy and arrange to send him on a trip t the US under an exchange programme. Indra had taken early retirement and as customary been granted a pension and US citizenship. He settled down in Washington and was much sought after by the State Department particularly to escort visiting Sri Lankan dignitaries. He also kept in touch with many of the US foreign service officers who had served in Colombo.

President…

The new President immediately appointed Indra to our mission in Washington and made him his “eyes and ears” there, much to the embarrassment of our Foreign Service officials serving in Washington who had been up to then a law unto themselves. He also moved house from his earlier dingy quarters to the famous, or notorious, Watergate apartments located in a posh area in Washington which was in close proximity to the Potomac river and the Kennedy Centre.

Later he relocated to Colombo at the Presidents request but was left stranded after his assassination. Indra died not long after. My other friend was Gamini Fonseka who was a buddy of Premadasa during good times and bad. When in the opposition he set up his “Citizens Front” [Purawesi Peramuna] Gamini was a prominent speaker on its platform together with other favourites like Tilak Ratnakara. However with the death of Dudley, Premadasa teamed up with JRJ and disbanded his `Peramuna’.

As President he quickly brought Gamini to Parliament from Matara electorate, which was a Durawe stronghold, and made him the Deputy Speaker. He was eminently qualified for this position as he was a fluent trilingual speaker. He also won the confidence of the Tamil MPs who knew that Gamini had risked much in denouncing Sinhala communalism of that time. The tradition then was to appoint a trilingual MP as Speaker and his Deputy. Unfortunately that salutary tradition, like many others, has now been breached and party loyalty rather than competence seems to have won the day.

I suspected that Gamini would have preferred to be a Minister. Relations had cooled between the two when the President was assassinated. After that my friend retired from politics and concentrated on his film career thereby delivering some superb screen performances. He was a chain smoker and in characteristic braggadacio ignored all medical advice. He was asked to undergo heart surgery by his doctors but he ignored their advice and died in his sleep. By this time Premadasa was long gone and I am glad to record their friendship which was a part of our history associated with the rise and sudden fall of an unforgettable character who dominated politics in his time just as Gamini dominated the Sinhala screen for those several decades.



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The Truth will set us free – I

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Sri Lanka becoming a Macbethian sick state?

The traditional ritual of anointing medicinal oil (or ‘hisa thel gaema’ in Sinhalese, literally, applying oil to the head) is unique to the Sinhala Aluth Avurudda observances. This year, the ritual was performed at the auspicious moment of 9:04 a.m. (Sri Lanka time) on Wednesday April 16. It was observed at appointed venues across the country at the same time. The anointing was done, as usual, mostly by Buddhist monks in their monasteries.

Where they were not available for the purpose, a senior citizen would do the needful. The oil anointing ceremony was held to invoke blessings of good health on all the individuals who subjected themselves to the ritual. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya was shown participating in the oil anointing ceremony at the historic Kolonnawa Raja Maha Viharaya. There were many social media videos showing similar oil anointing scenes that included even elephants and hippos in a zoo receiving the compassionate treatment; this is not seen as going too far with traditions, for extending loving-kindness even to animals is taken for granted in the majority Buddhist Sri Lanka. Watching this ritual (that used to be so familiar for me in my childhood and youth) from abroad I couldn’t help my eyes filling with tears, feeling kind of homesick, in spite of me having spent more than forty-three years of my adult life living and working away from my Mother Country Sri Lanka.

Though usually Buddhist monks do the anointing, it is not considered a religious practice by the ordinary Buddhists. It is only a part of the completely secular Sinhala Aluth Avurudda festival. The most important annual religious festival for the Sinhalese (especially Sinhala Buddhists) is Vesak, which will be held next month. However, the oil anointing ceremony impresses on the Avurudu celebrants the great importance of maintaining their physical and mental health throughout the coming year, reflecting the high level of attention that our traditional culture pays to that objective.

Prof. Snyder

However, the actual discrepancy that is noticed between the ideal and the reality in the mundane world, as in other countries, is a different matter. Shining beacons like ideals of a long-evolved culture are important for what they are; their importance doesn’t go away because those ideals are only imperfectly realised by the people of that culture. But the values endure.

The news of this happy occasion and my awareness of a deepening political and cultural malaise in my beloved Motherland back home reminded me of a book I read during the Covid-19 lockdown period of 2020-2022: OUR MALADY by American historian and public intellectual, the Yale University professor Timothy D. Snyder published in 2020. The book, whose subtitle is ‘Liberty and Solidarity’, is about the weakness of the American healthcare system that he himself got a taste of, privately.

Professor Snyder came to know first-hand how America failed its citizens in the public healthcare sphere as an inmate of a hospital ward, where he was admitted to the emergency room at midnight on December 29, 2019. He was complaining of a condition of severe bodily ‘malaise’. Doctors later told him that he had an abscess the size of a baseball in his liver. The emergency operation to remove the abscess was done after seventeen hours of his having had to wait confined to a hospital bed!

‘Rage’ is the word he repeatedly uses to describe how he felt during his hospitalisation. He was not raging against God or any particular person or a group or the bacteria that caused his illness. ‘I raged against a world where I was not’, Snyder writes in the Prologue to the book (implying how much he was angry about there not being a healthy enough healthcare system to look after Americans who fell ill like himself. The book grew out of entries he made in a diary that he maintained while recuperating in hospital. Proficient in a number of European languages including English, French and Polish, he adopts a sort of poetic idiom to deal with his naturally dull subject.

He imagined he was not suffering in solitude, though. He thought about other Americans in his situation, and empathised with them. The absence of a sound healthcare system is America’s malady according to Snyder. Probably, the current situation in America is different, having changed for the better. We must remember that the time he is talking about was the last year of the first term (January 20, 2017-January 20, 2021) of the 45th US president Donald Trump of the Republican Party.

Currently, Trump is serving as the 47th US president. The ideas that professor Snyder develops in the book have global topical relevance, I think. They are organised into four Chapters or ‘Lessons’ as he dubs them, which in my opinion, have implications that could be utilised even by the citizens of the Macbethian ‘sick state’ that Sri Lanka has become today, complete with a Macbeth (though a muppet) and a shadowy but more determined Lady Macbeth.

Timothy Snyder offers the four Lessons for his fellow Americans, and by extension, to fellow humans around the world including us, Sri Lankans. Perhaps these are uniquely American issues, with little direct relevance to a small country like Sri Lanka with no stake in the international pharmaceutical industry. But then no country can escape from the implications of the following facts (taken from Wikipedia): In 2023, the global pharmaceutical industry earned revenues of US $ 1.48 trillion, whereas the top 10 arms manufacturing companies earned only US $ 632 billion. In the same year, the global life and health insurance carriers industry, which is the biggest industry in the world in terms of revenue, earned US $ 4.3 trillion.

Our own late medical professor Senake Bibile (1920-1977), a pharmacology expert and a rare philanthropist and compassionate social activist of the Trotskyite Sama Samaja party persuasion who always had the welfare of the suffering poor at heart, met his death allegedly in mysterious circumstances in Guyana where he was attending a UN conference, promoting the domestic drug policy that he had developed for Sri Lanka, as a model for use in other countries and by the World Health Organization (WHO), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) for developing policies for ‘rational pharmaceutical use’.

It goes without saying that Sri Lankans are also highly vulnerable to the deleterious effects of the inhuman excesses of the purely profit oriented international Big Pharma; these harmful consequences get transferred to the innocent citizens magnified several times through the unholy alliance between the local corporate drugs mafiosi and corrupt politicians. Be that as it may, Snyder adds another three equally important related points, covering all four, each in a Lesson that must receive the utmost attention of all adult Sri Lankans: health care for children and children’s education, truth in politics, and the supremacy of the doctors’ role in a malady situation. We will look at these briefly, intermittently taking our eyes off America to reflect on our own country Sri Lanka.

Lesson 1 is ‘Health care is a human right’.

Despite its wealth, professor Snyder complains, America is a sick nation; life expectancy is falling for Americans. Moody’s Analytics suggests that US millennials will die younger than their parents or grandparents, though there is no lack of money spent. What is causing this decline in life expectancy? Snyder’s unsettling answer is that the American healthcare system prioritises profit over people’s lives. America still lacks a universal healthcare system, in spite of being a supporter of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and this leads to unequal access to health care, as Snyder asserts.

Exorbitantly priced commercial medicine has a devastating effect on the protection of the health-care rights of the people. It has robbed the American citizens of their health, in Snyder’s view. The American health-care system’s profit-focussed approach and lack of investment in protective equipment for medical professionals jeopardised their safety during the Covid-19 pandemic. In America, 20 million people lost their jobs and over 150,000 died from pandemic. Health insurance became too expensive, and health care unaffordable. Without a diagnosis, many became dangerously ill or unknowingly infected others with the virus.

Though poor, Sri Lanka beats America in respect of looking after public health. It has a better record in providing satisfactory health care for the citizens. The state runs an almost 100% free medicare service for all the citizens. There is a (kind of) parallel paid private hospital system as well, that caters to the better off segment of the population that can resort to it if they prefer to do so. This potentially eases the burden on the free state medical services, which can then focus more on attending to the needs of the economically weaker section of the population.

The maintenance by the state of such a public welfare-based healthcare system is desired and supported by our dominant socio-cultural background that strongly resonates with the humanistic spirit of the Aluth Avurudda that prioritises health over all forms of wealth. This is embodied in the principle Arogya parama labha ‘Good health is the greatest wealth’, the antithesis of the American attitude towards citizens’ health.

Sri Lanka was among the handful of countries that contained the Covid-19 pandemic most efficiently, minimizing deaths, whereas in America, according to Snyder, flaws in the healthcare system were aggravated by the contagion. This led to more deaths in America than in other wealthy nations like Japan and Germany. But the not so well-to-do Sri Lanka escaped with a minimum number of Covid-caused fatalities amidst obstacles mounted by antinationalist ill-wishers as I saw it at the time. That is Professor Snyder’s Lesson 1, which is about the human right of easily accessible health care. Sri Lanka is actually ahead of America in this respect in spite of relative poverty.

by Rohana R. Wasala

(To be concluded.)

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Four-day work week; too much rigidity; respectful farewell  

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Large crowds attracted by the Dalada Vandana in Kandy. (Image Courtesy Hiru News)

I received a video that announced Japan was considering changing to a four-day work week. Suspicious of such news in my cell phone, I googled and found that certain countries had already opted for work weeks of four days and thus three-day weekends. This change too is a consequence of closedowns of work due to the Covid pandemic.

“Several countries are experimenting with or have implemented four-day work weeks, including Belgium, Iceland, Spain, the United Kingdom and Portugal. Other countries like Germany, Australia, Canada, the Netherlands and the US have also shown interest in, or have tested the four-day work week model.”

The video I got was about Japan changing its government work week to four days from mid-April with many projected objectives. One is to improve government employees’ work-life balance and to address the country’s declining birth rate. Also, the hours of the work day are to be reduced so parents can spend more time caring for their kids termed: ‘Childcare partial leave’. Flexible work hours for women to be implemented so choosing between careers and family will not be necessary.

In Germany experimental trials were carried out in 2023-24 involving 43 companies; 73% plan to continue with the new work structure. Noted for productivity and efficiency, Germany has in addition to one day less working, on average only 34 hours per week. A five-day week of 9 to 5 has 40 work hours per week. Fewer hours at work has been found to promote smarter and more focussed effort with employees happier and more engaged.

Long ago in the 1970s Cassandra shifted from employment in the private sector to a semi government job. She was shocked at the laissez faire attitude of her co-workers in an information centre. Most came to work at around 9.00 am: discussed the bus journey and home; had breakfast; read the morning newspapers; did a bit of work and were ready to have lunch by 12.00 noon. Two hours for this and half for a small snooze. Work till 3.30 pm or so when books/files were closed and grooming selves commenced, to depart at 4.30 pm sharp.

The work ethic in a remote government school and a private school in a city were as opposed to each other as the proverbial chalk to cheese. Do minimum against teaching; don’t care attitude to dedication and commitment; take leave to maximum vs hardly taking leave in consideration of the fact parents of students pay fees; non disciplining principals to dedicated pedagogues who set an example.

Cassandra supposes, and correctly, that with the change of government and a system change, even though many offices are overstaffed, employees put in a solid day’s work. The public is better served, most definitely.

Hence how would it be for Sri Lanka to lop off one work day a week? There will certainly be benefits, but aren’t many of us complaining about the presence of too many public holidays; we enjoy 24 to 30 a year including every full moon Poya Day. A travesty!

Pope Francis

The utter mayhem of Poya weekends

Those who lived through the period when the calendar in this overzealous Buddhist country went lunar (sic) and made the four Poya Days of a month and half the pre-Poya Day as the country’s weekend. It was a total mess since many a week had more than five week days in it till the moon changed from one phase to another. Ceylon was completely out of sync with the rest of the world. That was in 1966 with Dudley Senanayake as Prime Minister. Mercifully, in 1970, the Saturday Sunday weekend was reverted to, and sanity regained.

Conclusion is that making our week of four days’ work and weekend three days has to be carefully considered, tested and implemented, or kept as it is. Better it would be if government offices were pruned of excess staff recruited on politicians’ orders and genuinely legitimate officers made to work efficiently.

VVIP Mother in queue

A photograph made the rounds on social media of a frail looking, white haired lady in a queue in Kandy moving slowly to pay homage to the Sacred Tooth Relic. It was said to be President AKD’s mother who was hospitalised just a couple of months ago. Admired is her devotion as well as the fact she came incognito; not informing her son of her intended travel.

But Cass is censorious. Here was a genuine case of needing a bit of stretching of points and helping her to fulfil her desire to pay homage with ease. After all, he is working hard and very probably long hours to get this country on an even keel. He needs appreciation and if he refuses advantages, let a less able person benefit.

A truly honourable Pope

Roman Catholics across the globe mourn the death of the 266th Pope on the Monday after the Easter weekend; and the world respects and reveres him. People comment he must have willed himself to live through Easter, even presenting himself to crowds gathered in the huge grounds of St Peter’s Basilica.

Pope Francis was born Jorge Bergoglio on December 17, 1936, in Buenos Aires, Argentina. He was inspired to join the Society of Jesus or Jesuits in 1958 after a serious illness. Ordained a Catholic priest in 1969, he was the Jesuit provincial superior in Argentina from 1973 to 79. He became the Archbishop of Buenos Aires in 1998 and was created a cardinal in 2001 by Pope John Paul II. He was elected in the papal conclave following the resignation of Pope Benedict XVI as head of the Catholic Church and Sovereign of the Vatican City State in 1913, claiming many firsts: a Jesuit becoming Pope; first from America, from the Southern Hemisphere. He chose his papal name in honour of Saint Francis of Assisi, kind to all living beings. “Throughout his public life, Francis was noted for his humility, emphasis on God’s mercy, international visibility as pope, concern for the poor and commitment to interreligious dialogue. He was known for having a less formal approach to the papacy than his predecessors.”

We remember his visit to Sri Lanka from January 13 to 15, 2015, when he travelled to the Shrine of Our Lady of Madhu and canonized Sri Lanka’s first saint, Joseph Vaz. He conducted a Mass and bestowed blessings to the multitude at Galle Face Green. As he entered and left the Green, he placed his hands on the heads of infants, children, the very poor, the old and infirm; never mind oil and dirt on heads. A truly great and good person.

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Kashmir terror attack underscores need for South Asian stability and amity

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Security forces in India-administered Kashmir following the recent terror attack on tourists.

The most urgent need for the South Asian region right now, in the wake of the cold-blooded killing by gunmen of nearly 30 local tourists in Indian-administered Kashmir two days back, is the initiation of measures that could ensure regional stability and peace. The state actors that matter most in this situation are India and Pakistan and it would be in the best interests of the region for both countries to stringently refrain from succumbing to knee-jerk reactions in the face of any perceived provocations arising from the bloodshed.

The consequences for the countries concerned and the region could be grave if the terror incident leads to stepped-up friction and hostility between India and Pakistan. Some hardline elements in India, for instance, are on record in the international media as calling on the Indian state to initiate tough military action against Pakistan for the Kashmiri terror in question and a positive response to such urgings could even lead to a new India-Pakistan war.

Those wishing South Asia well are likely to advocate maximum restraint by both states and call for negotiations by them to avert any military stand-offs and conflicts that could prove counter-productive for all quarters concerned. This columnist lends his pen to such advocacy.

Right now in Sri Lanka, nationalistic elements in the country’s South in particular are splitting hairs over an MoU relating to security cooperation Sri Lanka has signed with India. Essentially, the main line of speculation among these sections is that Sri Lanka is coming under the suzerainty of India, so to speak, in the security sphere and would be under its dictates in the handling of its security interests. In the process, these nationalistic sections are giving fresh life to the deep-seated anti-India phobia among sections of the Sri Lankan public. The eventual result will be heightened, irrational hostility towards India among vulnerable, unenlightened Sri Lankans.

Nothing new will be said if the point is made that such irrational fears with respect to India are particularly marked among India’s smaller neighbouring states and their publics. Needless to say, collective fears of this kind only lead to perpetually strained relations between India and her neighbours, resulting in regional disunity, which, of course would not be in South Asia’s best interests.

SAARC is seen as ‘dead’ by some sections in South Asia and its present dysfunctional nature seems to give credence to this belief. Continued friction between India and Pakistan is seen as playing a major role in such inner paralysis and this is, no doubt, the main causative factor in SARRC’s current seeming ineffectiveness.

However, the widespread anti-India phobia referred to needs to be factored in as playing a role in SAARC’s lack of dynamism and ‘life’ as well. If democratic governments go some distance in exorcising such anti-Indianism from their people’s psyches, some progress could be made in restoring SAARC to ‘life’ and the latter could then play a constructive role in defusing India-Pakistan tensions.

It does not follow that if SAARC was ‘alive and well’, security related incidents of the kind that were witnessed in India-administered Kashmir recently would not occur. This is far from being the case, but if SAARC was fully operational, the states concerned would be in possession of the means and channels of resolving the issues that flow from such crises with greater amicability and mutual accommodation.

Accordingly, the South Asian Eight would be acting in their interests by seeking to restore SAARC back to ‘life’. An essential task in this process is the elimination of mutual fear and suspicion among the Eight and the states concerned need to do all that they could to eliminate any fixations and phobias that the countries have in relation to each other.

It does not follow from the foregoing that the SAARC Eight should not broad base their relations and pull back from fostering beneficial ties with extra-regional countries and groupings that have a bearing on their best interests. On the contrary, each SAARC country’s ties need to be wide-ranging and based on the principle that each such state would be a friend to all countries and an enemy of none as long as the latter are well-meaning.

The foregoing sharp focus on SAARC and its fortunes is necessitated by the consideration that the developmental issues in particular facing the region are best resolved by the region itself on the basis of its multiple material and intellectual resources. The grouping should not only be revived but a revisit should also be made to its past programs; particularly those which related to intra-regional conflict resolution. Thus, talking to each other under a new visionary commitment to SAARC collective wellbeing is crucially needed.

On the question of ties with India, it should be perceived by the latter’s smaller neighbours that there is no getting away from the need to foster increasingly closer relations with India, today a number one global power.

This should not amount to these smaller neighbours surrendering their rights and sovereignty to India. Far from it. On the contrary these smaller states should seek to craft mutually beneficial ties with India. It is a question of these small states following a truly Non-aligned foreign policy and using their best diplomatic and political skills to structure their ties with India in a way that would be mutually beneficial. It is up to these neighbours to cultivate the skills needed to meet these major challenges.

Going ahead, it will be in South Asia’s best interests to get SAARC back on its feet once again. If this aim is pursued with visionary zeal and if SAARC amity is sealed once and for all intra-regional friction and enmities could be put to rest. What smaller states should avoid scrupulously is the pitting of extra-regional powers against India and Pakistan in their squabbles with either of the latter. This practice has been pivotal in bringing strife and contention into South Asia and in dividing the region against itself.

Accordingly, the principal challenge facing South Asia is to be imbued once again with the SAARC spirit. The latter spirit’s healing powers need to be made real and enduring. Thus will we have a region truly united in brotherhood and peace.

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