Opinion

Pre-UNHRC syndrome

Published

5 months ago

2025/08/27

A file photo of the recent hartal in the North and the East

The United Nations Human Rights Commission convenes no fewer than three times a year, during February- March, June-July and September-October. Since the victory over terrorism in 2009, which saved lives of civilian Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims, Sri Lanka has prominently featured in the UNHRC agenda at these meetings, often resulting in passing of resolutions that condemn Sri Lanka as a genocidal state which manipulates the killing, disappearances or harassment with genocidal intention, of Tamils on a regular basis. Of particular concern is its response to the defeating of the most brutal and ruthless terrorist organisation in the world, in a war that could be called a defensive war, for it was fought in the defence of the country which was bleeding to death and on the verge of being torn asunder. The UNHRC stooped to the lowest possible level, breaching its own conventions and adopted a resolution accusing the war winning armed forces of war crimes, wanton murder of civilians, rape etc. causing the death or disappearence of about 40,000 Tamils. It has subsequently added another resolution, dubious to say the least, which has launched an evidence collecting process aimed at hauling the members of the armed forces over the coals and, if possible, convict them at the International Criminal Court. The unkindest cut is that the evidence so collected cannot be subjected to judicial scrutiny and the witnesses are to remain undisclosed, thereby ensuring that they too are not to be examined as required in any fair judicial enquiry. This is the UNHRC we are dealing with, what justice could Sri Lanka expect from such an organisation, which resort to such ‘kangaroo court’ tactics! And the United Nations is supposed to be fair and just by all its members ! Could the world take this UNHRC seriously?

The UNHRC and its parent body the UN seems to be under the thumb of the western powers which are its main funding source. It is no secret that the western powers extended significant support to the LTTE without which the latter would not have lasted all that long. When the LTTE was about to be wiped out the west did its utmost to stop the war and save the LTTE to fight another day. Sri Lanka did not capitulate to the dictates of the west and conducted the war to its conclusion. The irate west would want to punish Sri Lanka and now they use the manipulable UNHRC to do their dirty work.

The ITAK and other Tamil political parties, which were pawns in the hands of the LTTE, can now have the freedom to engage in democratic politics. If the LTTE was not defeated, they, like the rest of the country, would have been uncertain about their future existence. The fate that befell some of their colleagues was an ever present threat, all they could do was obey the LTTE. Now they have the freedom and space to stage ‘hartal’, timed to perfection, to show the world how human rights are violated in Sri Lanka, just before the UNHRC convene in September. This is a manifestation of a condition that could be named the “Pre-UNHRC Syndrome” that is endemic to Sri Lanka and afflicts the Tamil separatists, their local and diasporic supporters and opportunist human rights champions.

This syndrome breaks out invariably and unfailingly, in Sri Lanka and other countries where Tamil separatism is active, in time to influence the deliberations at the UNHRC conventions. Columnists write about mass graves strewn all over the country, kith and kin of ‘disappeared persons’ come out on to the streets, dead bodies float on lakes, UNHRC Commissioner visits mass graves, Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty International issue statements about hundreds of thousands of missing persons, ‘hartals’ are organised in the north and east, demonstrations displaying LTTE flags are held in western countries, statues of LTTE leaders are built in those countries, politicians who depend on Tamil diaspora for political survival shed crocodile tears for mass killings, champions of human rights, and NGOs shout about genocide committed by the armed forces, etc. All this happens while civilians are being murdered en masse elsewhere in the world, under the nose of the UNHRC, which does not utter a word, leave alone passing resolutions.

Pre-UNHRC Syndrome, unlike other syndromes, is beneficial to the afflicted. It is of existential importance to most of them. Sri Lankan Tamil politicians who got a beating at the last general elections are trying to make a comeback, Tamil separatists are hoping for a revival of their separatist ambitions, Tamil diaspora need a rallying point for their political activity and the Pre-UNHRC Syndrome is a convenient tool, politicians in western countries who depend on the diaspora vote make use of the Syndrome to please their Tamil voters, local NGOs and commentators who are on the payroll of the western powers use the Syndrome to earn their keep.

Successive governments have rejected the UNHRC resolutions and the present government probably would take a similar stand at the forthcoming sessions, yet nothing hitherto had been done to eradicate the Syndrome and its causative factors. It’s time to prove to the world that war crimes on a mass scale did not happen during the war against terrorism, that there is no ongoing genocidal activity against the Tamils, that there is no discrimination of the Tamils with regard to language, education, employment, culture and security, that most of the land occupied by the armed forces has been returned, military presence in the north and east is being reduced, and that there is no need for biased, unfair and selective action against Sri Lanka by the UNHRC or any other UN agency.

There is irrefutable evidence, opportunity and fora for this purpose and knowledgeable and eloquent personalities for forceful presentation of the case for Sri Lanka, if the government is so inclined. For instance, the LLRC report concluded that the Sri Lankan military didn’t deliberately target civilians but the LTTE repeatedly violated international humanitarian law. According to the Commission the military gave the “highest priority” to protecting civilians whereas the LTTE had “no respect for human life”. Findings of this Commission were accepted by the Indian government of the day though anti-Sri Lanka human rights peddlers called it a bluff.

A substantial amount of very important evidence is to be found in the Maxwell Paranagama Report as well, which could be considered unbiased as it calls for further inquiry regarding alleged war crimes by individual members of the armed forces. The panel that produced this report consisted of Maxwell P. Paranagama, former High Court judge (Chairman), Manohari Ramanathan, former Deputy Legal Draftsman and Suranjana Vidyaratne, Director General, Department of Census and Statistics. There was also an Advisory Council of three international legal experts, Sir Desmond de Silva, QC. (UK) as Chairman, with Sir Geoffrey Nice QC. (UK) and David M. Crane (USA).

The Paranagama Commission categorically says that the government of Sri Lanka did not practice genocide in the final phase of the Eelam war. It could jolly well have done so if it wanted to. Major General Holmes in his military report to the Commission, pointed out that if the Sri Lanka military wanted to wipe out the Tamil civilian population it could have done so within two to three days of shelling. Its multi barreled rocket launchers, with fierce fire power and high firing speed could have done the job easily.

The Commission rejects the idea that the government and Sri Lanka army deliberately targeted Tamil civilians with intent to destroy the Tamil race. University Teachers for Human Rights, Jaffna, in its report of June 2010 also said ‘there is no evidence of genocide. It is hard to identify any other Army that would have endured the provocations of the LTTE, which was angling for genocide, and caused proportionately little harm.’

All this is substantiated by the despatches of the defence attaché of the British High Commission which gave the casualty figures of the war in its final stages and very convincingly by the revelations of Lord Naseby in the House of Lords which are described in detail in his book “Paradise lost – Paradise gained”.

This substantial quantity of undisputable evidence builds up a convincing case against the claim that 40,000 civilians were deliberately killed by indiscriminate shelling and bombing by the armed forces. The case against Sri Lanka hangs on this number, if it could be debunked the case collapses. The above evidence establishes the fact that not more than 10000 civilians may have perished, which is an acceptable figure in a war situation. Hence the mass graves in the North and the East may not yield skeletal remains in excess of that number even if the whole of the North and East is dug up. The case for Sri Lanka is very strong.

In contrast to the UNHRC policy of not allowing the evidence to be examined, all of the above mentioned evidence is in the public domain and could be subjected to scrutiny by an independent international jury, which should be representatively international and not the western dominated so called “International Community”.

The Pre-UNHRC Syndrome that hangs over our heads like the Sword of Damocles and threatens us two or three times a year, has to be effectively challenged and defeated with the help of friendly nations in the diplomatic arena. To achieve this, we may have to find another Kadirgamar.

by N. A. de S. Amaratunga

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Opinion

From the Lecture Hall to the Global Market: How Sri Lankan students are mastering the “Gig Economy”

Published

2 days ago

2026/02/6

Thilina Walpola

Image : Courtesy South China Morning Post

Have you ever wondered how a university student, between heavy textbooks and late-night study sessions, manages to earn a professional income in US dollars? It sounds like a dream, but for thousands of Sri Lankans, it’s becoming a daily reality through online freelancing.

A recent study published in the Ianna Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies has pulled back the curtain on this digital revolution. By interviewing 21 successful student freelancers across Sri Lanka, researchers have mapped out exactly what it takes to turn a laptop and an internet connection into a thriving career.

The Rise of the “Earn-as-you-learn” Era

In Sri Lanka, the number of online freelancers has exploded from about 20,000 in 2016 to over 150,000 today. While our traditional education system often focuses on preparing students for 9-to-5 office jobs , these students are diving into the “Gig Economy” a digital marketplace where they sell specific skills, like graphic design or programming, to clients all over the world.

The Secret Sauce for Success

So, what makes some students succeed while others struggle? The research found that it isn’t just about being good at coding or design. Success comes down to six “Core Pillars”:

· A Growth Mindset: The digital world moves fast. Successful students don’t just learn one skill; they are constantly updating themselves to ensure they don’t become “outdated”

· The Balancing Act:

How do they handle exams and clients? They don’t use a magic wand; they use strict time management. Many work late into the night (from 6 p.m. to midnight) to accommodate international time zones.

· The Power of “Hello”:

Since most clients are in the USA or UK, strong English and clear communication are vital. It’s about more than just talking; it’s about negotiating prices and building trust.

· Proactive Problem Solving:

Successful freelancers don’t wait for things to go wrong. They update their clients regularly and fix issues before they become headaches.

Why This Matters for Sri Lanka

Right now, our universities don’t always teach “how to be a freelancer”. This study suggests that if we integrate freelancing modules and mentorship into our degree programs, we could significantly reduce graduate unemployment. It’s a way for students to gain financial independence and bring much-needed foreign currency into our economy while still in school.

You Can Do It Too

If you’re a student (or the parent of one), the message is clear: the global market is open for business. You don’t need to wait for graduation to start your career. With a bit of flexibility, a willingness to keep learning, and a proactive attitude, you can transition from a learner to an earner.

The Research Team Behind the Study

This groundbreaking research was conducted by a dedicated team from the Department of Business Management at the SLIIT Business School (Sri Lanka Institute of Information Technology). The authors of the study include:

· Lihini Niranjana Dasanayaka

· Thuvindu Bimsara Madanayake

· Kalana Gimantha Jayasekara

· Thilina Dinidu Illepperuma

· Ruwanthika Chandrasiri

· Gayan Bandara

by Ruwanthika Chandrasiri

Opinion

Is India a ‘swing state’? A response

Published

2 days ago

2026/02/6

Thilina Walpola

In an article titled “India shaping-up as model ‘swing state” (The Island 29.01.2026) Lynn Ockersz says, “Besides, this columnist would go so far as to describe India as a principal ‘Swing State.’ To clarify the latter concept in its essentials, it could be stated that the typical ‘Swing State’ wields considerable influence and power regionally and globally. Besides they are thriving democracies and occupy a strategic geographical location which enhances their appeal for other states of the region and enables them to relate to the latter with a degree of equableness. Their strategic location makes it possible for ‘Swing States’ to even mediate in resolving conflicts among states”.

A ‘swing state’, as in elections, should be able to decisively influence the final outcome. In the context in which India is recognised as a ‘swing state’ the final outcome should first be regional and then, if possible, extend to the rest of the world. And the desirable outcome must entail regional peace, cordial relations and economic stability which would constitute the most vital needs for any part of today’s world. Military power should not feature in the equation, for more often than not, such power is used to brow beat into submission the weak and the poor.

India no doubt is growing fast to be a global economic power and militarily also it is way ahead of the region. Its democracy, in the sense that democracies are measured in today’s world, also may be as the columnist says “thriving”. However, periodical elections, however fair they could be, should not be the sole criterion to judge democracy. If democracy cannot solve the problem of inequality it may lose its credibility as a mode of good governance. As a means of finding who rules, the system may be satisfactory but the other vital components of democracy, such as equitable wealth distribution, if lacking, the system may not serve its purpose.

Inequality in India is among the highest globally, with the top 1% owning nearly 40% of national wealth and the top 10% holding roughly 65% of total wealth and 58% of income. While the economy grows, the bottom 50% receives only 15% of the income. This disparity, driven by wealth concentration and low female labour participation, persists across class, caste, and gender. The income gap between the top 10% and the bottom 50% remained stable, with no significant reduction in inequality over the last decade.

India ranks very low in gender parity (127 out of 146 countries in the Global Gender Gap Report 2023). Female labour force participation is very low, at 15.7% (though government data suggests 41.7% by including agriculture and unpaid work). Women earn significantly less than men, working 53 hours per week compared to 43 for men. Inequality is intensified by existing social divides based on caste, religion, region, and gender. Access to healthcare is limited for many, with 63 million people pushed into poverty annually due to costs. Approximately 74% of India’s population could not afford a healthy diet in 2023. Roughly 64% of the total Goods and Services Tax (GST) in India comes from the bottom 50% of the population, whereas only 4% comes from the top 10% (Global Inequality Report 2024).

This sad state may not be the fault of democracy but the economic system of all so called democratic countries. The other three countries, Indonesia, South Africa and South Korea, that the columnist has named as suitable to be ‘swing states’ are no better. Neoliberalism and democracy are increasingly viewed by critics as an “evil nexus” or a destructive pairing, where the logic of the free market—privatisation, deregulation, and austerity—subverts the principles of democratic self-governance and social equality.

However, my main argument concerns the more important qualities that a country must possess to qualify as a ‘swing state’; the capacity to lead from the front in campaigning for peace and cordiality in the region. In this regard India fails miserably. The past with regards to good neighbourliness, where mighty India is concerned, tells a sad story. How it tried to solve the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka may be etched in the minds of those who lived in that era. The “parippu-drop” followed by gun-boat diplomacy saved the LTTE enabling it to continue with its murderous terrorism aimed at dividing the country. It was India who provided the initial “infra-structure” for training of terrorists who waged a thirty year war in Sri Lanka, committing brutal genocide against the Sinhalese and Muslims and not sparing the Tamils as well. India did not lift a finger to stop the bloodletting. Then it rammed the 13^th A down our throats as a solution to the problem but did not keep to its terms and conditions which required it to disarm the LTTE. 13^th A hangs over our head like the Sword of Damocles and India doesn’t fail to remind us about it from time to time. And we are burdened with the white elephant of provincial councils. Moreover, evidently India continues to interfere in our internal affairs, apparently colluding with the US, it may have had a hand in the regime change in Sri Lanka in 2022 (Shamindra Ferdinando, The Island, 04.02.2026). Another matter that appears to be perniciously secretive is that the Indian government doesn’t want the Sri Lankan government to reveal to its people the contents of the defence agreement it has entered into with the latter, as if people didn’t matter !

Now that tiny Sri Lanka is weakened and pliable after suffering multiple crises, India comes to its aid at the slightest mishap, very much like the hero who comes to the rescue of the damsel in distress, seemingly competing with other suitors. It doesn’t want the damsel to fall into the arms of China, given its geopolitical beauty.

Take the case of the other neighbours of India, does it have the capacity to swing, for instance, Pakistan into at least a position of less animosity. And what about its eastern neighbour, Bangladesh? They can’t even play cricket. Relations between India and Bangladesh, are currently under severe strain as of early 2026, driven by the ousting of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who has been given asylum in India to the chagrin of Bangladesh. Tensions are high due to attacks on diplomats, stalled visa services, water disputes, and alleged interference. The unresolved sharing of the Teesta River and other transboundary rivers remains a major contention, with Bangladesh accusing India of managing these to its detriment. Concerns exist in New Delhi regarding Bangladesh strengthening ties with other nations like Pakistan, seen as a shift away from Indian influence (Altaf Moti, 2026).

Coming back to the conflict with its western neighbour Pakistan, since the 1947 partition, both countries have claimed Kashmir, a region inhabited by a majority Muslim population but initially ruled by a Hindu Maharaja, leading to wars in 1947, 1965, and 1999. India accuses Pakistan of supporting militant groups in Kashmir, a claim Pakistan denies, which has frequently led to military escalations, such as the 2019 Pulwama incident and 2025 strikes. The Indus Waters Treaty is under strain, with potential for conflict over control of water resources. Both nations are nuclear-armed, raising international concerns about regional stability. Recent tensions included increased cross-border firing, drone warfare, and suspected militant attacks in Kashmir, leading to retaliatory missile strikes. The conflict remains a major geopolitical issue, with tensions frequently escalating due to nationalist sentiment and a lack of diplomatic progress (Britanica, 2026).

Another matter of relevance is that India-Pakistan-Afghanistan relations are defined by a complex, triangular, and competitive dynamic. Following the 2021 Taliban takeover, India has adopted a pragmatic, security-focused approach, delivering humanitarian aid to Afghanistan via Iran to circumvent Pakistan. Meanwhile, Pakistan-Afghanistan ties have deteriorated over border disputes, prompting Kabul to seek warmer relations with India as a counterweight to Islamabad. Without formally recognising the Taliban, India has re-established a technical mission in Kabul to secure its interests, monitor anti-India groups, and maintain developmental influence, which directly challenges Pakistan’s historical influence in the region. Is such manoeuvring of regional relations a virtue of a ‘swing state’!

Paradoxically, India is developing a special friendship with the murderous regime of Netanyahu in Israel focussing on defence and anti-terrorism. Indian prime minister is planning to visit Israel towards the end of this month which would obviously boost the image and credibility of a ruler who has committed genocide of the Palestinians. The barb no doubt is intended to prick Pakistan. Could such a country bring peace to the region, which it must if it is to qualify as a ‘swing state’.

India seems to have good relations with its northern neighbour, little Nepal, though minor but persistent issues remain. Disputes, notably regarding the Kalapani-Limpiyadhura-Lipulekh area, have caused tensions. Nepal has, from time to time, requested, a revision of the 1950 Treaty, viewing it as unbalanced. Growing influence of other foreign powers (particularly China) in Nepal poses a strategic challenge for India.

The other northern neighbour, the giant, is a different kettle of fish. India has fought several wars with China and there are frequent border skirmishes. The rivalry between these two giants is second only to that between the US and China. The war for markets, influence and hegemony between these countries may one day tear the world apart.

India seems to be having border disputes with most of its neighbours. Fortunately, we have no common border with it but there is Katchatheevu, on which they have recently made a claim.

India being the big brother must take the initiative to resolve the disputes it has with its neighbours and work towards lasting peace in the region. The inability to do so reflects, more than the external factor, the internal depravity that plagues its politics. One has only to listen to its political leaders during election times to gauge the depth of racism they descend to in order to swing the votes. This phenomenon is more evident in their own ‘swing states’. This racism cannot be confined to its borders, it has to cross the borders and be projected to the neighbourhood, if the politicians are to appear to be truly patriotic. Thus, the border disputes and acrimony continue.

If peace, cordiality and economic stability are the desirable goals for the region – one cannot think of anything more important than these – India may not be the ‘swing state’ that could give leadership to the struggle that would finally bring these qualities to the region.

by N. A. de S. Amaratunga

Opinion

Sovereignty without Governance is a hollow shield

Published

3 days ago

2026/02/5

Sahan Weerasooriya

Globalisation exposes weakness and failed governance; and invites intervention – A message to all inept governments everywhere

The government of Burkina Faso has shattered the illusion of party politics, dissolving every political party in the nation. Its justification is blunt: parties divide the people, fracture sovereignty, and allow corrupt elites to hijack the sacred powers that belong to the citizenry.

This is not an aberration. It is the recurring disease of fragile states. Haiti, Somalia, Sudan, Venezuela, Sri Lanka—their governments collapse under the weight of incompetence, leaving their people abandoned and their sovereignty hollow. These failed states do not merely fail themselves; they burden the world. Their chaos spills across borders, draining the strength of nations that still stand.

Globalisation does not forgive weakness. It exposes it. And as global opinion hardens, a new world order is taking shape—one that no longer tolerates decay. The moment of rupture came when US President Donald Trump seized Nicolás Maduro from his Venezuelan hideout and dragged him to face justice in America.

Predictably, the chorus of populists cried “oil!” They shouted about imperialism while ignoring the rot of Maduro’s failed government and his collapse in legitimacy. But the truth is unavoidable: if Venezuela had been competently governed, Trump would never have had the opening to topple its leadership. Weakness invited conquest. Failure opened the door.

Singapore offers the perfect counterexample. It is perhaps the best-governed nation on earth, and for that reason it is untouchable. Strong governance is the only true shield of sovereignty. Without it, sovereignty is a brittle shell, a flag waving over ruins.

Trump’s precedent will echo across continents. China, Russia, India—regional powers are watching, calculating, preparing. The message is unmistakable: Sovereignty is conditional. It is not guaranteed by history or by law. It is guaranteed only by strength, by competence, by the will to govern effectively.

This is the revolutionary truth: nations that fail to govern themselves will be governed by others. The age of excuses is over. The age of accountability has begun. Weak governments will fall. Strong governments will endure. And the people, sovereign and indivisible, will demand leaders who can protect their destiny—or see them replaced by those who can.

By Brigadier (Rtd) Ranjan de Silva
rpcdesilva@gmail.com