Features
No Cure for Trump Plague
As I have pointed out since the first term of the Trump administration, Donald Trump was never merely a leader in the conventional sense; he is a phenomenon. This phenomenon embodies a worldview in which truth is subordinate to loyalty, perception outweighs fact, and the manipulation of circumstances for personal gain is both instinctive and strategic. The Trump phenomenon thrives precisely because it sees opportunity where others see only risk or moral constraint. In a world already struggling with structural failures—from international organizations to grassroots communities—Trump presents an alternative: a chaotic, unrestrained force that reshapes rules according to his own whims.
Whether one admires him or despises him, the phenomenon reflects a darker truth about human ambition: the capacity to privilege self-interest and personal dominance above all else. Now, after a four-year hiatus and into the second year of his return, the world is encountering something markedly different—a subsequent stage of the same force. This, I would argue, is the Trump Plague: something far more enduring than a political cycle and far more difficult to contain, contaminating democracies, autocracies, and theocracies across the globe.
Today, one can step into a taxi in almost any part of the world, including Colombo, and, without prompting, hear global problems attributed to Trump. Only recently, a tuk-tuk driver remarked to me, “All these issues are because of that idiot.” Such reactions are not merely casual frustrations; they are symptoms of something deeper. The plague is political, but it is also psychological. It is everywhere, penetrating not only institutions but also the cognitive and emotional frameworks through which people interpret reality. It is a haunting condition that allows societies to externalize blame while avoiding introspection, a convenient narrative that shifts responsibility away from systemic and personal failures. In this sense, the Trump Plague is not just about one man; it is about a transformation in how truth is processed, how responsibility is evaded, and how the world increasingly explains its own disorder.
Trump demonstrates a consistent pattern: a refusal to acknowledge responsibility coupled with a relentless pursuit of admiration and control. From his earliest years, as David Cay Johnston (2016) chronicles in The Making of Donald Trump, he was shaped by a family legacy in which deceit and opportunism were considered legitimate business strategies. Fred Trump, his father, engaged in illicit business practices to build his fortune, from skimming profits on FHA-subsidised housing to partnerships with known organized crime figures. Donald Trump inherited more than wealth; he inherited a philosophy in which cunning, aggression, and the strategic use of fear were central. This inheritance explains why Trump never sees failure as his own.
Mary L. Trump (2020), in Too Much and Never Enough, notes that Fred’s constant enabling created a delusion of invincibility: “The more money my grandfather threw at Donald, the more confidence Donald had, which led him to pursue bigger and riskier projects, which led to greater failures, forcing Fred to step in with more help”. This cycle of reinforcement ensured that Trump never learned accountability; it was never necessary for him to confront the consequences of his actions, for he would always be rescued by wealth, influence, or the loyalty of those around him.
Loyalty, rather than truth or competence, is the central currency of Trump’s world. Roy Cohn, his first and most formative mentor, taught him that relationships should be transactional and adversaries crushed without hesitation. Cohn’s mentorship instilled a moral framework in which power is the measure of worth and loyalty is more valuable than ethical integrity. Michael Kranish and Marc Fisher in Trump Revealed recount that Cohn, reflecting on his influence, wrote of his ties to organized crime figures in New York, asserting that “in those days, nobody became US Attorney in New York without the O.K. from the mob” (Kranish & Fisher, 2016). Trump internalized this lesson: it was less important to act within the law than to surround himself with people who would protect and amplify his interests. This mindset explains why, as Johnston notes, Trump “has worked just as hard to make sure few people know about his lifelong entanglements with a major cocaine trafficker, with mobsters and many mob associates, with con artists and swindlers” (Johnston). To Trump, secrecy and deception are not failings; they are strategic tools to manipulate perception and control outcomes.
Trump’s business practices demonstrate a remarkable consistency of behaviour, revealing a pattern of aggression, exploitation, and disregard for legal or ethical constraints. From the demolition of Bonwit Teller in 1980, where Polish immigrant workers laboured 12- 18-hour days without proper safety equipment, to his dealings with Mafia-controlled unions during the construction of Trump Tower, Trump consistently placed personal gain above human cost or legal accountability (Kranish & Fisher). He not only minimized the value of others’ labour, he leveraged fear to enforce compliance, instructing foremen to destroy valuable sculptures despite the availability of alternate solutions (Kranish & Fisher).
Even when legal frameworks threatened his interests, Trump’s response was to manipulate outcomes rather than comply: his casino license applications omitted critical investigations, while his meetings with John Cody, a convicted mob associate controlling New York’s concrete supply, went unexamined by regulators (Johnston, 2016). Trump’s operational model demonstrates a psychology in which the ends justify the means and the narrative, rather than the fact, is the ultimate arbiter of success.
Perhaps the most revealing aspect of Trump’s psychology is his treatment of relationships, whether personal, familial, or political. Loyalty is rewarded, but disloyalty is punished with disproportionate vengeance. Johnston describes how Trump terminated medical benefits for a sick child after a lawsuit challenged his father’s will, remarking that “I can’t help that. It’s cold when someone sues my father” (Johnston). Mary L. Trump observes that this behaviour is an extension of Fred Trump’s conditioning: “Knowing ahead of time that you’re going to be bailed out if you fail renders the narrative leading up to that moment meaningless… That guaranteed that Donald would never change, even if he were capable of changing, because he simply didn’t need to” (Mary L. Trump). For Trump, loyalty is transactional, moral responsibility is negotiable, and ethical consistency is irrelevant. These traits translate directly into his approach to politics: the law is a tool to be bent, facts are malleable, and opponents are obstacles to be crushed.
Trump’s narcissism and need for validation are inseparable from his decision-making. He rarely makes choices based on objective analysis; instead, he weighs decisions by how they will enhance his image, consolidate his influence, or humiliate adversaries. Johnston illustrates this in his account of Trump’s obsession with revenge: “Second, Trump recommended revenge as business policy. ‘Get even,’ he said. ‘If somebody screws you, you screw ‘em back ten times over. At least you can feel good about it. Boy, do I feel good’” (Johnston). This principle governs his interactions at every level, from boardrooms to the Oval Office. In the political sphere, it manifests in impulsive actions, disregard for institutional norms, and prioritisation of personal vendettas over national interest. The USFL antitrust case, in which Trump pursued a reckless legal gamble resulting in a symbolic $3 award while destroying a potentially successful league, exemplifies this pattern (Kranish & Fisher). Decisions are judged not by consequence or strategic merit but by their capacity to reinforce his self-image or punish those who challenge him.
Trump’s approach to governance and policy follows the same psychological template. He consistently interprets events through a lens of personal threat and opportunity, rarely acknowledging systemic realities. In his dealings with Iran, as I have observed, Trump’s statements of self-reliance—”I trust no one”—reflect a mindset in which alliances, institutions, and norms are expendable. He thrives on disruption, treating crises as arenas for personal aggrandizement. Yet the danger lies not only in his decisions but in the vacuum they create: the institutions designed to mediate risk, enforce accountability, and maintain stability are systematically undermined by the Trump ethos. This is the Trump Plague: the transposition of personal narcissism into public consequence, where errors of judgment are magnified by power, and the incentives for ethical governance are inverted.
What makes Trump uniquely intractable is that he is impervious to conventional corrective measures. The combination of early familial enabling, a lifelong pattern of being bailed out, and an acute talent for spinning events into personal advantage ensures that conventional political checks—laws, norms, even media scrutiny—cannot recalibrate his behaviour. Mary L. Trump argues that Donald Trump’s self-perception is inseparable from his environment of enablers: “Fred had become so invested in the fantasy of Donald’s success that he and Donald were inextricably linked. Facing reality would have required acknowledging his own responsibility, which he would never do” (Mary L. Trump). Even failures that would cripple ordinary leaders—financial collapse, public scandal, legal penalties—are converted into narratives of triumph or vindication, reinforcing his delusional sense of omnipotence.
Trump’s decision-making is not merely flawed; it is structurally incapable of prioritizing collective interest over personal aggrandizement. As Johnston notes, he “told the New Jersey attorney general that unless he expedited approval, he would not build in Atlantic City… Given Trump’s well-known success in convincing the City of New York to perform lucrative favors, that was a subtle but powerful threat” (Johnston). This approach—leveraging institutional processes to enforce compliance with personal goals—has been replicated at every level of governance he touches. Loyalty and fear become the operating principles, while law, ethics, and reasoned debate are subordinated.
The world that emerges after Trump, therefore, is one that must contend with the structural consequences of his choices. His influence extends beyond policy into the norms of political behaviour: expedience over principle, loyalty over law, and spectacle over substance. There is no simple antidote. The Trump Plague is not a problem to be solved in one term or one election; it is a challenge to political systems, social norms, and institutional resilience. Attempts to treat it as a conventional political issue are doomed to partial failure, for the pathology at its center is neither transient nor externally imposed. It is an enduring feature of human ambition, magnified by wealth, media, and power.
The remedy, if it can even be called that, requires vigilance, institutional reinforcement in the face of personal glorification, and a deeper understanding of the psychological architecture that underlies our own behaviour—for there is, in some measure, a Trump within each of us. From East to West, from ancient spiritually awakening philosophies to modern intellectual discourse, this has been a central question: how to be humane in the face of power, temptation, and self-interest. Only by recognizing the interplay of narcissism, opportunism, and cultivated impunity can we begin to safeguard governance from the extremes of the Trump Plague.
There may be no indefinite cure for the Trump Plague, but confronting it remains one of the most urgent and defining challenges the world faces today as the Trump Plague is both individual and systemic, both internal and external, both powerful and powerless; both rich and poor, both visible and invisible, both rational and irrational, both deliberate and instinctive, both truth and distortion, both order and chaos, both strength and fragility, both fear and ambition, both control and collapse, both dominance and decay.
by Nilantha Ilangamuwa
Features
US’ anti-migrant stance set to intensify tensions in Western camp
The announcement by the US authorities of an anti-migrant stance during a recent commemoration in France of the epochal D-Day Landings of June 6, 1944, ought to strike impartial observers as a supreme irony. Whereas what should have been expected was a vibrant celebration of the beginning of the process of Western Europe freeing itself decisively from Nazi or fascist control during the crucial stages of World War Two, this was not to be.
What the world heard instead was a call to contemporary Western Europe to arm itself against a seemingly rising and threatening migrant presence in the region. In other words, the migrant must be despised and ‘shown the door’.
Instead of a commemoration that rejoiced in the flourishing of liberal democracy and its values what one got was a strong affirmation of fascism and racial chauvinism. US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth vented his spleen against the migrant or foreigner presence in Europe reportedly thus: ‘Sadly today different European beaches are stormed by different dangerous ideologies.’ To ‘beaches in Spain and Italy and Greece and Bulgaria, boats and men arrive. When will European capitals do something about that invasion?’
While at the outbreak of World War Two it was Nazi Germany that was doing the invading and bringing some principal European countries under its suzerainty, this time around we are being given to understand that it’s migrants to the West who are seeking to colonize the latter. It goes without saying that such inflammatory rhetoric would have the deleterious effect of keeping racial tensions alive in the West and jeopardize all possibilities of the countries concerned cementing and maintaining social stability.
The Trump administration gives the impression of taking a leaf from the politically underdeveloped regions of the South to keep the US polity stable and united. In South Asia, for instance, we are not short of ambitious demagogues who use what is referred to as the ‘race card’ to gather unto themselves a following and thereby further their political fortunes. By seeking to stir and sustain anti-migrant hysteria, the Trump administration is also essentially replicating Nazi Germany’s policy of anti-Semitism. That is, fascism is very much alive in the US under President Trump.
Such efforts at churning racial hysteria at this juncture in the US should not come as a surprise. For all intents and purposes, the Trump administration is nowhere near achieving its aims in West Asia, for instance, in the short term. It has failed to bring Iran down to its knees, as it hoped to do, but is adopting the expedient of keeping the world guessing and confused on what it is doing in the region, since it cannot withdraw from the theatre in a hurry without losing face.
While perhaps working out an escape strategy the Trump administration it seems, is hoping to maintain its following at home intact and silent by playing on their racial biases and insecurities. Hence, the anti-foreigner campaign.
Simultaneously, the Trump administration will need to keep a close eye on how economic pressures on the domestic front are panning out. Anti-administration sentiments first break to the surface at meal tables. On this score, the news cannot be good because the average US family’s spending power ought to be shrinking on account of rising energy and oil prices. Consequently, it would not be a bad idea to keep the attention of the US consumer diverted by adeptly playing ‘the race card’; once again, lessons from intellectually bankrupt Southern politicians are coming in handy.
To be sure such comparisons many politicians in vibrantly democratic countries would find quite unflattering. But the stark truth is that racism cannot be tolerated in civilized societies and those politicians who resort to it risk being branded as racists of the first degree. In fact they could be seen as being on par with the likes of German dictator Adolph Hitler and his close collaborators.
However, on the question of migrant policy the Trump administration would likely be at polar opposites with the most vibrant of liberal democracies of the West. This will be the case with the UK, France and Italy for instance. The latter continue to keep their doors open to legal migrants and they are likely to view a virtual blanket ban on migrants as reprehensible.
Moreover, in the foremost democracies of the West debates are vibrantly ongoing on the need to keep racism or any hint of it completely outlawed in the public plane. There is the case of the UK, for instance, where the authorities continue to emphatically pinpoint their adherence to the principle of anti-racism in the conduct of public affairs.
One proof of the above was the parliamentary debate relating to the killing of 18-year-old Henry Nowak in Southampton. Police handling of the victim came in for sharp scrutiny by particularly the opposition in the House of Commons but there seemed to be a consensus over the main political divide that the matter should not be politicized.
Moreover, the UK authorities stressed in the House the government’s strict adherence to the policy of non-racism. It was also pointed out that British institutions set up to manage racism at the national, county and neighbourhood levels, for example, were very much intact. In fact, Sri Lanka could gain considerably by studying and implementing locally, legislation modeled on the relevant UK laws if it is in earnest when it speaks of ‘reconciliation’.
Accordingly, it is highly unlikely that Western Europe would ‘cave in’, so to speak, to US pressure on issues related to migration. The liberal democracies of Western Europe in particular would remain for the foreseeable future migrant-welcoming, multi-ethnic and plural democracies.
Nor is it likely that Western Europe would be passively receptive to US demands that it drastically increases its defense spending to meet the latter’s aims. Within the Western fold the EU is remaining committed to backing Ukraine, for instance, in its ongoing armed resistance to the Russian invasion and it is not giving any indication of being deferent to US pressure.
However, although tensions would continue to bristle within US-Western Europe relations on the above and numerous other matters of contention it would be far too premature to announce a parting of company between the two sections of the West. In that sense, the post-World War Two order remains essentially intact. There are still many things in common between the two, particular on the economic plane, that will ensure the continuance of the partnership.
Features
A decade among Yala’s ghosts of gold
The first rays of dawn creep over the ancient rocks of Yala. The Indian Ocean glimmers in the distance, and the wilderness slowly awakens. Somewhere amid the scrub jungle, a pair of amber eyes scans the landscape.
For wildlife conservationist and leopard researcher Milinda Wattegedara, moments such as these have defined more than a decade of dedication to one of Sri Lanka’s most iconic creatures—the Sri Lankan leopard.
What began as fascination evolved into a remarkable conservation journey that has transformed the understanding of Yala’s leopard population and placed Sri Lanka firmly on the global wildlife research map.
“Long before I ever lifted a camera, leopards had already captured my imagination,” says Wattegedara. “What fascinated me was not merely their beauty but the complexity of their lives—their hunting strategies, movements, reproductive behaviour and their remarkable ability to adapt to changing environments.”
That fascination led to the birth of the Yala Leopard Diary in 2013, an ambitious long-term project dedicated to documenting individual leopards and unraveling the mysteries surrounding their lives.
For many visitors, a leopard sighting is a fleeting thrill. For Wattegedara and his team, every encounter is a chapter in an ongoing scientific story.
“Each photograph was never the end of an encounter,” he explains. “It was the beginning of deeper questions. How did a particular leopard use the landscape? How did its behaviour change with the seasons? What environmental pressures shaped its decisions?”
These questions drove years of meticulous fieldwork. Every sighting was carefully recorded with details including location, habitat, behaviour, date and time. Photographs were analysed to identify individual animals through unique spot patterns, allowing researchers to distinguish one leopard from another with remarkable accuracy.
What followed was groundbreaking.

YF77 “Shelly” pauses in quiet observation, embodying the alertness
and grace that define Yala’s leopard population.
From 2013 to 2026, the Yala Leopard Diary identified an astonishing 189 individual leopards within the Yala Block 1. The research revealed a leopard density of approximately 0.524 leopards per square kilometre, making Yala one of the highest leopard-density landscapes ever recorded anywhere in the world.
Such findings have elevated Yala’s status among global wildlife researchers.
Nestled between the Indian Ocean and a mosaic of habitats, ranging from rocky outcrops to dense scrub forests, Yala offers an ecological stage unlike any other.
Here, leopards are photographed silhouetted against ocean horizons, perched atop ancient granite formations, resting on tree branches and stalking prey across sunlit grasslands.
The images tell stories of extraordinary lives.
There is Haminee, a devoted mother navigating the challenges of raising cubs in a competitive landscape. There is Lucas, one of Yala’s most frequently documented males, striding confidently across the Gonalabba Plains with the vast ocean forming an unforgettable backdrop.
There is Ruki demonstrating the species’ incredible strength by hoisting prey onto branches, and Shelly, quietly surveying her surroundings in a moment of feline vigilance.
Together, these individuals have become familiar characters in a living wilderness drama.

YM31 “Ruki” secures prey on a branch, illustrating the remarkable strength and coordination of the Sri Lankan leopard.
Recognising the immense value of long-term documentation, Wattegedara joined forces with fellow researchers Dushyantha Silva, Raveendra Siriwardana and Mevan Piyasena to establish the Yala Leopard Centre in 2020.
Located at the Palatupana entrance to the Yala National Park, the centre is believed to be the world’s first information facility dedicated exclusively to leopards.
“The centre serves as a repository of knowledge, accumulated through years of observation and research,” Wattegedara says. “Our goal is to connect visitors with the science behind conservation and foster a deeper appreciation of these magnificent animals.”
The project’s impact extends far beyond Sri Lanka’s borders.
Research arising from the Yala Leopard Diary has been published in internationally recognised scientific journals. One study introduced an innovative framework for identifying individual leopards, while another documented an extraordinary and previously unrecorded case of a leopard cub being consecutively adopted by two different adult females—first a relative and later an unrelated leopardess.
The discovery attracted international scientific attention and highlighted the complexity of leopard social behaviour.
Yet for Wattegedara, the most important lesson remains one of humility.
“One conclusion has become increasingly clear,” he reflects. “Our understanding of these leopards remains far from complete. We are only beginning to understand how they live, adapt and persist in one of Sri Lanka’s most dynamic protected landscapes.”

YF15 “Hope” descends Rukvila Rock at dawn, showcasing the agility and adaptability of Yala’s leopards.
His words underscore an essential conservation truth: the more we learn about nature, the more mysteries emerge.
As Sri Lanka navigates growing environmental challenges, the Yala Leopard Diary stands as a shining example of what sustained observation, scientific curiosity and public engagement can achieve.
Beyond the stunning photographs and remarkable sightings lies something even more valuable—a growing body of knowledge capable of informing future conservation decisions and ensuring that future generations inherit a wilderness where leopards continue to roam free.
For more than a decade, Wattegedara and his colleagues have followed the tracks of Yala’s elusive predators through dust, rain and scorching heat.
Their work has revealed that every leopard has a story, every sighting has significance and every photograph can contribute to conservation.
And perhaps, most importantly, it has reminded us that the golden ghosts of Yala still have many secrets left to share.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Glamour, music and community spirit …
Sri Lankans are quite active, all around the globe.
News has just come my way, from Glasgow, in Scotland, where the glamour of masks, music, dancing, and community spirit, came together, in spectacular fashion, at Masquerade Night, bringing together members of the Sri Lankan community for an evening filled with music, fashion, food and entertainment.
Organised by Mahesh Balaaratchi (DJ Mowgli) together with Sulochana Asmone, Hiroshini, Prasad, Ashi, and Shawn, the evening provided guests with an opportunity to socialise, enjoy live entertainment, and celebrate in a unique and elegant setting.
Guests arrived from 6:00 pm, dressed in formal attire and decorative masks, creating a colourful and vibrant atmosphere throughout the venue.

DJ Mowgli: The main
organiser of
Masquerade Night
There was a delicious selection of Sri Lankan cuisine and street food, which proved popular throughout the evening.
The buffet offered a variety of traditional favourites, giving attendees a taste of home while adding to the festive atmosphere.
Entertainment was provided by DJ Mowgli, whose performance kept the audience engaged throughout the night. His playlist featured a mixture of popular favourites, dance classics, and cultural music, remixed for a younger generation.
One of the highlights of the evening was the Baila session, which brought a distinctly Sri Lankan flavour to the event.
The Baila segment highlighted the importance of preserving and celebrating cultural traditions, while bringing people together through music and dance.
As familiar rhythms filled the room, guests enthusiastically took to the dance floor, creating one of the most memorable moments of the night.
The crowd was described as lively, energetic, and welcoming, with attendees embracing the spirit of the masquerade theme while enjoying the opportunity to reconnect with friends and meet new people. The family-friendly atmosphere ensured that guests of all ages could take part in the celebrations.
The festivities continued until midnight and included a range of competitions and entertainment.
Children and adults alike participated in fashion shows, while guests competed for awards in several ‘Best Dressed’ categories.
The creativity and effort displayed in both costumes and formal wear added an extra layer of excitement to the evening.
As the final songs played and guests prepared to leave, many were already looking forward to the next Event Night.
The evening’s proceedings were handled by Sam, Mahela and Isuru.
Their enthusiasm reflected the growing popularity of these gatherings and their increasing importance, within the local community calendar.
A series of community events has continued to grow in popularity among the Sri Lankans in Glasgow, with Halloween Night coming up on 31st October.
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