Excerpted from the Memoirs of Rtd. Senior DIG Kingsley Wickramasuriya
We were all were trained in thrift as well. As we reported at the Training School to begin our course, we were asked to open an accounts book and keep track of our income and expenditure It had to be submitted to our supervisor for scrutiny and advice. Any unnecessary expenditure would be frowned upon and the officer concerned given a rap. So, thrift has now become a lifelong virtue (even in family life) and continues to date.
The final examination was the swimming test. All of us passed the test except for one or two. Those who failed it were kept back for a further period of training while the others were qualified to pass out of the Police Training School.. Then came the passing out parade with Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, the Prime Minister at the time, as the chief guest. We had a grand passing out parade under the leadership of Superintendent of Police Werapitiya, the Director of Training.
On passing out from the Sri Lanka Police College, the three of us Probationary ASPs were transferred to the Colombo Division in February 1964 under the Superintendent of Police (IDM) Van Twest for Divisional Training. He was a good sportsman particularly interested in football and did much with the clubs in Colombo to promote the game during his spare time.
Whilst in Colombo the three of us were billeted at the Senior Police Officers Mess (SPOM) and taken to various points of duty with transport provided by the Transport Division. Each one of us was first attached to a Police Station in the Colombo Division under the Superintendent of Police (Colombo). I was attached to Borella Police Station and the other two to two other different Police Stations.
We were rotated through every branch at the police station and learned the work under the supervision of the OIC of the police station. The training included reading the various Information Books maintained at the police station, making orders, investigating petty complaints, and crime inquiries, making crime files, going on foot patrols at night, and learning the administration of the police station.
We worked for a week in each branch. Working closely with the other ranks in the various branches gave us a good insight into the working of a police station, the methods followed in investigations, shortcuts taken and the reasons for that. It also allowed us to learn firsthand the thinking of the police officer at the grass-root level. What was obvious was that what guided them in their work was traditional practices that were handed down from generation to generation in the police hierarchy without being questioned.
Some of them were good practices whilst the others were questionable. For instance, crime investigation was old-fashioned and had no scientific basis. Much emphasis was placed on extracting evidence by the use of force rather than resorting to collecting scientific evidence. The result was sometimes taking the wrong person to task and causing them physical harm, to which I was a helpless witness at least on one occasion. That day I learned the lesson of the danger of using ‘third degree’ methods in investigations. To cover up, Police had to resort to many unsavory tactics to save themselves from the legal repercussions. It was not worth the effort put into investigations. I was to realize this over and over again later in my professional life.
At the same time, it was fun to see how things worked at the ground level. Night patrols were sent out on foot in pairs in the evenings lasting for several hours. A patrol is expected to visit many vantage points covering several miles signing the patrol books kept at those points. I too had to join one of these patrols a couple of times. The officers on patrol would walk trying to reach a target at a given time at a suitable pace.
To break the monotony of the journey they would drop in at a wayside tea boutique and spend some time there having a cup of tea and a short eat (vadai) and proceed quietly along. Though with two stars on the shoulder as a Probationary ASP I was no different to them. They would invite me too to join them. That was how the night patrols were kept going.
From the very beginning, I would start questioning everything in practice before I accepted what was eing done as correct. The rank and file were generally amused by my curiosity. Once on the way to the police station, I saw a constable on point duty directing traffic from a platform in the middle of a junction. Noticing that the way he was directing traffic was not the usual method, I stopped and proceeded to show him the correct way to direct traffic. Later on, I learned that there were some sour comments in certain quarters over what I had done as if it was not the ‘done thing’.
After this training, we were attached to the Central Garage to undergo training in driving heavy and light vehicles under Superintendent of Police (Gamini) Jayasinghe. He was a very charismatic officer and well-trained horseman. We admired his skill in horsemanship. In the meanwhile, we had our horse-riding lessons as well at the Police Riding School of the Mounted Divisions. Morning hours were spent at the Riding School, thereafter at the office of the SP Colombo.
At the Riding School we were put through our paces in the various riding techniques — the trot, bumping trot, canter, and galloping. For galloping, we were taken to the Galle Face Green. In the final stages of the training, route marches were organized. We rode from the Riding School to Nugegoda. We were accompanied by ASPs S. Vamadevan and Douglas Ranmutugala attached to the Colombo Division. That was also a very pleasant experience during our training.
With that our Divisional training was over and we were ready to be posted outstations. So, in May 1965 1 was posted to Kandy Division while the other two were posted elsewhere. Before being posted outstation, we had to buy our cars, for ASPs were not entitled to government transport like at present. So, we had to organize a car loan from the Department that would be deducted in installments from our salary.
To get a loan we had to find a guarantor to sign the application. Finding guarantors was a difficult exercise as many did not like to be responsible for repaying somebody else’s loan.. It was with the greatest difficulty that I finally found a guarantor, the SP Colombo. With this loan I managed to find a used Peugeot 203 that later proved to be a white elephant with many a repair required along the way.
Full implementation of 13A– Final solution to ‘national problem’ or end of unitary state? – Part III
By Kalyananda Tiranagama
Lawyers for Human Rights and Development
(Continued from yesterday, 27 Sept.)
TNA Spokesman MP Sumanthiran’s Statement on discussions with the President:
The Island of 02. 08. 23 published a statement issued by TNA spokesman M. A. Sumanthiran, MP, on his party’s demand for enhanced and meaningful devolution, following their discussions with the President. As usual, Sumanthiran has taken care not to be too specific and to cover up their real intention:
“This statement issued in order to clarify our position with regard to the political solution for the national question, the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, the conduct of the long delayed Provincial Council Elections and the All-Party conferences convened by the President.
“The Tamil People have, since 1956, consistently given the Tamil political parties a mandate to work towards a political solution to the Tamil National Question by means of a federal arrangement in the North-East, which was recognized as the ‘historical habitation’ of the Tamil speaking people in the Indo-Lanka Accord that was signed on the 29th July 1987, which provided for a measure of devolution to the provinces, including land and police powers.
“The Govt. of India has actively engaged in this pursuit for the past 40 years after SL accepted the good offices, offered by India, consequent to the 1983 July violence against the Tamils.
“Most recently, too, Indian PM Narendra Modi conveyed to President Ranil Wickremesinghe, India’s hope that the Govt. of Sri Lanka will fulfill the aspirations of the Tamils and drive the process of rebuilding for Equality, Justice and Peace, He also hoped that Sri Lanka will fulfill its commitment to implement the 13th Amendment and conduct the Provincial Council Elections, and will ensure a life of respect and dignity for the Tamil Community of Sri Lanka.
“The Prime Minister clearly expressed our belief that a meaningful devolution of powers and the full implementation of the 13th Amendment are essential components of addressing and facilitating the reconciliation process in Sri Lanka. This has been our consistent position and this was put forward during the meeting between the two leaders.
“Our position is that power sharing must be in a federal structure, consistent with the aspirations of the Tamil People expressed at every election since 1956.
“Thus, the non-implementation of any part of the Constitution is a violation of the whole. To that extent, we insist on the full implementation of the devolution arrangements currently extant in our Constitution. Provincial Council Elections must be held without further delay.’
Sri Lanka High Commissioner to India Milinda Moragoda has, in a statement, confirmed what Sumanthiran said on Indian PM’s stand on Tamil issue:
Milinda Moragoda’ s statement:
“Modi strongly raised the Tamil issue with Wickremesinghe, seeking the implementation of the 13th Amendment for devolution of power and also early provincial elections. He had said India wanted Sri Lanka to ensure a life of dignity for the Tamil community. During his visit Wickremesinghe had shared with Modi his comprehensive proposal for furthering reconciliation and power sharing through devolution.’ (Times of India and The Island – 11. 08. 2023)
From all these resolutions and statements, it clearly appears that the aspiration of all Tamil Political parties in the North-East all along has remained the same from the founding of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) in 1949 up to date and Mr. Sampanthan’s dream never changes in essence.
The components of this never-ending dream are as follows:
a. Tamil Speaking People in Ceylon constitute a nation distinct from that of the Sinhalese;
b. The Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka are the areas of traditional, historical habitation of the Tamil speaking people. Sinhala Colonization in the Northern and Eastern Provinces must be stopped immediately. This position cannot be compromised in any structure of government;
c. The Northern and Eastern Provinces must constitute one administrative unit; Any meaningful devolution should go beyond the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, creating a federal rule in the merged Northern and Eastern Provinces;
“All the powers required to ensure the unity and indivisibility of the country – defence, foreign affairs, finance and currency and immigration and emigration would remain with the Central Government. All the other powers, including land and Police powers, would be devolved to the provincial councils enabling them to exercise unrestricted authority to govern their land, protect their own people, and develop their own economy, culture and tradition with enhanced powers.
The Tamil Nation has an Inalienable right to political autonomy/self-determination.
Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Dream
As revealed in President Wickremesinghe’s Address to Parliament on 08 Feb., 2023, both President Wickremesinghe and Sampanthan had a common dream to provide a sustainable solution to the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka. When one examines the various steps taken by President Wickremesinghe at different stages in his political career to end the war and find a solution to the ethnic problem, one can clearly see that both have shared the same dream with more or less same solutions in mind.
This is what the UNP Election Manifesto presented at the General Election of December 5, 2001 stated:
“Our prime objective is peace. We stand for peace and peace alone. We will end the war and build national unity. We will bring about a political solution acceptable to all those who are party to the crisis, within the framework of an undivided Sri Lanka. An interim administration will be set up for the northern and Eastern Provinces.”
One can get a glimpse of his solution to the ethnic problem from the Oslo Declaration and the Ceasefire Agreement signed by Wickremesinghe, as the Prime Minister, on behalf of the government of Sri Lanka and by Anton Balasingham on behalf of the LTTE on February 23, 2002. The Oslo Declaration was drafted by Erik Solheim.
One paragraph of the Oslo Declaration reads thus: Responding to a proposal by the leadership of the LTTE, the parties agreed to explore a solution founded on the principle of internal self-administration in areas of historical habitation of the Tamil-speaking peoples, based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka.
As claimed by Erik Solheim, Balasingham had accepted it and taken it to LTTE leader Prabhakaran, who rejected it because it referred to federalism. LTTE leader’s position was that they were prepared to consider favourably a political framework that offered substantial regional autonomy and self-government from the part of the Sinhala side. It was after the LTTE submitted the ISGA framework, stressing the external dimension of the right to self-determination in its preamble that the ceasefire became effective. During the period when the ceasefire remained effective, the LTTE was allowed to have an internal self-administration in the territory under their control, setting up its own police stations, courts, banks and other institutions and have its border control points issuing entry passes. He did not openly reject the proposals of the LTTE for the establishment of Internal Self Government Authority (ISGA) under the LTTE leadership for the governance of the North-East. However, he could not openly accept the proposal and grant ISGA to LTTE due to strong protests of the other political parties and the people in the South.
The solution proposed by the Ranil Wickremesinghe government in the Oslo Declaration is similar to the one demanded by R. Sampanthan at the ITAK Convention in Batticaloa in 2012 and during his speech at Matara in 2016.
As the Leader of the Opposition, Ranil Wickremesinghe in 2005 had brought pressure on the Kumaratunge government to enter into a Memorandum of Understanding with the LTTE for the establishment of a Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS Agreement) under the LTTE leadership for the reconstruction of the Tsunami devastated zones in the six Districts of Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mulathivu, Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara in the North East. That MOU was signed by the Secretary of the Ministry of Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconciliation on behalf of the Govt. of Sri Lanka and by Shanmugalingam Ranjan, Deputy Head of Planning and Development Secretariat, on behalf of the LTTE. However, it could not be implemented due to the Supreme Court order declaring it illegal.
The Northern and Eastern Provinces, which remained merged as one administrative unit since 1987 on a Proclamation made by President J. R. Jayewardene under the Emergency Regulations, were demerged on the Order of the Supreme Court made on 16 Oct., 2006.
As reported in the Daily Mirror of 27. 11. 2006, the Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe assured TNA leader R. Sampanthan of his Party’s fullest support to merge the Northern and Eastern Provinces if the issue comes before Parliament.
After 2007, while the armed forces were vigorously and successfully carrying out the war for the liberation of the country from the LTTE terrorists, the people stood by them.
But the UNP leaders carried on a vicious campaign aimed at disheartening our armed forces, making public utterances, belittling the heroic victories won by our armed forces such as ‘Thoppigala kiyanne kelewak’, ‘Alimankada yanava kiyala yanne Pamankada’; ‘Kilinochchi yanava kiyala Madavachchi yanava’; and passing disparaging remarks such as ‘ona gonekuta yudhdha karanna puluvan’.
At the 2013 Singapore Conference held to get Tamil support for regime change at the 2015 presidential election, Mangala Samaraweera, representing the UNP, ensured the full implementation of 13th Amendment and a federal state in the North and East of Sri Lanka in return for Tamil support for a regime change.
In October 2015, the Yahapalana government co-sponsored the resolution brought by Western countries for implementation of the recommendations in the Geneva UNHRC Report against Sri Lanka and its armed forces who liberated the country from the terrorists. It took several steps to implement the recommendations in the UNHRC report, such as signing and ratifying the International Convention on the Enforced Disappearances of Persons and enacting the International Convention on the Enforced Disappearances of Persons Act in 2016 and enacting the Office of the Missing Persons Act and opening the Office of the Missing Persons. All those were demands of Tamil political parties.
In January 2016, a Constitutional Assembly was appointed to draft a new Constitution to accommodate Tamil aspirations.
The Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly headed by PM Wickremesinghe released its Interim Report with its proposed Amendments to the Constitution on 21 Sept., 2017. However, due to differences of opinion among political parties and the upheavals taking place in the political field at that time, the Yahapalana government could not go ahead with it.
It is no secret that the Tamil diaspora, Tamil political parties in the North-East, religious groups supporting the LTTE cause and foreign-funded NGOs involved in various anti-Sri Lanka campaigns played a key role in the Galle Face struggle, which compelled the former President to leave office and brought President Wickremesinghe to power.
After assuming power as the President, Wickremesinghe several times expressed his firm determination to bring about a final solution to the ethnic problem in the North-East within a few months through required constitutional amendments with the consensus of other political parties represented in Parliament. With this aim, he separately met and had discussions with leaders of Tamil political parties representing the North-East. He addressed the Parliament and convened all Party Conferences and tried to bring pressure on MPs to come to a settlement.
In his Address to Parliament on 09 August, 2023, President Wickremesinghe clearly said that he stood for full devolution of power with 13+ , granting all powers, other than Police powers, to the Provincial Councils.
President Wickremesinghe, who has no popular mandate, has come forward to do things which six Presidents elected by popular mandate since 1982 – J. R. Jayewardene, R. Premadasa, Chandrika Kumaratunga, Mahinda Rajapaksa, Maithripala Sirisena and Gatabaya Rajapaksa, did not dare to do, conscious of the consequences of doing so or the feelings of the vast majority of the people in the South.
President J. R. Jayewardene, in his address to Parliament on 20 Feb., 1986 clearly pointed out the danger posed to the country by accepting the demands of Tamil Political parties for self-rule and merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces as one administrative unit.
When the address of President Wickremesinghe to Parliament on August 9, 2023 is analysed, it becomes clear that he is ready to offer far more than Sampanthan expects.
(To be continued)
Perils of ignoring the collective voice of the UNGA
While the more progressive sections of world opinion would have expected all Heads of State and government of the permanent member states of the UN Security Council (UNSC) to be present at the recent UN General Assembly (UNGA) sessions in New York, this was not to be.
It could very well be that UN protocol does not make it compulsory that these political leaders be present at these annual UNGA sittings but their presence at the world forum would have testified to their sensitivity to global opinion on the crucial questions currently confronting the international community. A ‘bad miss’ on the part of the relevant political leaders of UNSC permanent member states, some observers are likely to quip.
On this matter, the US scored above its UNSC counterparts. President Joe Biden was not only present at the UNGA sessions but went on to address the global body. It proved that the US was eager to get to know at first hand, the perceptions of the world community on current questions. It should be granted to the US that in terms of proving its concern for the world’s wellbeing, it has ‘stolen a march’ on other foremost global powers.
The commentator of international politics couldn’t be faulted for wondering whether the above ‘miss’ is a sign of sorts of our times, which are characterized by an overwhelming dominance of world affairs by the permanent members of the UNSC. A connected issue is whether the UNSC is increasingly and relentlessly upstaging the UNGA in international affairs. If so, the trend is to be regretted.
However, the trend has serious implications for the wellbeing of the global community. For, represented in the UNGA in substantial numbers are developing countries or the world’s South.
The UNGA is a principal forum where the majority of humanity could articulate its views on matters of the first importance to it, although the resolutions it passes in the UNGA have no ‘binding effect’ on the major powers represented in the UNSC. But the UNSC would be ignoring UNGA resolutions at its peril and that of the world, considering that unmet needs of the majority of countries have grave implication for world stability and peace.
Of course, all UN member states are usually represented in the UNGA in substantial fashion and the issues of the world are, in the normal course of things, duly conveyed to the respective national leaders, but a personal presence of UNSC political heads at UNGA sessions carries tremendous symbolic significance. Among other things, it means that the world could hope of having a reasonable hearing by the international community’s leading powers. This is bound to have a reassuring effect on the global South in particular.
However, it was in the fitness of things for the ‘G-77 and China’ to have met in Cuba almost at the time of the UNGA sessions. Needless to say, G-77 is a principal forum of the South and it has helped highlight some substantial issues confronting the developing world. It is incumbent on the South, going forward, to take up its causes with the UN community of countries in a united voice and to press relentlessly for pro-South positive change in the current world order.
In other words, the South should enable its numerical superiority in organs, such as the UNGA, to matter crucially. Theoretically, the South has on its side China and India and the challenge before the latter is to unflaggingly take on the most crucial issues of the South and work towards their resolution in the UN system.
The world could be said to be badly in need of a renewed and robust North-South Dialogue. Right now, it’s the issues of the North that are being made to matter and this is not surprising considering the decisive impact being made on international relations by the world’s foremost powers. That is, mainly the permanent members of the UNSC. In the process the issues of the South are tending to receive scant attention by particularly the Northern hemisphere.
This situation needs drastic changing and the major powers that identify with the South, such as India and China, are obliged to use their political and economic heft to usher the relevant Pro-South changes.
It was in order for Southern political leaders to highlight the yawning North-South gap in respect of scientific and technological progress at the Group of 77 Summit, for instance, but the question of economic equity within Southern countries and internationally, needs sustained and rigorous campaigning by the South and those sections of the North that empathize with it.
That is, ‘Bread’ needs to remain among the foremost of concerns of the international community. Equitable and fair international trade relations and other such questions that go to the heart of development, acquire substantive meaning only when they are made to matter in the question of advancing equitable economic ties within and without countries.
It will be found that when the international community, driven by the developing world, works towards these aims, problems such as the ‘Brain Drain’ and illegal international migration would prove resolvable. Likewise, achieving the MDGs would emerge as a realistic proposition.
Accordingly, the question is whether those major powers identifying with the South would be willing to go more than the extra mile to champion the legitimate aims of the world’s impoverished countries. They would need to place their power at the services of the poor since neglecting to do so would amount to imperiling global stability in increasing degrees. Among other things, they would need to be visible in the development forums of the world and provide clear evidence that they are indeed in earnest when they speak in terms of taking up the causes of the developing world.
The South, meanwhile, should come together on these issues and lay the basis for pro-poor ‘system change’. Reviving organizations of the South, such as NAM, and promoting South-South cooperation need to be considered tasks of the first importance.
As pointed out in this column last week, the UN would need to work very closely with Southern countries with a view to ushering democratic development within them on a sustained basis. UN aid needs to be tied to progressive change of this kind since not all Southern ruling elites are pro-people and in favour of the fair distribution of ‘Bread’. Instead, their hands itch for ‘Guns’. The UN should rap them over the knuckles by increasingly connecting its assistance to vigorous democratization.
Beauty plus Brains
Maneka Liyanage has two important goals in mind – to be a recognized singer one day, and also a model.
She is 5’ 8″ tall, good-looking, and is a photographic model, but her ambition, she says, is to step on the ramp.
“My other ambition is to showcase my talent as a singer, and I believe I can do it.”
Maneka is also involved in the IT scene, exploring the universe of innovation and critical thinking.
And this is how our Chit-Chat went…
1. How would you describe yourself?
I’m a flexible person who wears many hats in life. By day, I’m an IT person, and when I have a free time, I change into a design model, displaying my affection for style and imagination. My enthusiasm for workmanship and music powers my spirit, and I sway between being a vivacious, chatty character, to someone calm…just taking in the scene around me.
2. If you could change one thing about yourself, what would it be?
I would say setting out additional open doors for quality time together, with my loved ones.
3. If you could change one thing about your family, what would it be?
As I’m the only child, I would love to have my dearest and loving friends as my brothers and sisters.
I attended Lindsay Girls’ School, Colombo 3, and also Sirimavo Bandaranaike Vidyalaya. While at school, I did music, participated in many events, and I was also involved in netball. I was the President of the Science Society, at Lindsay Girls’ School, and was in the Buddhist Society and the Yaha Mithuru committee at Sirimavo Bandaranaike Vidyalaya.
5. Happiest moment?
My wedding day, no doubt. Also, spending quality time with friends brings me happiness, and career achievements, such as modelling, or achieving milestones, certainly does give me lots of happiness and fulfillment. As an IT executive, pursuing a fulfilling career is another form of happiness.
6. What is your idea of perfect happiness?
Where I’m concerned, my happiness revolves around career satisfaction, meaningful relationships, creative expression, personal growth, self-acceptance, and a deep connection with nature.
7. Are you religious?
Yes. I identify myself with Buddhism and actively participate in its practices, demonstrating a level of religious affiliation. Additionally, I have respect for, and occasional visit, Hindu temples and Catholic churches.
8. Are you superstitious?
Not exactly as I don’t take unseen, or improbable things, seriously.
9. Your ideal guy?
I would say a partner who embodies my values; a strong person who maintains honesty and integrity, cares for others, and has exceptional qualities, like consideration, compassion, humour, and inspiration.
10. Which living person do you most admire?
Vladimir Putin comes to mind – a prominent political figure known for his assertiveness and controversial leadership style. Admiration may extend to various figures, not just one living person, and it’s crucial to continue learning from those who inspire and align with my values.
11. Which is your most treasured possession?
My most treasured possession could be a symbolic or personal item, such as a diary or journal, reflecting on my journey and growth. The true value of a possession lies in its personal significance, and only I can determine which one represents my values and experiences best. These possessions empower me to navigate life with purpose and authenticity, making them my most treasured possessions.
12. If you were marooned on a desert island, who would you like as your companion?
I would prefer my husband as I value personality traits and believe husbands’ embody these qualities, making them an ideal partner for such a challenging and isolating situation.
13. Your most embarrassing moment?
A few odd things are there but nothing much to shout about that would be of any interests to your readers.
14. Done anything daring?
As a student I loved Biology and I did Biology for my higher studies. But I wanted to go with Information Technology, in keeping par with the modern world. So I changed from a Bio student to an IT student and I think that was a bold and daring move.
15. Your ideal vacation?
A mindful retreat, cultural exploration, wildlife and nature experiences, and relaxation.
16. What kind of music are you into?
My music taste is characterised by a love for music that stirs emotions, tells stories, and has a diverse and multicultural flavour. I appreciate intricate piano and symphony music, country music, piano music, and multilingual music in various languages. This reflects my open-mindedness and ability to find value and beauty in a wide range of musical expressions.
17. Favourite radio station?
Gold FM. My preference for Gold FM stems from my affinity for old English music hits and the emotional and nostalgic connection I have with this type of music.
18. Favourite TV station?
ART TV. Usually I don’t watch much TV, but I like ART TV since it telecast music.
19 What would you like to be born as in your next life?
I like a peaceful, harmonious, and happy existence in my next life. And I wish to be with my beloved ones in my next birth, as well. I desire a human being with a similar life, a peaceful and harm-free existence, a beautiful environment, and happiness for all living beings. I hope for a life free from obstacles, conflicts, and difficulties. And also, value aesthetics and a sense of compassion for all living beings.
20. Any major plans for the future?
I may focus on career development, also having a family, plus financial goals, travel, supporting each other, and personal growth. Communication and flexibility are crucial for a successful future, as everyone’s plans are unique and may evolve over time. One last thing; I enjoy reading The Island newspaper, especially on a Tuesday and Thursday.
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