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Police Cyril Mathew vs at Kelaniya

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Excerpted from Senior DIG (Retd.) Merril Gunarane’s ‘Cop in the Crossfire’

Confrontation with a mob intending to cause harm to employees of Dasa Industries, Dalugama, Kelaniya in early 1978

At the time of the UNP Iandslide victory in 1977, I was serving in what was then known as the Intelligence Service Division. Shortly after, I was posted as Senior Superintendent of Police, Kelaniya Division. Late Minister Cyril Mathew was the MP for Kelaniya at the time.

One evening in early 1978 whilst I was in my office, ASP Kelaniya, Dharmasiri Weerakoon, informed me that a crowd had gathered at the entrance to Dasa Industries, Dalugama; that Minister Cyril Mathew was present with them and that the employees of Dasa Industries anticipated being attacked when they emerged from the work place.

I took steps to assemble a riot squad with tear gas and baton parties and rushed to Dalugama with the ASP. Minister Mathew was standing about 30-40 yards outside the entrance to Dasa Industries, surrounded by an assembly of people. At 5.00 p.m. or 5.30 p.m. the assembled mob commenced attacking the workers who were emerging from the “Dasa” premises.

I gave orders to the baton party to quell the mob and arrest the ring leaders. On observing that the police were not prepared to tolerate the lawless acts, the Minister left Dalugama in his car whilst the mob dispersed, a few of their members having been arrested by the police. The Minister did not question my actions subsequently, nor was I victimized for restoring order.

Violence inside Vidyalankara University premises in March 1978.

Not long after the Dasa Industries incident, I was in my office one morning in March 1978 when police channels informed me of unrest in the Vidyalankara University. I could not gather precise, accurate information since the Vice Chancellor (VC) could not be contacted. It was then the practice for the police to enter the University precincts only at the request of the VC.

At about 11.00 a.m. a person who identified himself as a police constable from Grandpass police station spoke to me in office and said that he had come from the campus premises where he was attending lectures as an external student. He further said that a large number of unruly persons had advanced along the road leading to the campus and attacked the students within the campus premises. He also spoke of an injured being rushed to General Hospital Colombo, but was not certain whether he was a student or a member of the mob.

I had a riot squad assembled and left for the campus with the only ASP available to me that day, ASP Maxie Perera. The two permanent ASP’s were following a training course. I made it a point to take only one armed constable, and he too in my car so that he would be under my control if the firearm had to be used. When turning into the campus from Colombo – Kandy road, I observed a fairly large crowd at the turn off to the campus. Minister of Industries Cyril Mathew was with them, standing by his car. A number of State Corporation vehicles were also parked in proximity.

We drove up to the University office. I observed students on corridors appearing agitated, and in a state of fear. A lecturer told me that the students had seized one of the invaders, assaulted him and that he had died while being transported to the hospital. I had arrived just when the mob had regrouped to attack the campus in strength with intent to wreak vengeance.

I deployed the police aggressively across the campus road to obstruct and confront the mob if they ventured to move in the direction of the students. About this time, I saw Minister Mathew’s car moving in the direction of Colombo. Shortly after, I received a call on the police radio ithat the Minister wished to see me at the Peliyagoda police station. I advised ASP Maxie Perera to act decisively if the miscreants came in the direction of the campus and rushed to Peliyagoda police station to meet the Minister.

He was seated in the office of the Headquarters Inspector. I extended courtesies whereupon the Minister asked me : “Who asked you to come there?” I politely replied that in view of violence and unrest within the campus premises, I considered it my duty to step in to restore order. The Minister then asked: “Can you withdraw your men”? I replied, “I am sorry sir, I cannot do that.” He then left the police station and traveled in the direction of the campus again.

I too rushed thereand observed the Minister leaving with his supporters in the Corporation vehicles. A very serious situation was thus averted. As in the case of Dasa Industries, Dalugama, the mob preferred to retreat on realising that police would act without hesitation to quell violence. I remained in the campus premises and arranged security within and its environs so that students could leave the premises safely.

The evidence to be led at the inquest also appeared to have been manipulated, for two witnesses had emerged to offer a different version of events. Pressure was being exerted for the Peliyagoda police to keep out of the inquest proceedings and the evidence of the police constable from Grandpass who had furnished the first information in my office.

I met the Magistrate in his chambers and proposed that he call up those who had witnessed the incident at the inquest proceedings. I thereafter instructed the constable concerned to be present in the courthouse at the time of the inquest, which he did. He was thus able to offer his version of events.

Nonetheless, the false witnesses put forward by interested parties implicated a young Buddhist priest named Reverend Baddegama Samitha who was remanded and later indicted.

On the following day, my DIG, A.C. Lawrence, told me that the Defence Ministry was abuzz with the theory that the police had “spoiled” the plans that had been hatched to subdue the left student unions. I realized that my timely intervention for which I was being blamed, averted a serious crisis though it thwarted the designs of Minister Mathew.

Ironically had I failed to exercise due authority in time and underraduates were injured by the mob which sought to wreak vengeance for the murder of their colleague, I would yet have been blamed for a situation which could have embarrassed the government and reduced its political standing. I wasted no time in seeking a transfer out of Kelaniya in a move to pre-empt orders being made for it. The IGP transferred me to Kurunegala at my request.

POSTSCRIPT

Subsequent to his student days in the Vidyalankara University, Ven. Baddegama Samitha shot into prominence, and was at one time a Provincial Councillor and Member of Paliament. He passed away recently. Had the police failed to intervene when hordes of thugs decided to invade the campus to seek revenge for the death of a member of their mob, the life of Rev: Samitha who was the student leader of unions at the time, may have been seriously endangered.

The police constable from Grandpass police who was an external student of the Vidyalankara University, had been dismissed from service for making me aware of volatile developments occurring within the campus premises! It was on such information that I moved to act quickly. I was convinced that Peliyagoda police were in cahoots with the minister for information of gathering developments was not brought to my notice by them. The office of the SP was about a quarter mile distant from the police station.

In the aftermath of a sweeping victory by the UNP in 1977, and with the opposition in total disarray, many in the political establishment abused the law in several areas, watched by a pliant or inept police who were further rendered helpless by a mute police headquarters. My efforts to enforce the law firmly were therefore somewhat uncommon at the time.

It was my plight in such an environment to be accused of working against the government. It was ironic that a DIG, who later became IGP, had been heard saying in police headquarters that “Merril is tactless. He is causing problems to police headquarters”. It was such “tactlessness” that saved the lives of endangered campus students.



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Cyclones, greed and philosophy for a new world order

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Floods caused by Cyclone Ditwah in Sri Lanka

Further to my earlier letter titled, “Psychology of Greed and Philosophy for a New World Order” (The Island 26.11.2025) it may not be far-fetched to say that the cause of the devastating cyclones that hit Sri Lanka and Indonesia last week could be traced back to human greed. Cyclones of this magnitude are said to be unusual in the equatorial region but, according to experts, the raised sea surface temperatures created the conditions for their occurrence. This is directly due to global warming which is caused by excessive emission of Greenhouse gases due to burning of fossil fuels and other activities. These activities cannot be brought under control as the rich, greedy Western powers do not want to abide by the terms and conditions agreed upon at the Paris Agreement of 2015, as was seen at the COP30 meeting in Brazil recently. Is there hope for third world countries? This is why the Global South must develop a New World Order. For this purpose, the proposed contentment/sufficiency philosophy based on morals like dhana, seela, bhavana, may provide the necessary foundation.

Further, such a philosophy need not be parochial and isolationist. It may not be  necessary to adopt systems that existed in the past that suited the times but develop a system that would be practical and also pragmatic in the context of the modern world.

It must be reiterated that without controlling the force of collective greed the present destructive socioeconomic system cannot be changed. Hence the need for a philosophy that incorporates the means of controlling greed. Dhana, seela, bhavana may suit Sri Lanka and most of the East which, as mentioned in my earlier letter, share a similar philosophical heritage. The rest of the world also may have to adopt a contentment / sufficiency philosophy with  strong and effective tenets that suit their culture, to bring under control the evil of greed. If not, there is no hope for the existence of the world. Global warming will destroy it with cyclones, forest fires, droughts, floods, crop failure and famine.

Leading economists had commented on the damaging effect of greed on the economy while philosophers, ancient as well as modern, had spoken about its degenerating influence on the inborn human morals. Ancient philosophers like Plato, Aristotle, and Epicurus all spoke about greed, viewing it as a destructive force that hindered a good life. They believed greed was rooted in personal immorality and prevented individuals from achieving true happiness by focusing on endless material accumulation rather than the limited wealth needed for natural needs.

Jeffry Sachs argues that greed is a destructive force that undermines social and environmental well-being, citing it as a major driver of climate change and economic inequality, referencing the ideas of Adam Smith, John Maynard Keynes, etc. Joseph Stiglitz, a Nobel Laureate economist, has criticised neoliberal ideology in similar terms.

In my earlier letter, I have discussed how contentment / sufficiency philosophy could effectively transform the socioeconomic system to one that prioritises collective well-being and sufficiency over rampant consumerism and greed, potentially leading to more sustainable economic models.

Obviously, these changes cannot be brought about without a change of attitude, morals and commitment of the rulers and the government. This cannot be achieved without a mass movement; people must realise the need for change. Such a movement would need  leadership. In this regard a critical responsibility lies with the educated middle class. It is they who must give leadership to the movement that would have the goal of getting rid of the evil of excessive greed. It is they who must educate the entire nation about the need for these changes.

The middle class would be the vanguard of change. It is the middle class that has the capacity to bring about change. It is the middle class that perform as a vibrant component of the society for political stability. It is the group which supplies political philosophy, ideology, movements, guidance and leaders for the rest of the society. The poor, who are the majority, need the political wisdom and leadership of the middle class.

Further, the middle class is the font of culture, creativity, literature, art and music. Thinkers, writers, artistes, musicians are fostered by the middle class. Cultural activity of the middle class could pervade down to the poor groups and have an effect on their cultural development as well. Similarly, education of a country depends on how educated the middle class is. It is the responsibility of the middle class to provide education to the poor people.

Most importantly, the morals of a society are imbued in the middle class and it is they who foster them. As morals are crucial in the battle against  greed, the middle class assume greater credentials to spearhead the movement against greed and bring in sustainable development and growth. Contentment sufficiency philosophy, based on morals, would form the strong foundation necessary for achieving the goal of a new world order. Thus, it is seen that the middle class is eminently suitable to be the vehicle that could adopt and disseminate a contentment/ sufficiency philosophy and lead the movement against the evil neo-liberal system that is destroying the world.

The Global South, which comprises the majority of the world’s poor, may have to realise, before it is too late, that it is they who are the most vulnerable to climate change though they may not be the greatest offenders who cause it. Yet, if they are to survive, they must get together and help each other to achieve self-sufficiency in the essential needs, like food, energy and medicine. Trade must not be via exploitative and weaponised currency but by means of a barter system, based on purchase power parity (PPP). The union of these countries could be an expansion of organisations,like BRICS, ASEAN, SCO, AU, etc., which already have the trade and financial arrangements though in a rudimentary state but with great potential, if only they could sort out their bilateral issues and work towards a Global South which is neither rich nor poor but sufficient, contented and safe, a lesson to the Global North. China, India and South Africa must play the lead role in this venture. They would need the support of a strong philosophy that has the capacity to fight the evil of greed, for they cannot achieve these goals if fettered by greed. The proposed contentment / sufficient philosophy would form a strong philosophical foundation for the Global South, to unite, fight greed and develop a new world order which, above all, will make it safe for life.

by Prof. N. A. de S. Amaratunga 
PHD, DSc, DLITT

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SINHARAJA: The Living Cathedral of Sri Lanka’s Rainforest Heritage

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Damp and thick undergrowth

When Senior biodiversity scientist Vimukthi Weeratunga speaks of Sinharaja, his voice carries the weight of four decades spent beneath its dripping emerald canopy. To him, Sri Lanka’s last great rainforest is not merely a protected area—it is “a cathedral of life,” a sanctuary where evolution whispers through every leaf, stream and shadow.

 “Sinharaja is the largest and most precious tropical rainforest we have,” Weeratunga said.

“Sixty to seventy percent of the plants and animals found here exist nowhere else on Earth. This forest is the heart of endemic biodiversity in Sri Lanka.”

A Magnet for the World’s Naturalists

Sinharaja’s allure lies not in charismatic megafauna but in the world of the small and extraordinary—tiny, jewel-toned frogs; iridescent butterflies; shy serpents; and canopy birds whose songs drift like threads of silver through the mist.

“You must walk slowly in Sinharaja,” Weeratunga smiled.

“Its beauty reveals itself only to those who are patient and observant.”

For global travellers fascinated by natural history, Sinharaja remains a top draw. Nearly 90% of nature-focused visitors to Sri Lanka place Sinharaja at the top of their itinerary, generating a deep economic pulse for surrounding communities.

A Forest Etched in History

Centuries before conservationists championed its cause, Sinharaja captured the imagination of explorers and scholars. British and Dutch botanists, venturing into the island’s interior from the 17th century onward, mapped streams, documented rare orchids, and penned some of the earliest scientific records of Sri Lanka’s natural heritage.

Smallest cat

These chronicles now form the backbone of our understanding of the island’s unique ecology.

The Great Forest War: Saving Sinharaja

But Sinharaja nearly vanished.

In the 1970s, the government—guided by a timber-driven development mindset—greenlit a Canadian-assisted logging project. Forests around Sinharaja fell first; then, the chainsaws approached the ancient core.

 “There was very little scientific data to counter the felling,” Weeratunga recalled.

“But people knew instinctively this was a national treasure.”

The public responded with one of the greatest environmental uprisings in Sri Lankan history. Conservation icons Thilo Hoffmann and Neluwe Gunananda Thera led a national movement. After seven tense years, the new government of 1977 halted the project.

What followed was a scientific renaissance. Leading researchers—including Prof. Savithri Gunathilake and Prof. Nimal Gunathilaka, Prof. Sarath Kottagama, and others—descended into the depths of Sinharaja, documenting every possible facet of its biodiversity.

Thilak

 “Those studies paved the way for Sinharaja to become Sri Lanka’s very first natural World Heritage Site,” Weeratunga noted proudly.

A Book Woven From 30 Years of Field Wisdom

For Weeratunga, Sinharaja is more than academic terrain—it is home. Since joining the Forest Department in 1985 as a young researcher, he has trekked, photographed, documented and celebrated its secrets.

Now, decades later, he joins Dr. Thilak Jayaratne, the late Dr. Janaka Gallangoda, and Nadika Hapuarachchi in producing, what he calls, the most comprehensive book ever written on Sinharaja.

 “This will be the first major publication on Sinharaja since the early 1980s,” he said.

“It covers ecology, history, flora, fauna—and includes rare photographs taken over nearly 30 years.”

Some images were captured after weeks of waiting. Others after years—like the mysterious mass-flowering episodes where clusters of forest giants bloom in synchrony, or the delicate jewels of the understory: tiny jumping spiders, elusive amphibians, and canopy dwellers glimpsed only once in a lifetime.

The book even includes underwater photography from Sinharaja’s crystal-clear streams—worlds unseen by most visitors.

A Tribute to a Departed Friend

Halfway through the project, tragedy struck: co-author Dr. Janaka Gallangoda passed away.

 “We stopped the project for a while,” Weeratunga said quietly.

“But Dr. Thilak Jayaratne reminded us that Janaka lived for this forest. So we completed the book in his memory. One of our authors now watches over Sinharaja from above.”

Jumping spide

An Invitation to the Public

A special exhibition, showcasing highlights from the book, will be held on 13–14 December, 2025, in Colombo.

“We cannot show Sinharaja in one gallery,” he laughed.

“But we can show a single drop of its beauty—enough to spark curiosity.”

A Forest That Must Endure

What makes the book special, he emphasises, is its accessibility.

“We wrote it in simple, clear language—no heavy jargon—so that everyone can understand why Sinharaja is irreplaceable,” Weeratunga said.

“If people know its value, they will protect it.”

To him, Sinharaja is more than a rainforest.

It is Sri Lanka’s living heritage.

A sanctuary of evolution.

A sacred, breathing cathedral that must endure for generations to come.

By Ifham Nizam

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How Knuckles was sold out

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Knuckles range

Leaked RTI Files Reveal Conflicting Approvals, Missing Assessments, and Silent Officials

“This Was Not Mismanagement — It Was a Structured Failure”— CEJ’s Dilena Pathragoda

An investigation, backed by newly released Right to Information (RTI) files, exposes a troubling sequence of events in which multiple state agencies appear to have enabled — or quietly tolerated — unauthorised road construction inside the Knuckles Conservation Forest, a UNESCO World Heritage site.

At the centre of the unfolding scandal is a trail of contradictory letters, unexplained delays, unsigned inspection reports, and sudden reversals by key government offices.

“What these documents show is not confusion or oversight. It is a structured failure,” said Dilena Pathragoda, Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice (CEJ), who has been analysing the leaked records.

“Officials knew the legal requirements. They ignored them. They knew the ecological risks. They dismissed them. The evidence points to a deliberate weakening of safeguards meant to protect one of Sri Lanka’s most fragile ecosystems.”

A Paper Trail of Contradictions

RTI disclosures obtained by activists reveal:

Approvals issued before mandatory field inspections were carried out

Three departments claiming they “did not authorise” the same section of the road

A suspiciously backdated letter clearing a segment already under construction

Internal memos flagging “missing evaluation data” that were never addressed

“No-objection” notes do not hold any legal weight for work inside protected areas, experts say.

One senior officer’s signature appears on two letters with opposing conclusions, sent just three weeks apart — a discrepancy that has raised serious questions within the conservation community.

“This is the kind of documentation that usually surfaces only after damage is done,” Pathragoda said. “It shows a chain of administrative behaviour designed to delay scrutiny until the bulldozers moved in.”

The Silence of the Agencies

Perhaps, more alarming is the behaviour of the regulatory bodies.

Multiple departments — including those legally mandated to halt unauthorised work — acknowledged concerns in internal exchanges but issued no public warnings, took no enforcement action, and allowed machinery to continue operating.

“That silence is the real red flag,” Pathragoda noted.

“Silence is rarely accidental in cases like this. Silence protects someone.”

On the Ground: Damage Already Visible

Independent field teams report:

Fresh erosion scars on steep slopes

Sediment-laden water in downstream streams

Disturbed buffer zones

Workers claiming that they were instructed to “complete the section quickly”

Satellite images from the past two months show accelerated clearing around the contested route.

Environmental experts warn that once the hydrology of the Knuckles slopes is altered, the consequences could be irreversible.

CEJ: “Name Every Official Involved”

CEJ is preparing a formal complaint demanding a multi-agency investigation.

Pathragoda insists that responsibility must be traced along the entire chain — from field officers to approving authorities.

“Every signature, every omission, every backdated approval must be examined,” she said.

“If laws were violated, then prosecutions must follow. Not warnings. Not transfers. Prosecutions.”

A Scandal Still Unfolding

More RTI documents are expected to come out next week, including internal audits and communication logs that could deepen the crisis for several agencies.

As the paper trail widens, one thing is increasingly clear: what happened in Knuckles is not an isolated act — it is an institutional failure, executed quietly, and revealed only because citizens insisted on answers.

by Ifham Nizam

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