Features
Politics at its most primitive

By Uditha Devapriya
Review of Shaveen Bandaranayake’s Groundswell
Sarasavi Publications, 2021, 118 pages, Rs. 300
Half-way into Shaveen Bandaranayake’s novel, the Minister at the heart of the story tells us that the wealth he earned was people, not money. This is what politicians usually say. In the very least, it is what people who dislike politicians imagine they say.
Come to think of it, both amount to the same thing: we’ve turned politicians into objects of hate so much that we’ve come to love them for being who we think they are. Since we can’t control them in real life, we want to dominate them in popular fiction. The number of plays and films that poke fun at Presidents, Prime Ministers, and Ministers testify to how badly we want to be, not like them, but above them.
I am deeply suspicious of satire of that sort. In his excellent review of Pusswedilla, Hafeel Farisz tells us why political parody ends up serving the people and objects being parodied. This is not rocket science. At its best, political satire can move us to anger, disenchantment, and rebellion. At its worst, it can lull us into a sense of complacency with things as they are and as they seem. Farisz seemed to think that Pusswedilla epitomised the latter, reinforcing cultural stereotypes while offering no proper critique of the political establishment and the ruling class. I suppose you can say the same thing of Vijaya Nandasiri’s comedies: at his best, he makes us aware of the corruption of the political class; at his worst, he turns the corrupt into objects of love-hate, full of tropes and clichés but nothing substantive.
Shaveen Bandaranayake’s Groundswell reads as a political satire, though I have my doubts. Interweaving different stories and unfolding like a film, it goes back and forth. I won’t call its ending funny, but then how can any novel involving politics end on a funny note?
What Bandaranayake does in his story, short as it is, is to tell us that nothing good can come out of a system mired as much in corruption as in patronage. Since these people are tied to each other through politics, politics can prove to be their undoing. The way he forays into this theme and explores it, without regurgitating the usual political clichés, puts the novel at a notch or two above what you come across at, say, the Lionel Wendt. Without conforming to crude stereotypes, he attempts to humanise his characters, showing us why connections matter in politics, and why they don’t always work out.
The plot is simple enough. A woman comes across a corpse of a man at the foot of a hill one fine morning. She informs the police. By the looks of it, he seems to have lost his grip and fallen to his death. The story then rewinds to a political rally at that most obtrusive site of political rallies, a temple, where we are introduced to Sarath Aluwihare, a Minister trying to win his next election. We are also introduced to Sunil, a young man endeavouring to land a job. Events will unfold in a way that will bring the two of them together.
We are told that Sarath hails from a family of politicians, and that this family has been in politics for over two generations. The surname tells us as much. Sunil, on the other hand, is so unobtrusive that Shaveen doesn’t grant him the privilege of a surname, which, after all, is the preserve of those who matter. Like other village youths lacking employment and in dire search of a patron from the ruling class, Sunil clearly is not important; even when he finds a job as Aluwihare’s driver, his status rises, but not so much as to protect him from the novel’s ending. He is as destined to his place in life as Aluwihare is to his.
There are other characters though, and they have surnames. There is the head priest of the temple, for instance, an unabashed admirer of Aluwihare who uses him to achieve his not so religious purposes. Then there is Dileepa Jayanetti, who rises “from rags to riches” and ends up becoming the owner of the country’s biggest media house. Dileepa finds his way up by befriending the daughter of another prominent politician, who introduces him to Aluwihare, who in turn becomes his biggest benefactor. You sense the pattern here.
Halfway through the story, Dileepa hires Lasantha Muthukumarana, a journalist who tries to stick to the tenets of his trade. Dileepa does this because he thinks that by hiring the honest, he can keep them from being honest. For someone who is so bright and manipulative, this is far from the most brilliant decision he could have taken: a few pages later, Muthukumarana is investigating a hit-and-run incident which may be connected to Aluwihare.
In Bandaranayake’s world, everyone seems to know everyone else. That is why it comes to no surprise that the man run down by a vehicle in the middle of the night should have been married to a woman Aluwihare just happened to hire at his Ministry, and that she should be rumoured to have formed the object of Aluwihare’s affections. That Lasantha thought for a moment that a news report linking all this to a prominent Minister would make it in a paper linked to and blessed by that Minister is, of course, intriguing. But he tries to get it published it anyway. When the predictable opprobrium follows and he finds he can’t get it in, the story moves to its inevitable and in many ways unsurprising conclusion.
In saying all this, I am by no means revealing the plot. In fact, surprising as it may seem, the plot is what least interests me about Bandaranayake’s novel. This is a narrative I have come across many times, in many forms. Bandaranayake takes great pains to make it all relevant to the immediate political situation, i.e. the one we are in, now. Those who manage to draw links between his characters and their “real-life counterparts” should, therefore, be forgiven for thinking that he has attempted political critique masquerading as satire. My interest in it, then, has less to do with the novel than the genre it belongs to.
If Groundswell can be called a satire, it is satirical only to the extent that his characters are caricatures. Yet, as I implied earlier, it is not a satire in the way that a work like Pusswedilla is. The characters fit into preconceived and familiar patterns, but that doesn’t make them the clichéd tropes they turn into elsewhere. These characters are more rounded, certainly more complex. Sarath Aluwihare, for instance, does not possess the overstuffed tummy his counterparts from countless parodies do, while Sunil doesn’t become a Renfield type figure hell bent on catering to his “Master.” Even though Bandaranayake can be facetious, and is pugnacious, he refuses to dabble in the kind of satirical humour which could have turned his story into a Vijaya Nandasiri style parody of politics in Sri Lanka.
Depending on how you view it, this may be the strongest point or the biggest weakness in Bandaranayake’s novel. Groundswell makes several important points, and they should be considered pertinent whether they be couched the language of satire or of serious political critique. The medium is hardly the message, contrary to what people might say, and the way you communicate your ideas should not really impact the importance of those ideas.
And yet, there are one or two episodes which reveal Bandaranayake’s funny side. It is here that the disjuncture between the satirical undertones and the ponderous overtones of the narrative, and the author’s voice, proves fatal to the development of the story.
Bandaranayake is at his best when he is setting up situations, and these situations are, all things considered, effective in setting up the plot. He tries to create atmosphere, and does a good job of laying the context. But when each and every point is prefaced by laboriously long explanations of social phenomena, such as the separation between temple and State in Sri Lanka, or the wretched fate encountered by a million or so menial workers in West Asia, you struggle to distinguish between the narrative and the commentary.
For local readers, these explanations will at best be passé. I suspect they will be for foreign readers as well. Groundswell is a novel, or more correctly a novella, which could have been shorter, tighter, and more effective without them. Not surprisingly, the story gains strength when Bandaranayake cuts to the chase, and loses track when he does not.
I have read this kind of story many times before. What makes this one interesting is that it is Bandaranayake’s first attempt at fiction, and that, for a first attempt, it’s damn good. Even within its limits, he has come up with something enjoyable. That I enjoyed the book, and of course the brilliant illustrations that more than just decorate it*, is why I wish it were leaner, shorter, and tighter. Less can be more. More often than not, it is.
* With one exception: the eighth drawing depicts a scene that, if you think about it carefully, is at odds with the text on the opposite page.
The writer can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com
Features
US withdrawal from UNHRC, a boon to political repression and ultra-nationalism

The US’ reported withdrawal from the UNHRC and some other vital UN agencies could be seen as a fillip to anti-democratic and ultra-nationalistic forces worldwide. Besides, the stark message is being conveyed that the developing regions of the world would from now on suffer further impoverishment and powerlessness.
The UNHRC needs to be more effective and proactive in bringing to book those states that are lagging in upholding and implementing human rights standards. But thus far it has been notable in the main in only ‘naming and shaming’ periodically those countries that stand accused of human rights and associated violations. More states and their rulers who have proved notorious violators of International Law, for instance, need to be brought to justice.
Hopefully, the UNHRC would be more dynamic in carrying out its responsibilities going forward but it needs material, moral and financial sustenance in increasing measure as it goes about trying to implement its brief. By withdrawing its support for the UNHRC at this juncture the US has further weakened the body and thereby provided a stimulant to the forces of repression worldwide.
What ought to be equally disquieting for the ethically-conscious is the withdrawal of US support for the WHO, the UN agency for Palestinian refugees or the UNRWA and the Paris Climate Agreement. With these actions the US under President Donald Trump has forfeited all claims to being the world’s foremost democracy. It could no longer lead from the front, so to speak, in championing human rights and democratic development.
It is no coincidence that almost at the time of these decisions by the US, President Trump is meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. At the time of writing what transpired at these talks is not known to the public but it is plain to see that under the ultra-rightist Israeli Prime Minister, there would be no easy closure to the Middle East conflict and the accompanying blood-letting.
This is in view of the fact that the hawkish Trump administration would be hand-in-glove with the Netanyahu regime right along. There would be no political solution in the foreseeable future nor could it be guaranteed by the main stakeholders to the Middle East question that the current ceasefire would continue.
As mentioned in this column before, Israel would need strong security guarantees from the Palestinian camp and its supporters before it sits earnestly at the negotiating table but a policy of repression by the Israeli state would in no way help in resolving the conflict and in ushering even a measure of peace in the region. With the staunch support of the Trump administration the Netanyahu regime could stave off Palestinian resistance for the time being and save face among its supporters but peace in the Middle East would continue to be a lost cause.
The issues in focus would only be further compounded by the US decision to cease support for the rehabilitation and material sustenance of Palestinian refugees. This policy decision would only result in the further alienation and estrangement of Palestinians from the Western world. Consequently, Intifada-type uprisings should only be expected in the future.
As should be obvious, the US decision to pull out of the WHO would further weaken this vital agency of the UN. A drop in material, medical and financial assistance for the WHO would translate into graver hardships for the suffering civilians in the world’s conflict and war zones. The end result could be the alienation of the communities concerned from the wider international community, resulting in escalating law and order and governance issues worldwide. Among other things, the world would be having on its hands aggravating identity politics consequent to civilian publics being radicalized.
Considering the foregoing, the inference is inescapable that the US is heading in the direction of increasing international isolation and a policy of disengaging from multilateral institutions and arrangements geared to worthy causes that could serve world peace. As matters stand, it would not be wrong to conclude that the Trump administration is quite content with the prevailing ‘international disorder’.
One of the most negative consequences of the US decision to pull out of the UNHRC is the encouragement the forces of repression and ultra-nationalism could gain by it. In almost all the states of South Asia, to consider one region that is notable from this viewpoint, the forces of ultra-nationalism and majoritarian chauvinism could be said to be predominant.
Unfortunately, such forces seem to be on the rise once again in even post-Hasina Bangladesh. In Sri Lanka these forces are somewhat dormant at present but they could erupt to the surface, depending on how diligently the present government guards against their rise.
However, the government of Sri Lanka could not be said to be going the extra mile currently to blunt the appeal of ultra-nationalism, whether it is of the Southern kind or of the Northern kind. Crunch time for the Sri Lankan state would come when it has to seriously cooperate with the UNHRC and help bring those accused of war crimes in Sri Lanka to justice. On whether it could cooperate in this exercise would depend the democratic credentials of the present regime.
The cumulative result of the Trump administration weakening the UN and its agencies would be the relentless rise of anti-democratic, fascistic and repressive regimes the world over. Given this backdrop, one could expect the war in the Ukraine and those wasting civil wars in Africa to rage on. In the case of the Ukraine, the possibility of the US and NATO not being of one mind on ways of ending the war there, could render closure of the conflict any time soon impossible.
However, waiting on the US with the expectation that it would be pulling itself together, so to speak, before long and addressing the issue of international law and order would be tantamount to handing over the world to a most uncertain future. It is highly unlikely that the Trump administration would prove equal to the challenge of bringing even a measure of order out of the current global chaos, given the primacy it would be attaching to what it sees as its national interest.
Rather than wait in suspense, democracy oriented sections the world over would do well to come together in a meeting of minds, with the UN playing a catalytic role in it, to figure out how they could pool all the resources at their command to bring about a world order that would be more respectful of International Law in word and spirit.
Features
‘The Onset: A Short Story’: A philosophical drama attempting to redefine perception and cinema

Debut filmmaker, Thevin Gamage, presents a bold challenge to the time-honoured conventions of cinema. Through his daring short film, Thevin invites audiences to reconsider ‘the truth’ of cinematic rules. The 180-degree rule is broken with seamless subtlety, and a fresh perspective is offered on breaking the fourth wall.
This 13+ minute dialogue-driven drama, ‘The Onset: A Short Story’ featuring two actors and created with the collaboration of a debut cinematographer, was shot entirely in his living room—a testament to ingenuity and creative audacity.
The film not only aims to redefine the language of cinema but also thematically contests one of Plato’s most renowned teachings—The Allegory of the Cave. Thevin offers a fresh lens to examine ‘truth’ blending bold cinematic innovation with a philosophical exploration of perception, arrogance, and enlightenment.
At its heart, this story reflects the universal tension between belief and truth, highlighting the cost of breaking free from illusions. His debut is both a defiant act of rebellion and a bold invitation to shape the evolution of future cinema, leaving audiences with as many questions as answers.
Born into a family of artists in Sri Lanka, Thevin, grew up surrounded by a legacy of creativity yet confined by the traditional expectations of society. His parents achieved success as actors and later as entrepreneurs.
For Thevin, questioning the rules was not rebellion for its own sake—it was a search for freedom, truth, and new perspectives. This drive began in childhood, where strict parental expectations collided with his innate creativity. Movies became his escape, a lens through which he experienced life, love, and possibility.
Yet it wasn’t until his late twenties, after years of academic success and professional detours that he finally embraced his calling as a filmmaker. His audacious short film bridges his personal journey with his artistic vision. By breaking the 180-degree rule and redefining the fourth wall, the film demonstrates that cinematic rules can evolve—not as acts of rebellion, but as purposeful explorations of storytelling.
In the spirit of art and its boundless novelty, Thevin Gamage seeks to induct exactly that: originality.
His debut film is a bold exploration of cinematic boundaries and philosophical inquiry, redefining two foundational principles of cinema. This film invites audiences to experience a narrative that subtly bends the historical rules of the 180-degree rule and the fourth wall—often without them even realizing it.
This debut dares you.
It’s a resolute challenge to tradition and a provocative reminder that “rules” are just a few letters that form a word.
****
About young filmmaker

Thevin Gamage
Thevin Gamage is a South Asian filmmaker whose journey reflects both a profound reverence for tradition and an unrelenting desire to transcend it.
Born into a family of artists in Sri Lanka, Thevin was shaped by a legacy of creativity and resilience. His grandfather, Sri Lanka’s first film makeup artist, pioneered his craft with remarkable dedication, laying the foundation for a family deeply rooted in the arts. Though Thevin never met him, his grandfather Regie de Silva’strailblazing work ethic and passion for storytelling helped shape the family ethos, inspiring Thevin’s mother and, in turn, Thevin himself. Reggie was the first Sri Lankan makeup artist. He went to India for his studies in makeup artistry and was active during the era when B.A.W. Jayamanne and Rukmani Devi pioneered the Sri Lankan film industry.
Thevin’s mother, Kumudumali De Silva, a celebrated Best Supporting Actress winner two decades ago and recent Lifetime Achievement Award honoree for her contributions to the wedding industry, met his father, Nihal Gamage, while on set. Together, they transitioned from the entertainment industry to entrepreneurial success, founding a wedding photography and bridal dressing business. Their ventures flourished, even leading to the publication of their own wedding magazine, providing a middle-class life of success and recognition.
Despite these creative roots, societal expectations in Sri Lanka compelled Thevin to pursue academics. After excelling at the University of Toronto with a degree in Political Science, Economics, and Psychology, Thevin still yearned for storytelling. In his late twenties, after years of professional detours, he enrolled in film school and committed fully to his craft.
Operating outside the framework of traditional film production companies, Thevin embraced the challenges of independence. From conceptualization to execution, his debut film is a testament to his determination, ingenuity, and unwavering commitment to his vision. His journey as an independent filmmaker exemplifies the power of creative freedom to challenge norms and shape unique perspectives.
Thevin’s work invites audiences to question, reimagine, and ultimately transform their understanding of storytelling. His journey is not just one of artistic pursuit but an act of defiance—an effort to inspire others to embrace the power of the arts and forge paths beyond traditional norms.
Features
Top three at 40th Mrs World pageant

While South African model Tshego Gaelae becomes the first Black woman to win the Mrs. World title in its 40-year history, we, too, were in the spotlight, at the finals.
Ishadi Amanda took the No. 02 slot, being the first runner-up at the prestigious pageant, held in Las Vegas, USA, from 29-30 January, 2025.
Thailand’s Ploy Panperm was placed third, as the second runner-up.
Sri Lanka’s Ishadi had support from the audience when her name was announced as one of the three finalists.
The Mrs World pageant winner, from South Africa, expressed her thanks on Instagram, saying, “To God be the glory. Thank you so much for the love and support, I am beyond grateful and elated! My beautiful South Africa, the crown is coming home,” she shared with her followers, encapsulating her elation and gratitude.
The Mrs World pageant, established in 1984, stands as the first international beauty contest solely for married women, providing a platform for married contestants to showcase not just their beauty, but also their intellect and community outreach efforts.
Before being picked as the winner, Mrs South Africa was asked: “What is the biggest challenge you have faced and achieved?” And her answer was brilliant:

Rosy Senanayake: Mrs World 1984
“I was so stressed on social media. Social media people should use it to share knowledge and good things. But it’s used to stress people out. But I stood up for myself without that social media pressure. I used the same social media that stressed me out to share good thoughts and hope to get to the victorious place I am today.”
Gaelae’s success is a testament to the ideals celebrated by the pageant, where diversity and empowerment take centre stage.
Gaelae balances her roles as a devoted mother, wife, labour relations manager, and model.
Being the first black woman to clinch the title at the Mrs World pageant has ignited a sense of pride and celebration among South Africans.
The Mrs South Africa Organisation, which played a crucial role in supporting Gaelae’s remarkable journey, also expressed their pride through a statement: “From Soweto to Vegas and now the World, @mrsworldpageant The Crown is Coming Home! Thank you to everyone who supported our queen on her incredible Journey.”
Gaelae returned home to a triumphant celebration fit for a queen.
At the airport to welcome her were her family, friends, church community, the Mrs South African team board and alumni, and the Executive Mayor of Johannesburg.

The crowning of the 40th Mrs World winner
And, guess what? Gaelae is now in touch with me!
Second Runner-up Mrs Thailand Ploy Panperm is quoted as having said: “I believe that modern married women have the potential to excel in multiple roles – as wives, mothers and even as beauty queens – embodying intelligence, talent and beauty.”
For the record, it was our very own Rosy Senanayake who brought Sri Lanka fame at this pageant … being crowned Mrs World at the very first Mrs World pageant, in 1984.
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