Features
Philanthropy: It is not yet dead in this emerald isle
By Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lon), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
People of Sri Lanka talking about philanthropy might come as a total surprise to most of you. With all our economic problems, bankruptcy, rampant corruption, appalling governance, unprecedented brain-drain, and a whole host of other floating perennial problems in our Motherland, one might justifiably say that those who talk of philanthropy and charity at present need to have their heads examined. With the Sri Lankans having an extremely difficult time making ends meet, one would be more than inclined to proclaim that compassionate generosity would perhaps be the last thing on their minds. However, there are shining exceptions to the rule. One hopes that this article will induce a paradigm shift in the perceptions of the general public, in the form of a complete U-turn on the topic under discussion.
Now, I would like to take the readers back to 1996, when I was inducted as the Founder President of The Sri Lanka College of Paediatricians. It was an entirely new academic enterprise, designed to be the scholastic continuum of The Sri Lanka Paediatric Association. At that time, in addition to many other medical problems in children, there was a significantly high death rate of newborn babies as well as quite a number of them being left with permanent brain damage. The basic cause was the failure on the part of the babies to establish normal breathing, thereby depriving the brain of the all-important oxygen for their very survival and normal functioning.
To most of us, the answer to this dilemma was obvious. This was an eminently manageable clinical problem. These babies who had such problems initiating normal breathing needed to be assisted to commence normal respiration and they would recover completely. Towards that end, all staff members in Labour Rooms and Operating Theatres, including doctors, nurses, and midwives, right around the country, had to be trained on newborn resuscitation techniques to save lives of the newborns and to prevent permanent brain damage in those who survived. The said techniques using a specialised bag and mask bit of equipment, could be easily taught to all these healthcare workers. However, there was a huge snag. They had to practice the technique on training mannikins which had electronic feedback systems to confirm that the technique was being correctly applied. The problem was that the set of mannikins would cost around Sri Lankan Rupees 500,000/- at that time. That was a very large amount of money; quite a fortune, to say the least!
The college being in its infancy did not have access to such a large amount of money. Then, in desperation, I wrote a letter to the newspapers explaining the problem fully and asking for public donations towards this endeavour. It was published in all the English newspapers. I was prepared to even go around with a begging bowl. However, to be quite honest, I did not think that my efforts would be successful.
Hey presto!! within just about two weeks we had more money than we bargained for. Some of our people gave small amounts, some gave large amounts, but small or large it all added up to what we needed. In my letter in the newspapers, I promised them that not even a red cent would go into a pocket and I pledged my sworn assurance on that score. The general public trusted us implicitly, and that was the critical hub of that magnificent response. Money just poured in.
Within another couple of weeks, we had all the equipment that we needed. My consultant colleagues from the Western Province joined me, together with the Consultant Paediatricians in the peripheries of the country, and we went around training scores of healthcare workers in newborn resuscitation. The trainers’ services were most willingly provided by our colleagues on a purely voluntary basis; we did not pay them even a nickel. The ultimate objective was to have a trained healthcare workforce in the Labour Rooms and Operating Theatres to deal promptly and effectively with newborn babies who had problems with initiating normal breathing. Within a few months, we had such a workforce.
The rest is history. In quite a short time, the newborn deaths came down drastically and the number of children left with permanent brain damage too was very significantly reduced, right around the country. All we did was write a compelling letter pulling at the heartstrings of our people. Their response was absolutely wonderful. Later on, I wrote another letter to the newspapers providing details of the success story and thanking our people for what they had financed. We took no credit at all and all praise went to the people who responded ever so magnificently to our desperate call. It was a sterling achievement by those who contributed money, as much as it was a triumph for the healthcare workers. I was only just the catalyst for it.
Now fast forward to the current era. Many are the initiatives that have been successfully funded by public donations and implemented by our colleagues; those of my vintage as well as the younger ones. Resourceful colleagues of ours have done wonders for many hospitals, especially in very remote areas. They are far too numerous to document here and have ranged from infrastructure facilities to securing essential medicines. Many have used their very own family funds for the purpose as well. Even our Sri Lanka College of Paediatricians, now grown well into adulthood, arranged for, and secured essential medicines for needy children in 2022 and 2023. In addition, the college has been involved with the magnificent Little Hearts Project of the Lady Ridgeway Hospital for Children. Many people from here and abroad responded to these clarion calls by the College.
However, this author feels that he would be failing in his duties, if he does not cite just one more example of how much can be done by a dedicated team of humanitarians working together in a remote area of the island. There is a novel public and private partnership project in the capacity development of hospitals in the Uva Region. That story illustrates how a philanthropic group working closely with donors, health authorities and professionals, tries hard to develop health sector capacity in hospitals in the Uva Province. This project has clearly shown that the public and private sectors can work together for the benefit of people in an effective, transparent, and efficient way.
The endeavour began three years ago during the COVID-19 pandemic when a public-private partnership was mooted to mobilise their resources to provide equipment to serve the critically ill patients suffering from COVID-19. This project proved to be very successful due to collaboration between a philanthropic promotor group, donors, and health authorities in Uva as well as the Sri Lanka College of Internal Medicine. It started with a retired Professor of Psychiatry residing in Diyatalawa being informed of the problems facing the new COVID-19 unit at Bandarawela Hospital by a doctor working there. It coincided with a Sri Lankan doctor living in California, USA, expressing his interest in mobilising resources to develop the capacity of hospitals to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic. This project was then initiated to provide equipment to increase the capacity of Bandarawela Hospital. It was promoted by a philanthropist group led by the Californian doctor and a retired Sri Lankan cricketer cum diplomat, while the Psychiatrist along with the hospital authorities and the College of Internal Medicine focused on implementing the technical aspects of the project. All went quite well and according to plan. It is noteworthy that in a documented response, the Physician looking after the COVID-19 patients at Bandarawela Hospital had intimated “Thanks to your donations the hospital was able to treat and discharge over 1,500 covid positive patients”. The donors could not have asked for more.
Encouraged by the outcome, the philanthropists expanded their efforts. It entailed the provision of equipment worth Rupees 26 million and the hospitals which benefitted included not only the Bandarawela Hospital but the other hospitals of the region, in Diyatalawa, Welimada, Haputale, Haldumulla, and Koslanda as well. The project was a great success in upgrading the facilities for critical care, benefitting a large number of patients suffering from major health problems, including COVID-19.
Following the COVID-19-related capacity-building activities, while monitoring and reviewing the outcomes of the project, it became clear that there was a real need to increase the capacity of other critical areas of health. The Californian doctor and the retired cricketer had then indicated their willingness to mobilise additional resources to improve health services. It resulted in the improvement and expansion of services provided by the Diyatalawa Hospital to meet the emerging needs of people with emergencies and accidents living in the catchment area. A project committee was formulated to raise the necessary funds and plans were set afoot to upgrade the present one-bed Accident and Emergency facility at the Diyatalawa Hospital to a modern well well-equipped five-bed unit. Plans are afoot and funds have already been mobilized to develop an easily accessible new premises with an initial donation of Rupees 10 million from two retired Doctors of Philosophy. The latter two had provided generous donations for the earlier project too. All needed equipment has already been identified and other potential donors earmarked and contacted. The Health Services Council led by a venerable Buddhist Thera and another philanthropist from California are working with the Diyatalawa Hospital team in this endeavour.
I have purposely avoided providing the names of these pioneer humanitarians simply because I know for sure that it is the last thing they would want. They will be embarrassed if their names are highlighted. All this goes to confirm the veracity of my original contention that philanthropy is very much alive and that many hearts would melt and respond appropriately to provide the much-needed services for our people. Very many of them have done so without any fanfare at all. All they need is immense trust in the people who organise and manage such initiatives.
Philanthropy in medicine embodies the very epitome of compassion and generosity, illuminating the profound beauty of humanity’s altruistic potential. It transcends mere financial contributions, manifesting as a lifeline for those in dire need. From funding groundbreaking research to providing access to essential healthcare services, philanthropy breathes life into the noble pursuit of healing. It ignites hope in the hearts of patients, offering solace in moments of vulnerability and despair. Moreover, philanthropy fosters collaboration among healthcare professionals, and communities, catalysing innovative solutions to some challenges in providing optimal healthcare. It empowers individuals and institutions to complement each other towards providing holistic care, ultimately saving countless lives and alleviating suffering.
In its essence, charity in efforts taken to improve healthcare truly portrays the profound interconnectedness of humanity, reminding us of our shared responsibility to uplift and support one another. It is a testament to the inherent goodness within people, leaving an indelible mark of compassion and kindness on the fabric of society. These deeds are the ones that reawaken our admiration for the intrinsic compassionate qualities of the people of our Motherland. They are indeed the Jewels in the Crown.
Six months into the term of office of the new government, the main positive achievements continue to remain economic and political stability and the reduction of waste and corruption. The absence of these in the past contributed to a significant degree to the lack of development of the country. The fact that the government is making a serious bid to ensure them is the best prognosis for a better future for the country. There is still a distance to go. The promised improvements that would directly benefit those who are at the bottom of the economic pyramid, and the quarter of the population who live below the poverty line, have yet to materialise. Prices of essential goods have not come down and some have seen sharp increases such as rice and coconuts. There are no mega projects in the pipeline that would give people the hope that rapid development is around the corner.
There were times in the past when governments succeeded in giving the people big hopes for the future as soon as they came to power. Perhaps the biggest hope came with the government’s move towards the liberalisation of the economy that took place after the election of 1977. President J R Jayewardene and his team succeeded in raising generous international assistance, most of it coming in the form of grants, that helped to accelerate the envisaged 30 year Mahaweli Development project to just six years. In 1992 President Ranasinghe Premadasa thought on a macro scale when his government established 200 garment factories throughout the country to develop the rural economy and to help alleviate poverty. These large scale projects brought immediate hope to the lives of people.
More recently the Hambantota Port project, Mattala Airport and the Colombo Port City project promised mega development that excited the popular imagination at the time they commenced, though neither of them has lived up to their envisaged potential. These projects were driven by political interests and commission agents rather than economic viability leading to debt burden and underutilisation. The NPP government would need to be cautious about bringing in similar mega projects that could offer the people the hope of rapid economic growth. During his visits to India and China, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake signed a large number of agreements with the governments of those countries but the results remain unclear. The USD 1 billion Adani project to generate wind power with Indian collaboration appears to be stalled. The USD 3.7 billion Chinese proposal to build an oil refinery also appears to be stalled.
RENEWED GROWTH
The absence of high profile investments or projects to generate income and thereby take the country to a higher level of development is a lacuna in the development plans of the government. It has opened the door to invidious comparisons to be drawn between the new government’s ability to effect change and develop the economy in relation to those in the opposition political parties who have traditionally been in the seats of power. However, recently published statistics of the economic growth during the past year indicates that the economy is doing better than anticipated under the NPP government. Sri Lanka’s economy grew by 5 percent in the year 2024, reversing two years of contraction with the growth rate for the year of 2023 being estimated at negative 2.3 percent. What was particularly creditable was the growth rate for the fourth quarter of 2024 (after the new government took over) being 5.4 percent. The growth figures for the present quarter are also likely to see a continuation of the present trend.
Sri Lanka’s failure in the past has been to sustain its economic growth rates. Even though the country started with high growth rates under different governments, it soon ran into problems of waste and corruption that eroded those gains. During the initial period of President J R Jayawardene’s government in the late 1970s, the economy registered near 8 percent growth with the support of its mega projects, but this could not be sustained. Violent conflict, waste and corruption came to the centre stage which led to the economy getting undermined. With more and more money being spent on the security forces to battle those who had become insurgents against the state, and with waste and corruption skyrocketing there was not much left over for economic development.
The government’s commitment to cut down on waste and corruption so that resources can be saved and added to enable economic growth can be seen in the strict discipline it has been following where expenditures on its members are concerned. The government has restricted the cabinet to 25 ministers, when in the past the figure was often double. The government has also made provision to reduce the perks of office, including medical insurance to parliamentarians. The value of this latter measure is that the parliamentarians will now have an incentive to upgrade the health system that serves the general public, instead of running it down as previous governments did. With their reduced levels of insurance coverage they will need to utilise the public health facilities rather than go to the private ones.
COMMITTED GOVERNMENT
The most positive feature of the present time is that the government is making a serious effort to root out corruption. This is to be seen in the invigoration of previously dormant institutions of accountability, such as the Bribery and Corruption Commission, and the willingness of the Attorney General’s Department to pursue those who were previously regarded as being beyond the reach of the law due to their connections to those in the seats of power. The fact that the Inspector General of Police, who heads the police force, is behind bars on a judicial order is an indication that the rule of law is beginning to be taken seriously. By cost cutting, eliminating corruption and abiding by the rule of law the government is removing the obstacles to development. In the past, the mega development projects failed to deliver their full benefits because they got lost in corrupt and wasteful practices including violent conflict.
There is a need, however, for new and innovative development projects that require knowledge and expertise that is not necessarily within the government. So far it appears that the government is restricting its selection of key decision makers to those it knows, has worked with and trusts due to long association. Two of the committees that the government has recently appointed, the Clean Lanka task force and the Tourism advisory committee are composed of nearly all men from the majority community. If Sri Lanka is to leverage its full potential, the government must embrace a more inclusive approach that incorporates women and diverse perspectives from across the country’s multiethnic and multireligious population, including representation from the north and east. For development that includes all, and is accepted by all, it needs to tap into the larger resources that lie outside itself.
By ensuring that women and ethnic minorities have representation in decision making bodies of the government, the government can harness a broader range of skills, experiences, and perspectives, ultimately leading to more effective and sustainable development policies. Sustainable development is not merely about economic growth; it is about inclusivity and partnership. A government that prioritises diversity in its leadership will be better equipped to address the challenges that can arise unexpectedly. By widening its advisory base and integrating a broader array of voices, the government can create policies that are not only effective but also equitable. Through inclusive governance, responsible economic management, and innovative development strategies the government will surely lead the country towards a future that benefits all its people.
by Jehan Perera
Former Minister Ali Sabry’s recent op-ed, “Why Sri Lanka must continue to pursue a non-aligned, yet multi-aligned foreign policy,” published in the Daily FT on 3 March, offers a timely reflection on Sri Lanka’s foreign policy trajectory in an increasingly multipolar world. Sabry’s articulation of a “non-aligned yet multi-aligned” approach is commendable for its attempt to reconcile Sri Lanka’s historical commitment to non-alignment with the realities of contemporary geopolitics. However, his framework raises critical questions about the principles of non-alignment, the nuances of multi-alignment, and Sri Lanka’s role in a world shaped by great power competition. This response seeks to engage with Sabry’s arguments, critique certain assumptions, and propose a more robust vision for Sri Lanka’s foreign policy.
Sabry outlines five key pillars of a non-aligned yet multi-aligned foreign policy:
- No military alignments, no foreign bases: Sri Lanka should avoid entangling itself in military alliances or hosting foreign military bases.
- Economic engagement with all, dependency on none
: Sri Lanka should diversify its economic partnerships to avoid over-reliance on any single country.
* Diplomatic balancing
: Sri Lanka should engage with multiple powers, leveraging relationships with China, India, the US, Europe, Japan, and ASEAN for specific benefits.
- Leveraging multilateralism
: Sri Lanka should participate actively in regional and global organisations, such as UN, NAM, SAARC, and BIMSTEC.
- Resisting coercion and protecting sovereignty
: Sri Lanka must resist external pressures and assert its sovereign right to pursue an independent foreign policy.
While pillars 1, 2, and 5 align with the traditional principles of non-alignment, pillars 3 and 4 warrant closer scrutiny. Sabry’s emphasis on “diplomatic balancing” and “leveraging multilateralism” raises questions about the consistency of his approach with the spirit of non-alignment and whether it adequately addresses the challenges of a multipolar world.
Dangers of over-compartmentalisation
Sabry’s suggestion that Sri Lanka should engage with China for infrastructure, India for regional security and trade, the US and Europe for technology and education, and Japan and ASEAN for economic opportunities reflects a pragmatic approach to foreign policy. However, this compartmentalisation of partnerships risks reducing Sri Lanka’s foreign policy to a transactional exercise, undermining the principles of non-alignment.
Sabry’s framework, curiously, excludes China from areas like technology, education, and regional security, despite China’s growing capabilities in these domains. For instance, China is a global leader in renewable energy, artificial intelligence, and 5G technology, making it a natural partner for Sri Lanka’s technological advancement. Similarly, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) offers significant opportunities for economic development and regional connectivity. By limiting China’s role to infrastructure, Sabry’s approach risks underutilising a key strategic partner.
Moreover, Sabry’s emphasis on India for regional security overlooks the broader geopolitical context. While India is undoubtedly a critical partner for Sri Lanka, regional security cannot be addressed in isolation from China’s role in South Asia. The Chinese autonomous region of Xizang (Tibet) is indeed part of South Asia, and China’s presence in the region is a reality that Sri Lanka must navigate. A truly non-aligned foreign policy would seek to balance relationships with both India and China, rather than assigning fixed roles to each.
Sabry’s compartmentalisation of partnerships risks creating silos in Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, limiting its flexibility and strategic depth. For instance, by relying solely on the US and Europe for technology and education, Sri Lanka may miss out on opportunities for South-South cooperation with members of BRICS.
Similarly, by excluding China from regional security discussions, Sri Lanka may inadvertently align itself with India’s strategic interests, undermining its commitment to non-alignment.
Limited multilateralism?
Sabry’s call for Sri Lanka to remain active in organisations like the UN, NAM, SAARC, and BIMSTEC is laudable. However, his omission of the BRI, BRICS, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is striking. These platforms represent emerging alternatives to the Western-dominated global order and offer Sri Lanka opportunities to diversify its partnerships and enhance its strategic autonomy.
The BRI is one of the most ambitious infrastructure and economic development projects in history, involving over 140 countries. For Sri Lanka, the BRI offers opportunities for infrastructure development, trade connectivity, and economic growth. By participating in the BRI, Sri Lanka can induce Chinese investment to address its infrastructure deficit and integrate into global supply chains. Excluding the BRI from Sri Lanka’s foreign policy framework would be a missed opportunity.
BRICS and the SCO represent platforms for South-South cooperation and multipolarity. BRICS, in particular, has emerged as a counterweight to such Western-dominated institutions as the IMF and World Bank, advocating for a more equitable global economic order. The SCO, on the other hand, focuses on regional security and counterterrorism, offering Sri Lanka a platform to address its security concerns in collaboration with major powers like China, Russia, and India. By engaging with these organisations, Sri Lanka can strengthen its commitment to multipolarity and enhance its strategic autonomy.
Non-alignment is not neutrality
Sabry’s assertion that Sri Lanka must avoid taking sides in major power conflicts reflects a misunderstanding of non-alignment. Non-alignment is not about neutrality; it is about taking a principled stand on issues of global importance. During the Cold War, non-aligned countries, like Sri Lanka, opposed colonialism, apartheid, and imperialism, even as they avoided alignment with either the US or the Soviet Union.
Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, under leaders like S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike and Sirimavo Bandaranaike, was characterised by a commitment to anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism, opposing racial segregation and discrimination in both its Apartheid and Zionist forms. Sri Lanka, the first Asian country to recognise revolutionary Cuba, recognised the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam, supported liberation struggles in Africa, and opposed the US military base in Diego Garcia. These actions were not neutral; they were rooted in a principled commitment to justice and equality.
Today, Sri Lanka faces new challenges, including great power competition, economic coercion, and climate change. A truly non-aligned foreign policy would require Sri Lanka to take a stand on issues like the genocide in Gaza, the colonisation of the West Bank, the continued denial of the right to return of ethnically-cleansed Palestinians and Chagossians, the militarisation of the Indo-Pacific, the use of economic sanctions as a tool of coercion, and the need for climate justice. By avoiding these issues, Sri Lanka risks becoming the imperialist powers’ cringing, whingeing client state.
The path forward
Sabry’s use of the term “multi-alignment” reflects a growing trend in Indian foreign policy, particularly under the BJP Government. However, multi-alignment is not the same as multipolarity. Multi-alignment implies a transactional approach to foreign policy, where a country seeks to extract maximum benefits from multiple partners without a coherent strategic vision. Multipolarity, on the other hand, envisions a world order where power is distributed among multiple centres, reducing the dominance of any single power.
Sri Lanka should advocate for a multipolar world order that reflects the diversity of the global South. This would involve strengthening platforms like BRICS, the SCO, and the NAM, while also engaging with Western institutions like the UN and the WTO. By promoting multipolarity, Sri Lanka can contribute to a more equitable and just global order, in line with the principles of non-alignment.
Ali Sabry’s call for a non-aligned, yet multi-aligned foreign policy falls short of articulating a coherent vision for Sri Lanka’s role in a multipolar world. To truly uphold the principles of non-alignment, Sri Lanka must:
* Reject compartmentalisation
: Engage with all partners across all domains, including technology, education, and regional security.
* Embrace emerging platforms
: Participate in the BRI, BRICS, and SCO to diversify partnerships and enhance strategic autonomy.
* Take principled stands
: Advocate for justice, equality, and multipolarity in global affairs.
* Promote South-South cooperation
: Strengthen ties with other Global South countries to address shared challenges, like climate change and economic inequality.
By adopting this approach, Sri Lanka can reclaim its historical legacy as a leader of the non-aligned movement and chart a course toward a sovereign, secure, and successful future.
(Vinod Moonesinghe read mechanical engineering at the University of Westminster, and worked in Sri Lanka in the tea machinery and motor spares industries, as well as the railways. He later turned to journalism and writing history. He served as chair of the Board of Governors of the Ceylon German Technical Training Institute. He is a convenor of the Asia Progress Forum, which can be contacted at asiaprogressforum@gmail.com.)
by Vinod Moonesinghe
Cancellation of shows has turned out to be a regular happening where former Backstreet Boys Nick Carter is concerned. In the past, it has happened several times.
If Nick Carter is not 100 percent fit, he should not undertake these strenuous world tours, ultimately disappointing his fans.
It’s not a healthy scene to be cancelling shows on a regular basis.
In May 2024, a few days before his scheduled visit to the Philippines, Carter cancelled his two shows due to “unforeseen circumstances.”
The promoter concerned announced the development and apologised to fans who bought tickets to Carter’s shows in Cebu, on May 23, and in Manila, on May 24.
The dates were supposed to be part of the Asian leg of his ‘Who I Am’ 2024 tour.
Carter previously cancelled a series of solo concerts in Asia, including Jakarta, Mumbai, Singapore, and Taipei. And this is what the organisers had to say:
“Due to unexpected matters related to Nick Carter’s schedule, we regret to announce that Nick’s show in Asia, including Jakarta on May 26 (2024), has been cancelled.
His ‘Who I Am’ Japan tour 2024 was also cancelled, with the following announcement:
Explaining, on video, about the
cancelled ‘Who I Am’ shows
“We regret to announce that the NICK CARTER Japan Tour, planned for June 4th at Toyosu PIT (Tokyo) and June 6th at Namba Hatch (Osaka), will no longer be proceeding due to ‘unforeseen circumstances.’ We apologise for any disappointment.
Believe me, I had a strange feeling that his Colombo show would not materialise and I did mention, in a subtle way, in my article about Nick Carter’s Colombo concert, in ‘StarTrack’ of 14th January, 2025 … my only worry (at that point in time) is the HMPV virus which is reported to be spreading in China and has cropped up in Malaysia, and India, as well.
Although no HMPV virus has cropped up, Carter has cancelled his scheduled performance in Sri Lanka, and in a number of other countries, as well, to return home, quoting, once again, “unforeseen circumstances.”
“Unforeseen circumstances” seems to be his tagline!
There is talk that low ticket sales is the reason for some of his concerts to be cancelled.
Yes, elaborate arrangements were put in place for Nick Carter’s trip to Sri Lanka – Meet & Greet, Q&A, selfies, etc., but all at a price!
Wonder if there will be the same excitement and enthusiasm if Nick Carter decides to come up with new dates for what has been cancelled?
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