Features

MY FATHER

Published

8 months ago

2024/04/28

by LC Arulpragasam

(This is another excerpt from the book Falling Leaves, a part autobiographical anthology of articles by one of the last remaining members of the old Ceylon Civil Service, now living in Manila at age of over 95-years. A painting my the author adorns the book cover.)

My father was Dr. Albert Rajaratnam Arulpragasam. To my regret, I do not know much about him, because he kept to himself. He was born on June 12, 1890. He died in 1957 in Jaffna. By profession, he was a medical doctor working for the government of Ceylon, retiring at the age of 60 years. After a few years in Colombo, my parents retired to their home in Chundikuli (Jaffna) – a home he inherited from his sister. I (we) do not know much about my father, mainly because he was a very private, reticent and self-effacing man, who seemed reluctant to talk about his childhood or about his past. We, his children, must also be blamed for our lack of curiosity in regard to the man who quietly and uncomplainingly provided the means for us to go to the best schools and University in Ceylon and to embark on successful careers.

This lack of knowledge also arose partly because we were all the time in boardings and schools in Colombo, whereas my father was always stationed in the provinces, so that we never got to really know him. My sister, on the other hand, who spent a longer time at home, was able to dig out more stories from our reticent father. Hence, what I record below is information that I gleaned from my mother, who despite a lifetime lived with him did not know details of his past; and from my sister, who was close to him.

My father’s mother died giving birth to his sister (or soon after), when my father was just two or three years old. He and his baby sister were then sent off to their maternal grandfather’s home. My Dad’s father was a Postmaster by profession: he probably could not have undertaken to care for two baby children. He never remarried. As for my father, growing up in his grandparents’ home seems to have left an indelible imprint on his life and values. It also left a deep affection and loyalty to ‘look after’ his baby sister throughout her life. It may be that he had an unhappy childhood in this stern and austere home, which may be the reason for his reluctance to talk about his childhood: we shall never know.

His maternal grandfather with whom he grew up was the Reverend Seth Christmas, an Anglican clergyman. He was so named because he was born on Christmas day, given the name ‘Christmas’, and living up to his name, died on Christmas day! Growing up in the austere Reverend’s home seems to have instilled in my father certain ‘Christian’ values, as taught by the missionaries at that time.

Apart from the usual Christian commandments, they branded smoking and drinking alcohol as ‘sins’. When my father was told that my elder brother (who was already a medical doctor by then) was smoking, he confidently declared: ‘None of my children will ever drink or smoke!’ This hope and certitude was unfortunately betrayed by all three of his sons, who all smoked and drank!

This treatment of drinking as a sin is also illustrated by another story. At the usual ‘rag’ on initiation when entering Medical College, the seniors made the freshmen suffer all sorts of indignities. One of them was to drink half a bottle of arrack in one go. My father, true to his ‘Christian’ principles, refused to touch liquor. Try as they may, he refused to drink. Ultimately in disgust, they banged the bottle of arrack on his head and poured the contents over his head! Undoubtedly, silent obstinacy was one of his traits!

My father had his early education at St. John’s College, Jaffna. He thereafter finished his high-school education at Royal College, Colombo, which was the best school in those days. Fortunately for us, he insisted that all his sons attend Royal College too. He thereafter entered Medical College, and after obtaining his medical degree, joined government service as a doctor. My mother, going through his few personal things after his death, found the Gold Medal for Surgery, which he had won in Medical College. He seems to have won this over Sir Nicholas Attygalle (his batch-mate) who later became one of the the most recognized surgeons in Sri Lanka. This characterizes my father’s modesty, since neither his wife nor his children knew of this achievement before.

My father was not an impressive man, either in physical appearance (he was never smartly dressed) or in career achievement; nor was he worldly-wise. He was undoubtedly very intelligent – as seen by his achievements in medical college. This intelligence ran in his mother’s family: but so also did a strain of depression. For instance, his mother’s brother, S.K Rutnam (the husband of Dr. Mary H. Rutnam), despite obtaining an M.A. degree from Princeton University (USA) as early as 1915, ended his life in depression. Depression also seems to have run in other lines of the family, originating from my father’s mother’s side of the family.

I can list only some of the posts my father held as a government doctor – due to my lack of knowledge. As a bachelor, he seems to have served in different posts around Kurunegala in the North-Western Province. I know that he served as a doctor in the Jaffna hospital in 1927, since I was born during his stint there. He seems thereafter to have switched to the field of public health, after which he was posted as the junior doctor in Mandapam Camp, where I spent the first five years of my life.

He was then selected for a government scholarship to England for post-graduate studies in public health. On his return to Ceylon, he served as Medical Officer of Health in the Batticaloa District (during World War II) for five years. Thereafter, he was appointed as Port Health Officer in charge of all health measures in the port of Colombo, which was the busiest port in Asia at that time. When he was passed over for appointment as Director of Health Services in charge of the whole Department of Health, he opted for a transfer as Medical Superintendent of Mandapam Camp where he would be his own boss. This was a quarantine station located in South India in the charge of Ceylon government doctors, whose aim was to prevent infectious diseases such as smallpox and cholera being brought to Ceylon from India, mainly by plantation workers destined for the tea estates of Ceylon. He served in charge of Mandapam Camp for eight-10 years, until his retirement.

In the latter capacity, he was in charge of about 7,000 people covering about 700 acres of land. We lived in a posh house with all the modern amenities, a garden of more than two acres of land, two full-time gardeners and a swimming pool. He was also the boss of about 50 uniformed security guards (needed to keep the detainees under enforced quarantine), dressed in Indian military-style khaki uniforms, replete with puttees and turbans. These guards would salute him whenever he passed, even if on the other side of the road, springing to attention and saluting him in mid-flight. To which my father, a modest and self-effacing man, would respond with an embarrassed, downcast eyes-salute!

He was socially awkward in company – which was more than compensated for by my mother, who thrived on conversation. He was not really into sports, although he played soccer in his youth and played a passable game of tennis in his ‘forties. In Mandapam Camp in his fifties, having walked about two miles in the sun to the railway station (to pass the passengers in the Ceylon-bound train), he would come back home and recline in his easy chair, saying that he was ‘fagged’ (tired).

I have some funny stories to relate about his life as a young government doctor. When posted in a wild part of the country in British colonial times, patients would come to his clinics from remote villages. Once, looking down at his records, he called for the next patient – and a cow walked in! When posted in another remote town, he was assigned a government bungalow adjoining thick jungle. My father loved to have chickens pecking around his yard and enjoyed feeding them; whereafter, the chickens would spend the rest of the day foraging in the jungle.

One day, my father’s big boss from Colombo was coming on ‘inspection’. My father invited him to lunch, hoping to give him chicken curry. But when he went to look for his chickens, they were all away, foraging in the jungle. In desperation, he got out his shotgun and went into the jungle to hunt his own chickens!

When I grew up, I was amazed at the number of relatives whom my father had been financially supporting. He seems to have undertaken the responsibility of helping his mother’s sisters and their children. This was despite not having really known his mother, who must have died when he was barely two years old. He seems to have financed a nephew through medical school, while providing monthly financial aid to his two maternal aunts and their children. My mother did not object, because she knew that he considered this to be his duty: she also knew that although quiet, he was still a very stubborn man!

My father seems to have valued financial security more than making more money. He neither saved nor invested – even in a home. He seems to have spent his entire salary in supporting his children and his mother’s sisters and their families. My mother relates this example of his not caring for money. The government in those days accepted that while government doctors should work in the hospital during office-hours, they could thereafter see patients privately at home for a fee.

My father would not charge a fee even when patients were seeking to see him privately. My mother reported cases where he was called urgently to poor patients’ homes but still would not take a fee, despite bearing the cost of transport himself. Other doctors in the area were naturally upset, since all the patients were flocking to my father. He saw it as his duty as a doctor to treat all patients who came to him. The other doctors came to him to object, arguing that he should charge a fee – because he was offering unfair competition!

To overcome this dilemma, my father started working in the hospital till night, so that patients could see him free of charge. Finally to avoid this predicament altogether, he moved into the field of public health, where the Government provided an extra allowance in lieu of private practice. Instead of becoming a surgeon, he chose to move into a less-paying field, which paid enough for his needs -which included looking after his mother’s sisters and their families! He was not ambitious for himself: he was merely putting personal duty, as he saw it, before self.

I too had experience of his ‘money is not important’ thinking. I had by this time got into the Ceylon Civil Service. At the age of 27 years (in 1954), I was approached to be interviewed for the post of Marketing Manager at Unilevers (Lever Bros). I was selected for the post (as a trainee) and offered a salary (as a trainee) more than six times of that which I was earning in the Ceylon Civil Service.

Since I was undecided, I wrote to my father for advice. I did not expect the thundering reply that I received from my usually quiet and indulgent father: “I did not think that any of my sons would stoop to filthy lucre like this!” I was stung to the quick by this response, because I too had been brought up in his way of thinking! So I shamefacedly turned down the post – though I had other reasons too.

I remember that my father never touched me, either in love or in anger, beyond my age eight years. I cannot remember him ever cuddling or hugging me, although I heard that he did this when I was little. He always maintained a distance when we were older, seeming shy of his own children! On the other hand, he never raised his hand against me, nor ever beat or scold me or my siblings. Nor did he ever ask me to study, nor make any attempt to supervise or check on my studies – though I know that he was very interested in my school results, which were undoubtedly conveyed to him by my mother.

It is only when I reached maturity that I realized that he ‘ruled’ us not only by example, but also by expectation. I don’t think that he was subtle and devious enough to realize this: but he achieved this result without even trying! He lived by very high standards of duty and integrity: he merely expected us to do the same. These expectations filtered down to us not directly from him, but from various uncles and aunts, bringing a feeling of guilt if we did not live up to his high standards and expectations. He was not an impressive man either by outward appearance or career achievement, but as I grew older, I grew to respect him more and more for the highly principled man that he was.

He was a remote and uncommunicative father, whom we often reached only through my mother. This is with the exception of my sister who was more familiar with him because she grew up mostly at home. He was, however, very considerate and indulgent towards his children. Each time that I was leaving for school after the holidays at home, he would sidle up to me and without looking me in the eye (he was embarrassed), would shyly slip a wad of pocket money into my hand, saying stiffly “pocket money” and hurry away.

When I looked at the money, it was always too much. When I ran behind him to protest, he would hasten away in embarrassment. I had to go to my mother to ‘complain’ that it was too much, and give her ‘the excess’ to return to my Dad. I found out later that my elder brother too had habitually been doing the same.

I have to relate another episode that shows his indulgence towards his children. Once when I was at home on holiday (I must have been about 16 years old at that time – and a confirmed athlete and rugby player), I came to the verandah where he was reclining on his ‘easy chair’ to chat with him. I found him struggling to get out of his ‘easy chair’ in order to offer it to me, although there were many other chairs around! I had to entreat him repeatedly to please sit down in his own chair, in his own house!

I conclude with the following personal story, as a tribute to my father. After my degree, I undertook a survey of the Veddas, involving a walk of 250 miles through jungles and drinking dirty water. I consequently developed severe dysentery – and hardly managed to walk the 100 miles through jungles to get back to my starting point. When I finally returned to my starting point, I found that the person with whom I had left all my money (since I had no use for money in the jungle) had gambled it all away!

I was thus left with absolutely no money at all and unable to return to Colombo for urgent hospitalization. Sick, weak, desperate and almost collapsing, I spent the last 15 cents I had on bus fare to reach a place closer to Colombo. (I was foolishly trying to go towards Colombo – although I knew that I could not reach it!) In that God-forsaken place I came across a government dispensary at the edge of the jungle (near Padiyatalawa).

Meanwhile, night had fallen – and the dispensary was closed. I was desperate now, with no money even to feed myself. When I shouted for urgent medical help, a window opened and a double-barrel gun poked out, since this was a jungle outpost where bandits were at large. I shouted explanations in English, in order to sound ‘educated’. (I looked a bandit myself, clad in my khaki kit, which I had worn for months in a row, my slouch khaki hat and a four month beard).

Afraid and annoyed, the Apothecary shouted roughly, asking my name and what I wanted. When I gave my name (‘Arulpragasam’ was a very uncommon name at that time), he asked whether I was, by any chance, a relative of Dr. Arulpragasam. When I said that I was his son, his attitude changed completely. He said: “Come in, my son” – although he was a Sinhalese gentleman, and I was not his son.

He went on to say: “Your father was the best boss that I have ever worked for, and the most decent gentleman that I have ever known”. He gave me some food, and after treating me for dysentery, he even lent me money for a third class railway ticket (which was all he could afford) back to Colombo. Whenever I think of this episode, tears come to my eyes: for I remember that it was the name of my father that saved me on this most desperate day of my life!

My father died of a brain aneurism in Jaffna at the age of 67 years. He passed away before any of his sons could reach him, although my sister was able to do so. My father’s remains are buried in the graveyard at St. John’s Church, where he had worshipped as a boy. When the ‘Eelam war’ was over, I had the grave rebuilt and a new headstone installed. When I look at these photos now, it is with sadness: sadness because we did not show the love and respect for him that he had for us. He taught us, at least posthumously, what true love, integrity and duty really meant.

P.S. My father had endowed a prize at St. John’s College, Jaffna, for English Oratory. This was in honour of his father, Mr. Cornelius Arulpragasam. Jega (my brother) and I have augmented this endowment, renaming the prize as “The Cornelius and Dr. Arulpragasam Prize for English Oratory”. This prize serves to remind me of my father – and of my origins.

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Issues Sri Lanka should take up with New Delhi

Published

7 hours ago

2024/12/9

Thilina Walpola

President Dissanayake’s forthcoming visit to India:

by Neville Ladduwahetty

It has been reported that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is due to visit India during the latter part of December. He and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi are expected to have talks on grant assistance projects from India, debt restructuring, people centric digitisation (identity cards, for instance), finality of the Economic and Technological Co-operation Agreement (ECTA), housing projects from India, solar electrification of religious places, agricultural development, defence cooperation, infrastructure development in the North and collaboration in human resource development. President Dissanayake is expected to raise with Premier Modi the issue of Indian fishermen fishing in Sri Lanka’s territorial waters” (Sunday Times, December 1, 2024).

It is clear from the foregoing report that the scale and scope of India’s agenda overwhelmingly outweighs Sri Lanka’s agenda that is limited to a single issue, namely, “Indian fishermen fishing in Sri Lanka’s territorial waters”. Notwithstanding this serious imbalance, Sri Lanka could gain considerable mileage by expanding the scope of this single issue in its agenda to two issues that would make a significant impact not only to Sri Lanka’s security and its national interests but also to the wellbeing of the Sri Lankan fishing community.

The two issues are as follows:

1 Reparations for the damages inflicted on Sri Lanka’s marine resources by bottom trawling and the loss of revenue and wellbeing to Sri Lanka and its fishing community over decades.

2 The need to revisit existing maritime boundaries agreed to between India and Sri Lanka, which are based on historical practices and instead, establish fresh Maritime Boundaries based on International law recognized by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) relating to International Boundaries.

These two issues are interlinked because it is the determination of the international boundary, based on International Law, that becomes the basis to establish claims for Reparations. Therefore, it is only by establishing the location of the International Boundary, based on a judgment by the ICJ, that lawful assessment of the claim for Reparations could be established.

THE BACKGROUND

One of the issues that was of significant concern to Sri Lanka and India in the early 1970s was the “ownership” of the island of Katchativu since it was pivotal to the establishment of the maritime boundary between the two countries. This issue was resolved with the signing of the 1974 Agreement by the Prime Ministers of Sri Lanka and India and revised in 1976. However, since these Agreements are based on traditional practices of citizens in both countries and, therefore, had “no legal resolution of ownership” (MDD Peiris, November 24, 2024), at the operational level, adherence to the obligations in the Agreements are fluid. Consequently, the ceding of Katchativu by India to Sri Lanka as per the Agreements is considered by India to be an act of treachery; even Prime Minister Modi is of a similar view.

As long as such perspectives persist at the highest level in India, attempting to resolve these contentious issues through dialogue is a futile exercise even if the highest level is committed to policies such as “Neighbourhood First”. Therefore, the only option for Sri Lanka and India, as members of the UN Charter, is to jointly or separately refer the matter to the ICJ for a legal resolution of all issues involved, if there is to any justice under the policy of “Neighbourhood First”, for it to mean what it states and not India First in the neighbourhood.

REPARATIONS for VIOLATING SOVEREIGN RIGHTS

According to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (Article 56) the exploring, exploiting, conserving and managing living and non-living natural resources of a Coastal State within its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) is a sovereign right. Despite this, thousands of trawlers from India enter Sri Lanka’s EEZ and not only exploit its resources but also destroy marine resources by resorting to bottom trawling, evidence of which abound.

In a United Nations-Nippon Foundation of Japan Fellowship Programme of 2016, Aruna Maheepala claims: “There are over 5,000 mechanised trawlers in Tamil Nadu and nearly 2,500 of them enter Sri Lankan waters on Mondays, Wednesdays and Saturdays and often coming at 500 m of the shoreline (emphasis added) … More than 50,000 marine fishers live in the Northern fisheries districts (Jaffna, Kiliinochchi, Mannar, Mulative), which is around one fourth of the marine fishers of the country. Before the commencement of the war (1982) around 40% of the fish production of the country came from Northern fishery districts (except Killinochchi). However, the contribution of the fish production in the Northern fishery district drastically dropped to 5% in the peak period of the war (2008) and gradually increased after 2009. Furthermore, livelihoods of Sri Lankan fishers’ have been drastically affected as a result of the Indian poaching”.

News 1st reported on 14 April 2021: “Indian fishing vessels illegally fishing in Sri Lankan waters pillage around Rs, 900 billion worth of valuable marine resources in the Northern seas of Sri Lanka” (Northern Province Fisheries Asso. Chief, M.V. Subramanium).

“Assessing reparation of environmental damage by the ICJ”, (Questions on International Law, QIL) cites the case of compensation for environmental damage in Nicaragua/Costa Rica, the ICJ’s Judgment was:

“To shed light on the case, the Court sought support in international law and decisions of arbitral tribunals. In 1927, the ICJ already underlined in its judgment related to the Factory of Chorzów that a breach involves an obligation to make a reparation ‘in an adequate form’. The Court recalled that it had in a previous judgment, in 2015, assigned sovereignty over the area to Costa Rica, and Nicaragua’s activities were, therefore, in breach of that sovereignty. As such, the obligation for Nicaragua to make reparation was no longer to be disputed. Reparation in the form of compensation, as applied in the present case, was determined by the judgment in 2015.

Before addressing the issue of compensation in itself, the Court deemed it appropriate to follow a two-fold approach. The Court first determined the existence and extent of the damage to environmental goods and services caused by Nicaragua’s wrongful activities, and then went on to assess the existence of a direct and certain causal link between such damage and Nicaragua’s activities. This section will successively examine the Court’s analysis of the points of contention, its choice of method, and the assessment of the damage as established by the Court”.

BASIS for MARITIME BOUNDARIES in INTERNATIONAL LAW

A meeting was held in 1921, between the Colonial Governments of India and Ceylon “in order to avoid over-exploitation of maritime resources and the possibility of competition between the fishermen of India and Sri Lanka in the same waters for their catch, the colonial Governments of Madras and Colombo agreed to delimit the waters in the Gulf of Mannar and the Palk Bay. The two parties met in Colombo on October 24, 1921. The Indian team was led by Mr. C. W. E. Cotton and the team representing the government of Ceylon was headed by Hon. B. Horsburg”.

“Both parties accepted the principle of equidistant and the median line could be the guiding factor”. However, since at Kachchathivu the principle of equidistant “would considerably narrow the area of operations for the Indian fishermen”, the Ceylon delegation proposed a line that was three miles west of the island “so that there would be an equitable apportionment in the fisheries domain for both Sri Lanka and India”. The proposal by the Ceylon delegation was based on the fact that “Sri Lanka’s sovereignty over Kachchathivu was never in question, was beyond any doubt and was not a matter for negotiation. He (Hon. B. Horsburg) quoted from the correspondence that the Survey Department and the Department of Public Works in Colombo had exchanged with the counterparts in India, in which the sovereignty of Sri Lanka over Kachchativu had been taken for granted by the Indian authorities… After discussion the delimitation line was fixed three miles west of Kachchativu” (Jayasinghe, p. 14,15).

Agreement between the two parties is reflected in the letter from the head of the Indian delegation, C. W. E. Cotton, in which he states: ” … we unanimously decided that the delimitation of the new jurisdiction for fishing purposes could be decided independently of the question of territoriality. The delimitation line was accordingly fixed, with our concurrence three miles west of Kachchativu and the Ceylon representatives thereupon agreed to a more orderly alignment south of the island than they had originally proposed…” (Ibid, p. 130).

What is relevant from all of the above is that regardless of the basis for establishing a boundary under colonial rule, such boundaries morph into territorial boundaries of independent states under the “Doctrine of UTI POSSIDETIS”.

DOCTRINE of UTI POSSIDETIS

Black’s Law Dictionary has defined the legal Doctrine of “Uti possidetis juris” as “the doctrine that old administrative boundaries will become international boundaries when a political subdivision achieves independence (Hansal & Allison, “The Colonial Legacy and Border Stability”, p. 2; quoting Garner 1999).

The principle behind this doctrine dates back to Roman times. The principle first emerged in the modern sense with the decolonization of Latin America when each former Spanish colony agreed to accept territories that were “presumed to be possessed by its colonial predecessors” (Ibid). The same doctrine was accepted by former colonies in the African continent. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has “argued for its relevance across the world” (Ibid).

“This principle was stated most directly in the ICJ’s 1986 decision in the Frontier Dispute/Burkina Faso Republic of Mali case. The ICJ had been asked to settle the location of a disputed segment of the border between Mali and Burkina Faso, both of which had been part of French West Africa before independence. In their judgment over the merits of this Frontier Dispute case the ICJ emphasized the legal principle of uti possidetis juris”:

“The ICJ judgment in the Mali-Burkina Faso Dispute case also argued that the principle of uti possidetis should apply in any decolonization situation regardless of the legal or political status of the entities on each side of the border”:

“The territorial boundaries which have to be respected may also derive from international frontiers which previously divided a colony of one State from a colony of another, or indeed a colonial territory from the territory of another independent State…There is no doubt that the obligation to respect pre-existing international frontiers in the event of State succession derives from a general rule of international law, whether or not the rule is expressed in the formula of uti possidetis” (ICJ 1986, Ibid).

Based on the ICJ Judgment, the Maritime Boundary between India and Sri Lanka should be what existed during Colonial times and continue as the International Maritime Boundary when India and Sri Lanka gained independence. The fact that Sri Lanka failed to use the provision of Uti Possidetis has cost Sri Lanka’s economy dearly and continues to do so in terms of treasure and human suffering.

CONCLUSION

The issue of Indian fishermen fishing in Sri Lanka’s territorial waters was resolved in 1921, when the Colonial Government of India and then Ceylon unanimously agreed on what the Maritime Boundary was to be. Accordingly, the island of Kachchativu was to be part of Sri Lanka’s sovereign territory as it had been before Ceylon was colonized. Following independence of both countries, the boundaries that were recognized while under colonial rule should have been recognised as the boundaries of independent India and Sri Lanka in keeping with the internationally recognized doctrine of UTI POSSIDETIS cited above.

Instead of staking Sri Lanka’s claim on the principle that colonial boundaries transform into international boundaries upon gaining independence, Sri Lanka opted to base their claim on traditional and historical practices and agreements were signed by the Prime Ministers of India and Sri Lanka.in 1974 and revised in 1976. The opportunity to stake Sri Lanka’s claim on the basis of international law was lost, perhaps due to unfamiliarity with related legal provisions.

While sovereign countries are free to forge agreements between themselves, their durability is dependent on varying personal political agendas of political actors in each country. Consequently, what is acceptable today may be unacceptable tomorrow. Since these agreements are not based on international law, Indian political leaders, such as Prime Minister Modi, refuse to accept them. These perspectives have emboldened Indian fishermen to violate Maritime Boundaries and destroy marine resources by resorting to bottom trawling. Furthermore, the numerous discussions between the two governments have failed to resolve substantive issues and have resulted ONLY in the India government’s focus being on the release of arrested Indian fishermen and their vessels.

Therefore, since the issue of maritime boundaries has a direct bearing on illegal entry into Sri Lanka’s sovereign territory and destruction of marine resources, the ONLY durable way to resolve this contentious issue is to seek the assistance of the ICJ to rule on a legal determination as to the location of maritime boundaries based on the principle of UTI POSSIDETIS, on which depends claims for reparations for damages to maritime resources inflicted over decades. In this regard, Sri Lanka should be encouraged by the ICJ determination in the case of Nicaragua and Costa Rica in 2015 cited above.

The opportunity presented by the forthcoming visit of President Dissanayake to India should NOT be missed by the new government because all previous governments and their advisors have failed to address this all-important issue, either because of their timidity or ignorance of relevant International Laws. If Dissanayake fails to inform India that Sri Lanka has no option but to seek the assistance of the ICJ to resolve the issue of maritime boundaries, Sri Lanka will have to accept the bitter prospect of the plunder of its resources and the sovereign rights of the People and the Nation forever.

Features

Sri Lanka Navy marks 74 years of excellence

Published

7 hours ago

2024/12/9

Thilina Walpola

SLN vessels

The Sri Lanka Navy, renowned for its storied history as the nation’s maritime defence force, is celebrating its 74th Anniversary today, 09th December 2024. Under the able leadership of Commander of the Navy, Vice Admiral Priyantha Perera, a series of programmes are being conducted across all Naval Commands, highlighting the Navy’s enduring traditions and religious practices as part of the anniversary festivities.

In celebration of the Navy’s Anniversary, 2138 senior and junior sailors have been advanced to higher rates as of 09th December, following the recommendation of the Commander of the Navy, Vice Admiral Priyantha Perera. The advancements include 158 to Ordinary Seaman, 279 to Able Seaman, 406 to Leading Seaman, 391 to Petty Officer, 539 to Chief Petty Officer, 354 to Fleet Chief Petty Officer, and 11 to Master Chief Petty Officer.

Celebrating its 74th Anniversary today, the Sri Lanka Navy honours a rich and storied legacy. The journey began in Ceylon with the Naval Volunteer Force Ordinance No. 01 of 1937, leading to the establishment of the Ceylon Volunteer Naval Force in 1939. In the 1950s, the Navy embarked on a new chapter by establishing a Regular Naval Force, culminating in the formation of the Royal Ceylon Navy through the Navy Act No. 34 of 1950, effective from 09th December 1950. With the country’s transition to a republic in 1972, the Royal Ceylon Navy became the Sri Lanka Navy, continuously expanding its capabilities and securing the nation’s maritime boundaries.

In the early 1980s, as terrorist activities began to emerge, the Sri Lanka Navy transitioned from a ceremonial role to a key military force. Over the years, the Navy has significantly bolstered its personnel and naval capabilities, affirming its dedication to eliminating terrorism within the country. During the pivotal humanitarian operation that concluded nearly three decades of terrorism, the Sri Lanka Navy played a commendable role as the First Line of Defence. Currently, as the nation’s sole sea-going force, the Navy is committed to ensuring a stable ocean region by combating drug trafficking, addressing non traditional maritime challenges, and curbing various illegal activities originating from sea routes. In partnership with the Combined Maritime Forces (CMF), the world’s largest maritime coalition, the Navy helps uphold the International Rules-Based Order (IRBO) on the high seas, ensuring freedom of navigation.

In a notable development, the Sri Lanka Navy is set to take command of the Combined Task Force (CTF) 154, a unit within the CMF, for a six-month period starting January 2025. This achievement has significantly elevated the reputation of the Sri Lanka Navy and the nation on the international stage, garnering widespread acclaim.

Vice Admiral Priyantha Perera at SLN flag blessing ceremony

The Navy has rolled out its ‘Maritime Strategy 2030 and beyond’, meticulously crafted using scientific methods to guide the gradual evolution of the Navy and the Coast Guard. This plan focuses on enhancing capabilities, integrating advanced technology, and developing professional manpower. Consequently, the Navy is steadfast in its commitment to fulfilling the nation’s maritime ambitions by optimally utilising its resources and personnel.

The religious programmes organised in view of the 74th Anniversary of the Navy also took a center stage. During these multi-religious spiritual events, merits were transferred on fallen naval war veterans and blessings were invoked on Commander of the Navy, naval personnel both serving and retired, their family members, on the occasion of the anniversary. Accordingly, the symbolic Kanchuka Pooja and Flag Blessing ceremonies were held at the Ruwanwelisaya and Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi in Anuradhapura. Similarly, the Joint Christian Commemoration and Thanksgiving Service was held at Cathedral of St. Lucia, Kotahena. The special Pooja of Hindu tradition was held at Sri Ponnambalawaneswarar Kovil, Colombo and the special Islamic prayer session was held at the Jummah Mosque, Chatham Street. In addition, an All-night Pirith Chanting and Alms-Giving for 74 members of the Maha Sangha were held at the Welisara Naval Complex.

Meanwhile, a Gilanpasa was offered at the Temple of the Sacred Tooth Relic in Kandy. Moreover, a Buddha Pooja to the Sacred Tooth Relic and alms to the members of Maha Sangha were arranged at the Temple of the Sacred Tooth Relic. Further, an Aloka Pooja at Sandahiru Seya and a special Pooja at Dhathu Mandiraya of Kelaniya Temple have been arranged as part of the religious ceremonies of the anniversary celebrations.

In conjunction with the anniversary celebrations, the Navy has organised blood donation campaigns across the Eastern, and Northwestern Naval Commands. A significant number of naval personnel have generously participated, contributing to the noble cause of saving lives through blood donation.

In celebration of the Navy’s anniversary, the Navy Welfare Directorate, under the guidance of the Commander of the Navy, is rolling out a heartwarming initiative. They are reaching out to the families of naval heroes who gave their lives for the nation or are missing in action, to check on their well-being and offer support. This touching gesture exemplifies the Navy’s commitment to honouring its brave personnel and their loved ones. This gesture serves as a heartfelt tribute from the Navy to the close relatives and dear family members of the heroic warriors. These families provided unwavering support and strength to their beloved sons, husbands, and fathers, enabling them to perform such noble duties.

Under the esteemed leadership of the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces and President, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, and the Ministry of Defence, the Sri Lanka Navy, led by Vice Admiral Priyantha Perera, remains ever vigilant and fully prepared to tackle any maritime challenge. To this end, the Navy is steadfast in fulfilling its military, diplomatic, and constabulary roles always prioritising the nation’s best interests, nurturing a stable ocean region.(SLN)

Features

Blundering politicos!

Published

7 hours ago

2024/12/9

Thilina Walpola

By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

Biden seems to be synonymous with blundering when it comes to politicos, though he is not in isolation. There does not seem to be a dearth of blundering politicos around the world! The latest to join that lot is the president of South Korea Yoon Suk Yeol. His declaration of martial law on 03 December took not only the South Koreans but also the entire world by surprise. Though South Korea has a troubled past, being ruled by dictators for nearly four decades under martial law on countless occasions, transitioning to a democracy only in 1988, the world has come to regard it as a prosperous democracy. Giants of consumer electronics like Samsung and LG as well as car manufacturers like Hyundai and KIA raised the profile of South Korea which was recently enhanced by the worldwide popularity of K-Pop. In this scenario, President Yoon’s sudden declaration of martial law, on the false premise that the opposition is Communist, has tarnished the reputation of the country. Though the members of parliament circumvented many difficulties to assemble and unanimously oppose his declaration, when it came to his impeachment, members of his party walked out. Politicians are the same, wherever in the world, putting self-interest over that of the country!

Europe seems to be in turmoil. The highest court in Romania has annulled the presidential election result. Germany was plunged into a political crisis in November, after the Chancellor Olaf Scholtz fired his finance minister, who was from a different party of his coalition, accusing him of putting party before the country. Scholtz has caused the government to face a vote of confidence on 16 December, which he is predicted to lose resulting in a fresh election in February. The other driving force in EU, France is in no better shape. President Emanuel Macron’s gamble of a snap election, shortly before the Paris Olympics, did not pay off and his party is now running a minority government. Michel Barnier, whom he appointed as PM in September, attempted to push through his radical budget utilising a legal loophole, resulting in a no-confidence vote. For the first time in over 60 years the French parliament voted down a government! Barnier lasted a little longer than UK’s Liz Truss and will remain as caretaker PM till Macron finds a replacement; no one knows when!

Considering all this turmoil, one would have expected the UK to be stable as the Labour party swept the boards in the July election. However, the reality is just the opposite. A disastrous budget has thrown into question economic prosperity, private sector shying away from investment not only due to adverse budgetary proposals but also because of strengthening of trade union rights with no reciprocations from the unions. On 29 November, Louise Haigh, the Secretary of State for Transport, resigned when it was reported in the press that she had pleaded guilty to fraud by false representation relating to misleading the police in 2014. In 2013, she had reported to the police that on a night out, she was mugged and lost the mobile phone provided by her then employer, insurance giant Aviva. Aviva provided her with a better phone. She found the old phone and started using it without informing the police. It is alleged that the mugging incident was a ruse to get a better mobile! When police interviewed her, she opted for “no comment” on legal advice and when she was charged, she pleaded guilty, also on legal advice! She resigned from Aviva and entered parliament in 2015 and held many shadow ministerial posts before taking the transport portfolio of the Labour government. Though she maintains that the PM was aware of her spent conviction, at the time she was appointed to the Cabinet, PM’s office has stated that she had not made a full disclosure. There are rumours that she was ‘eased-off’ as she belongs to the Left of the party, having previously been a staunch supporter of Jeremy Corbyn!

Probably, sensing the lack of success of his government, on 05 December, Keir Starmer had a relaunch in Pinewood studios, famous for filming Carry-On films and some Bond movies, where he presented seven pillars, six milestones, five missions and three foundations on which he wanted the voters to judge him at the end of term. His joke that he may be a James Bond fell flat and some journalists have branded this as a ‘parade of buzzwords’!

Returning to Biden, his dementia seems to be getting worse as he seems to have forgotten what he said just two months ago, that he would not barter his principles even if it means that his son would end up in jail! His reversal is all the more surprising because his pardon extends much further than granting clemency to Hunter Biden’s federal tax and gun convictions, being a blanket grant of immunity for any federal offences he may have committed between 01 January 2014 to 01 December 2024. It is interesting that this period covers the period when Biden Hunter was a director of the Ukrainian gas company Burisma and had deals with China, which Trump wanted probed.

The new dawn in Sri Lanka also seems to be getting further away as the new government seems to be increasingly realising that it is easier to be in opposition! It is interesting that there is no uproar though the price of a coconut is now based on half a coconut! Like previous governments, accusations are made of rice mafias but, in spite of the massive mandate, no action seems to be taken except an NPP MP alleging that one of them is in the national list of an opposition party! The government is just following the predecessors by deciding to import rice. President, it is reported, has fixed the price of various varieties of rice and it would be interesting to see what happens.

The vociferous former election chief has challenged the Speaker of the Parliament to produce proof of his doctorate. Do hope he will do so, in the spirit of the promised transparency!

PTA, which was much maligned by the NPP whilst in opposition, is being used to control social media posts! judges declare the police is shooting the messengers instead of prosecuting those who glorify terrorists. I do not have to go to details as the editorial, ‘From ‘traitors’ to ‘racists’ (The Island, 7 December) bares it all and do hope the new government takes the editor’s warning seriously!