Features
MUSLIM – SINHALA RIOTS IN BERUWELA IN 1991
DEALING WITH RACIST MOBS
EXCERPTED FROM SENIOR DIG (RETD) MERRIL GUNARATNE’S “COP IN THE CROSSFIRE”
I was Deputy Inspector General of Police (DIG) of the Greater Colombo Range in 1991 and overlooked the Kalutara Police Division. The Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) of the Division was Jagath Jayawardena who later retired as a DIG. Aluthgama, Paiyagala and Beruwela were also police stations within the Kalutara Division. These areas were inhabited by large numbers of Muslims.
In the latter half of 1991, a seemingly innocuous incident involving a Sinhalese and a Muslim in Beruwela gave rise to tension between the two communities. A Sinhalese was assaulted by a Muslim. There had not been any previous enmity between them. In a matter of hours, clashes between Sinhalese and Muslims began to erupt, first in Beruwela, and then in the adjoining towns, Aluthgama and Paiyagala.
Senior Superintendent of Police Kalutara called for additional manpower to handle the situation. They were sent by me from the adjoining Panadura Police Division as well as the Kelaniya Division which too came within my purview. The situation according to SSP Jayawardena as the weekend commenced had improved to a point where the regional police felt confident that normalcy could be restored within a matter of days. President Premadasa telephoned me over the weekend to clarify the situation and, based on the assessment of SSP Kalutara, I assured him that normalcy was within sight.
On Monday following the weekend when I was at work in police headquarters, Prime Minister and Deputy Minister of Defence D.B Wijetunge telephoned and said that he had received reports that the situation in Aluthgama – Beruwela was out of control and that he had decided to despatch army troops to restore order. When I telephoned SSP Kalutara for a clarification, he informed me that there had been a sudden renewal of clashes between the two communities following an abatement of violence over the weekend. I immediately left for Kalutara, realizing that prompt and effective intervention was necessary.
I reached the bungalow of SSP Kalutara by about 2 .00 pm. and proceeded from there to the Beruwela police station with the SSP. Having arrived at the police station, I called for books and documents which had records and summaries of incidents that had taken place over about five days to study them to form my impressions. Two murders, a number of cases of arson, serious acts of violence not amounting to murder, and several cases of mischief had been reported at the Beruwela police station alone.
Similar cases had also been reported at the Paiyagala and Aluthgama police stations as well. A total of over 280 complaints had been registered at the Beruwela police station alone. A matter of significance was that in respect of about 225 of these complaints, the victims had been Muslims. I was therefore able to conclude that Sinhala elements had gone on the rampage, and that the police on duty were turning a blind eye to the excesses as happened in the 1983 communal disturbances.
I did not however disclose my impressions to SSP Kalutara. We thereafter toured Maradana, a village in Beruwela, where several incidents had taken place. The first impression I had, when I saw police on duty along the way was that their numbers were more than adequate, that they were well armed, but that most of them were in clusters and groups, and appeared sluggish and indifferent. My assessment was confirmed when we turned onto the road leading to Maradana from Colombo – Matara highway, and observed a large number of armed policemen indifferently watching a car being set on fire near a Buddhist temple. On seeing our jeep, the miscreants took to their heels, passively watched by the police.

The police group in question was under the control of an ASP who appeared disinclined to act firmly. I realized that the first requirement was to wake the police from their slumber and to emphasize the importance of invoking the Emergency Regulations firmly to deal with the lawless and the violent. Fortified with such thought, I returned to the Beruwela police station and immediately converted it into an improvised Command Centre, with SSP Jagath Jayawardena and Superintendent of Police (SP) Edward as my assistants.
We decided to stay over at Beruwela police station till order was restored. I ordered the immediate transfer of selected senior officers from Kelaniya, Gampaha and Negombo Police Divisions to Beruwela on a temporary basis to offer strong leadership to the partisan police ranks. Sectors identified as bad areas where incidents continued to occur were placed under these officers. To emphasize the seriousness and urgency of the situation and the need for concerted steps, I scheduled a conference of senior officers for 5.00 am. the following morning.
At about 11.30 pm the same night, I received a call from President Premadasa seeking a clarification of the latest situation as well as how things had taken a turn for the worse. I did not want to let down the local police, but merely assured him that peace would be restored in a short space of time.
On the following morning, I was conferring with my senior officers about the strategy I had mapped out to quell unrest when I received a phone call to say that Prime Minister D.B. Wijetunge, General S.C. Ranatunge, Secretary of Defence, General Wanasinghe, the Army Commander, and Ernest Perera, IGP, would be arriving by helicopter at the Muslim Maha Vidyalaya grounds in Beruwela at 7.00 am.
We rushed to the school grounds where a large number of Muslims had assembled. As the Prime Minister alighted from the helicopter, they in unison called for the mobilization of the army in place of the police. All of us thereafter adjourned to a classroom in the school where the Prime Minister and Secretary of Defence addressed the Muslim people who had gathered. Secretary of Defence addressing the people said that Army, Navy and Air – Force troops would arrive shortly to assist the police, and that they will work under the command of the DIG.
On being called upon to address the assembly by General Ranatunge, I assured them that I will act firmly and restore normalcy within a very short span of time. After the meeting was adjourned, I assured the Prime Minister and Secretary of Defence that peace and normalcy will be restored within 24 hours.
Upon their departure, I returned to Beruwela police station and recommenced the conference I had earlier adjourned. Army, Navy and Air Force officers who had brought troops with them too attended the conference. I assigned them sectors as well. The sectors had by then to be extended since violence had spread to Dharga Town. I realized that unless firm measures were invoked, riots would spread to Galle. Addressing the officers,
I made them understand that the reason for the escalation of violence was because a certain degree of partiality had coloured the actions of the police on duty. I said that regardless of race and creed men on duty should act firmly, employing the powers vested in them by the Emergency Regulations. I requested the officers to go back to their sectors and inform their subordinates that once the uniform was worn, police knew only two types of communities, those who obeyed the law and those who flouted it; and that if any subordinate had mistaken racial bias for patriotism, he should shed his uniform and join the miscreants.
I emphasized the need for arrests, detections and confrontations where miscreants were identified committing serious acts of violence and arson. Sector officers were called upon to announce the enforcement of a local curfew from 12.00 pm, to be lifted only for 5 hours from 7.00 am. the following day in their sectors. A conference to review the progress of the security plan was scheduled for 6.00 pm. the same day. I also requested SSP Kalutara to inform the recognized elders of the Sinhala and Muslim communities to meet me in the course of the day.
The conference concluded with the sector officers informed that if they acted firmly and decisively, peace and normalcy could be restored before the lapse of 24 hours: also that I would stand by them in their endeavours. The elders of the two communities met me thereafter in the company of Minister Imtiaz Bakeer Markar, the political organiser of the United National Party for Beruwela. I explained to them my plan of action, and solicited their assistance to restrain the youth from resorting to violence.
Having inspired and goaded the sector officers to act positively, I did a few rounds in the area and observed that those posted on duty were alert and vigilant. On returning to my Command Centre, I gathered that a group of Sinhalese had stormed a Muslim village in Paiyagala, set fire to all the houses and inflicted injury on Muslims. The police had confronted them when they were engaged in the commission of serious acts of violence, and being unable to restrain them, had opened fire. Two of the injured had later succumbed to injury.
Reports were also received in the Command Centre that the army in their sector in Dharga Town had shot a Muslim dead in a confrontation when engaged in acts of violence. By nightfall, and as confirmed by the sector officers at the evening briefing, the situation had virtually returned to normal. On the following morning, I had the elders summoned for tea and refreshments in the church premises adjoining the Beruwela police station. Minister Imtiaz Bakeer Marker too was present.
I addressed them and explained that firm action as required by the law had been necessary because misguided youth of both communities were led by their heart, not the head, and that once they had realized that the police and the services would act firmly, sanity had returned to them. I thereafter requested the two communities to live in amity. Speakers from both communities and the Minister thanked the police and the security forces for restoring normalcy.
Thus communal unrest spread over five days and which had threatened to spread to Galle in the south and even the North Western Province, was brought under control in less than 24 hours.
POSTSCRIPT
I had opportunity to handle a few more similar experiences in my career. With the infamous racial riots in 1983, I was, as an SP, belatedly posted from police headquarters to Colombo about a week or two from the onset of riots. I was then lingering sans recognition in police headquarters, after my battles with politicos in Kelaniya and Kurunegala . The Colombo South area was assigned to me, with the rest of Colombo placed under Janaka Perera who was then a Colonel. Adopting a firm line, we restored sanity fairly quickly, despite our exertions being unfortunately required far too late.
My experience convinced me that police ranks were coloured by prejudice to a considerable extent, as was the case in Beruwela too in 1991. I think if we look at the sad saga of communal violence on our soil from about 1958, what is patently clear is that one of the reasons for delays in curbing violence was the strange inertia of the security forces, at least in the early stages. It is also my firm belief based on experience, that service and police ranks respond well to positive leadership.
Handling mobs has its own challenges. There has to be a strategy against them. I was convinced that when people gather to demonstrate and cause havoc with a communal mindset, speed and firmness are essentials to bring them to heel. The psychology of mobs has unusual characteristics. Crowds swell rapidly to transform into reckless numbers when mobs sense weakness in the security forces. The ‘heart’ then starts ruling the ‘head’. With the multiplication of numbers due to perceived weaknesses of the police, mobs become yet more violent, irrational, and reckless. When handling mobs, all efforts have therefore to concentrate on getting heads’ to think and react, rather than allow the ‘heart’ to trigger excessive emotions and violence. Speed and firmness have to characterise the response of the police.
A swift response to the emergence of racist mobs also calls for decisive political direction, good intelligence, and firm police responses. Dilatory tactics, indecision and too much of tolerance maybe fateful. All previous racial riots up to the aftermath of the Easter Sunday carnage were characterized by ineptitude on the part of the police and the security forces to act decisively in the early stages. It has to be acknowledged that governments of the time too have to be blamed for failing to offer bold and unambiguous directions. I must however offer a bouquet to my ‘bete noire’, former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, for being unique in making it clear to the country and the security forces in her time that she will not tolerate racist violence. I am certain that if there were such efforts, she would have nipped them in the bud without any hesitation.
There are times when negotiations work, but mostly with mobs not tainted with racism. Around 1994-5, the Voice of America (VOA) broadcasting station in Iranawila , was under perpetual siege from irate mobs, encouraged by radical Christian priests who feared that western influences would infiltrate the tranquil life of the villagers. The transports of Americans to and from the VOA were regularly stoned and attacked, causing fairly serious injuries.
DIG Gamini Randeni’s hasty response was to order the opening of fire, resulting in a miscreant being killed. He unfortunately chose to handle tension by pouring fuel to the flamess. I was then requested by the government to proceed and find a way of restoring normalcy. On my way to Chilaw, after a meeting with the American Ambassador, I pondered and made up my mind that amidst the intense hostility to the police, the only option available was negotiation and persuasion, so as to win the confidence of the ring leaders behind mobs.
I was successful in gaining the confidence of the Catholic Bishop of Chilaw, and through him, the young priests who supported the villagers. I also addressed the ringleaders of violence separately, and once confident that they were veering to my way of thinking, assembled the young priests and the community leaders together for a series of meetings and drove sense into them. Normalcy was thus restored, with the clergy and the village leaders agreeing to keep the peace. Strong arm tactics were not contemplated, but other methods were planned and held in readiness.
The lesson that emerges from these experiences is that racist mobs have to be handled differently to mobs which espouse other causes. The riots of racist mobs target life, limb and property. Police then have to confront them firmly and swiftly. But mobs which espouse popular grievances outside the pale of racism, and prefer agitations, have to be addressed differently. The adoption of negotiations would then be paramount, for in such instances, it is more important to address the grievances than use force.
Even during the tenure of office of President Premadasa, Negombo was volatile since villagers in the coastal town agitated on the streets against tourism and tourists, accusing foreigners of promoting child prostitution. I was despatched to win over the radical Catholic priests backing the agitation, and through dialogue, won them over and established a task force against vice, with the clergy and community leaders as components. Here too, the use of force would have been fatal.
Features
Welcome bid to revive interest in Southern development issues
From the global South’s viewpoint the time could not be more appropriate to re-explore the possibility of forging ahead with realizing its long neglected collective development aims. It would seem that over the past three decades or more the developing world itself has allowed its outstanding issues to be thrust onto the backburner, so to speak, of the global development agenda.
Maybe the South’s fascination with the economic growth models advanced by the West and its apex financial institutions enabled the above situation to come to pass. However, time has also made it clear that the people of the South have gained little or nothing from their rulers’ fixation with the ‘development’ paths mapped out for them by Western financial institutions which came to prioritize ‘market-led’ growth.
At this juncture it is crucial that the more informed and enlightened sections among Southern publics come together to figure out where their countries should ‘go from here’ in terms of development, correctly defined. It is gladdening to note that the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies, Colombo (RCSS) has got down to this task.
On November 3rd, the RCSS launched its inaugural ‘RCSS Strategic Dialogue’ under the guidance of its Executive Director, Ambassador (Retd.) Ravinatha Aryasinha, under the theme, ‘Research Priorities for the Global South in Challenging Times’, and the forum was led by none other than by Dr. Carlos Maria Correa, the Executive Director of the Geneva-based South Centre, an institution that has played a pivotal role in Southern development and discourse over the decades.
Among the audience were thought leaders, diplomats, senior public servants, development experts and journalists. In what proved to be a lively, wide-ranging discussion issues at the heart of Southern development were analyzed and a general understanding arrived at which ought to stand the South in general and Sri Lanka in particular in good stead, going forward.
A thought-provoking point made by Dr. Carlos Correa was that the ‘US is helping India and China to come closer, and if India and China work together, the global economy and politics could change dramatically.’ He was referring to the tariff-related trade strife that the US has unleashed on the world and the groundwork that it could lay for the foremost Asian economic powers, India and China, to work consensually towards changing global trade terms in particular in favour of the global South.
The Asian powers mentioned could easily achieve this considering that they could hold their own with the US in economic terms. In other words there exists a possibility of the world economy being shaped in accordance with some of the best interests of the South, provided the foremost economic powers of the South come together and look beyond narrow self- interests towards the collective good of the South. This is a challenge for the future that needs taking up.
China sought to identify itself with the developing world in the past and this could be its opportunity to testify in practical terms to this conviction. In view of the finding that well over 40 percent of global GDP is currently being contributed by the major economies of the South, coupled with the fact that the bulk of international trade occurs among Southern economies, the time seems to be more than right for the South to initiate changes to the international economy that could help in realizing some of its legitimate interests, provided it organizes itself.
The above observation could be considered an important ‘take-away’ from the RCSS forum, which needs to be acted upon by governments, policy makers and think tanks of the developing world. It is time to revisit the seemingly forgotten North-South and South-South Dialogues, revive them and look to exploiting their potential to restructure the world economic system to suit the best interests of all countries, big or small. There are ‘research priorities’ aplenty here for those sections the world over that are desirous of initiating needed qualitative changes to the international economy for the purpose of ushering equity and fair play.
An important research question that arises from the RCSS forum relates to development and what it entails. This columnist considers this question a long- forgotten issue from the North-South Dialogue. It is no longer realized, it seems, that the terms growth and development cannot be used interchangeably. Essentially, while ‘growth’ refers to the total value of goods and services produced by a country yearly, ‘development’ denotes equity in the distribution of such produce among a country’s population. That is, in the absence of an equal distribution of goods and services among the people no ‘development’ could be said to have occurred in a country.
From the above viewpoint very few countries could be said to have ‘developed’ in particularly the South over the decades since ‘political independence’; certainly not Sri Lanka. In terms of this definition of development, it needs to be accepted that a degree of central planning is integral to a country’s economic advancement.
Accordingly, if steady poverty alleviation is used as a yardstick, the global South could be said to be stuck in economic backwardness and in this sense a hemisphere termed the ‘South’ continues to exist. Thanks to the RCSS forum these and related issues were raised and could henceforth be freshly researched and brought to the fore of public discussion.
We have it on the authority of Dr. Carlos Correa that a 7000 strong network of policymakers is at the service of the South Centre, to disseminate their scholarship worldwide if needed. The South would be working in its interests to tie-up with the South Centre and look to ways of advancing its collective interest now that it is in a position to do so, considering the economic clout it carries. It is time the South took cognizance fully of the fact that the global economic power balance has shifted decisively to the East and that it makes full use of this favourable position to advance its best interests.
The New International Economic Order (NIEO) of the sixties and seventies, which won mention at the RCSS forum, needs to be revisited and researched for its merits, but the NIEO was meant to go hand-in-hand with the New International Information Order (NIIO) which was birthed by Southern think tanks and the like around the same time. Basically, the NIIO stood for a global information order that made provision for a balanced and fair coverage of the affairs of the South. Going forward, the merits of the NIIO too would need to be discussed with a view to examining how it could serve the South’s best interests.
Features
BBC in trouble again!
BBC is in trouble again; this time with the most powerful person in the world. Donald Trump has given an ultimatum to the BBC over a blunder it should have corrected and apologized for, a long time ago, which it did not do for reasons best known, perhaps, only to the hierarchy of the BBC. Many wonder whether it is due to sheer arrogance or, pure and simple stupidity! Trump is threatening to sue the BBC, for a billion dollars in damages, for the defamation of character caused by one of the flagship news programmes of the BBC “Panorama” broadcast a week before the last presidential election.
BBC is the oldest public service broadcaster in the world, having commenced operations in 1922 and was once held in high esteem as the most reliable broadcaster in the world due to its editorial neutrality but most Sri Lankans realized it is not so now, due to the biased reporting during Sri Lanka’s troubled times. By the way, it should not be forgotten that the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation is the second oldest public broadcaster in the world, behind the BBC by only three years, having commenced operations as ‘Colombo Radio’ on 16 December 1925; it subsequently became ‘Radio Ceylon’. It soon became the dominant broadcaster of South Asia, with a Hindi service as well, and I wonder whether there are any plans to celebrate the centenary of that great heritage but that is a different story.
The Panorama documentary titled “Trump: A Second Chance?” was broadcast on 28 October, days before the US presidential election held on 5th November 2024. No one, except the management of the BBC, was aware that this programme had a doctored speech by Trump till the British newspaper The Telegraph published a report, in early November, stating that it had seen a leaked BBC memo from Michael Prescott, a former independent external adviser to its editorial standards committee, sent in May. This memo pointed out that the one-hour Panorama programme had edited parts of a Trump’s speech which may convey the impression that he explicitly encouraged the Capitol Hill riot of January 2021. In fact, this is what most believe in and whether the editors and presenters of Panorama purposely doctored the speech to confirm this narrative remains to be seen.
In his speech, in Washington DC on 6 January 2021, what Trump said was: “We’re going to walk down to the Capitol, and we’re going to cheer on our brave senators and congressmen and women.” However, in Panorama he was shown saying: “We’re going to walk down to the Capitol… and I’ll be there with you. And we fight. We fight like hell.” The two sections of the speech that were edited together were more than 50 minutes apart and the “fight like hell” comment was taken from a section where Trump discussed how “corrupt” US elections were.
There is no doubt that Trump is very lax with words but that does not mean that the media can edit his speeches to convey a totally different meaning to what he states. The moment the memo was received, from its own advisor, the senior management of the BBC should have taken action. The least that could have been done is to issue a correction and tender an apology to Trump in addition to punishing the errant, after an inquiry. One can justifiably wonder whether the BBC did not take any action because of an inherent prejudice against Trump. Even if not so, how the events unfolded makes the BBC appear to be an organization incapable of monitoring and correcting itself.
In fact, a news item on 9 November in the BBC website titled, “Why is Donald Trump threatening to sue the BBC?”, referring to the memo states the following:
“The document said Panorama’s “distortion of the day’s events” would leave viewers asking: “Why should the BBC be trusted, and where will this all end?”. When the issue was raised with managers, the memo continued, they “refused to accept there had been a breach of standards”.
From these statements, it becomes very clear that all that the senior management wanted to do was a cover-up, which is totally inexcusable. After the expose by The Telegraph the BBC had been inundated by public complaints and faced criticism all round resulting in the resignations of the Director General and the Head of News. To make matters worse, the Chairman of the Board of Directors stated that he was planning to tender an apology to President Trump. If he had any common sense or decency, he would have done so immediately.
Worse still was the comment of the head of international news who tried to justify by saying that this sort of editing happens regularly. He fails to realise that his comment will make more and more people losing trust in the BBC.
Some are attempting to paint this as an attempt by those against the licence-fee funding model of the BBC to discredit the BBC but to anyone with any sense at all, it is pretty obvious that this a self-inflicted injury. Some legal experts are advising the BBC to face the legal challenge of Trump, failing to realise that even if Trump loses, the BBC would have to spend millions to defend. This would be the money paid as licence fees by the taxpayer and the increasing resistance to licence fee is bound to increase.
Overall, this episode raises many issues the most important being the role of the free press. British press is hardly fair, as newspapers have political allegiances, but is free to expose irregularities like this. Further, it illustrates that we must be as careful with mainstream media as much as we are with newly emerging media. When a respected organization like the BBC commits such blunders and, worse still. attempts to cover-up, whom can we trust?
by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
Features
Miss Universe 2025 More ‘surprises’ before Crowning day!
Unexpected events seem to have cropped up at this year’s Miss Universe pageant and there could be more ‘surprises’ before the crowning day – Friday, 21st November, 2025, at the at the Impact Challenger Hall, in Pak Kret, Nonthaburi, Thailand..
First, the controversy involving the pageant’s Thai Director and Miss Mexico, and then the withdrawal of some of the contestants from the 74th Miss Universe pageant.
In fact, this year’s pageant has has kept everyone on edge.
However, I’m told that Sri Lanka’s representative, Lihasha Lindsay White, is generating some attention, and that is ecouraging, indeed.
While success in the pageant is highly competitive and depends on performance during the live events, let’s hope Lihasha is heading in the right direction.

Involved in an unpleasant scene
The 27-year-old Miss Universe Sri Lanka is a businesswoman and mental health advocate, and, according to reports coming my way, has impressed with her poise, intellect, and stage presence.
Her strong advocacy for mental health brings a message of substance and style, which aligns with the Miss Universe Organisation’s current emphasis on impact and purpose beyond just aesthetics.
Lihasha has undergone rigorous training, including catwalk coaching, under internationally acclaimed mentors – Indonesia’s Putra Pasarela for runway coaching; and the Philippines’ Michelle Padayhag for Q&A mastery – which, I’m told, has strengthened her confidence and stage presence.
Pageant predictions are speculative and vary widely among experts. While some say there is a possibility of Lihasha tbreaking into the semi-finals, there is no guarantee of a win.
Ultimately, the outcome will be determined during the competition events, including the preliminary show, national costume segment, and the final night, where Lihasha will compete against representatives from over 100 countries.

Maureen Hingert: 2nd Runner-up in 1955 / Miss Mexico: Stood up for women’s rights
While Sri Lanka has not won the Miss Universe crown before, Maureen Hingert was placed as the 2nd Runner-up in 1955.
Lihasha Lindsay White is a dedicated candidate with a strong personal platform, and her performance in the remaining preliminary events, and at the final show, will determine Sri Lanka’s chances this year.
The competition, no doubt, will be fierce, with contestants bringing diverse backgrounds, preparation methodologies, and cultural perspectives.
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