Features
Modi reopens settled dispute with Lanka to woo Tamil voters

India and Sri Lanka signed an agreement in 1974 recognizing Sri Lankan sovereignty over the tiny island of Katchatheevu
By Rathindra Kuruwita
Most Sri Lankans were unpleasantly surprised when Narendra Modi, who is campaigning aggressively to return to power for a third consecutive term as India’s prime minister, raked up the long-settled India-Sri Lanka dispute over the Katchatheevu Island.
Citing a report in Times of India, Modi posted on X (formerly Twitter) that the “Congress callously gave away Katchatheevu…” to the Sri Lankans in the early 1970s. He went on to slam the Congress, India’s main opposition party and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s main rival in the upcoming general election for “weakening India’s unity, integrity, and interests.”
A day later India’s Foreign Minister Jaishankar said that the Katchatheevu issue is a “live issue. It is an issue which has been very much debated in Parliament and in the Tamil Nadu circles. It has been the subject of correspondence between the Union government and the state government….”
What Jaishankar was saying is that the dispute over Katchatheevu was not a settled one, although India and Sri Lanka have signed agreements accepting Sri Lankan sovereignty over the island.
Katchatheevu is a 285-acre uninhabited island in the Palk Straits located close to the International Maritime Boundary Line (IMBL) of Sri Lanka and India. The island only comes alive during the annual feast of St. Anthony, when fishermen from Sri Lanka and India visit the island.
However, the dispute over fishing rights in the area has led to tensions between the fishing communities since 2009. Between January 1 and March 21 this year, the Sri Lanka navy seized a total of 23 Indian trawlers and 178 Indian fishermen, who were poaching in Sri Lankan waters. Indian fishermen did not take part this year in the annual festival at Katchatheevu, alleging that Sri Lankan naval personnel harass them when they cross over to Sri Lankan waters.
The confusion over the island’s sovereignty goes back to British attempts to divide the maritime boundary of India and Sri Lanka to demarcate the fishing industry. On October 24, 1921, delegations from colonial India and Ceylon (as Sri Lanka was known previously) tried to come up with a “Fisheries Line” to deal with the overexploitation of resources in the seas and determine the ownership of Katchatheevu.
Principal Collector of Customs B. Horsburgh, who led the Ceylonese delegation, staunchly opposed Indian claims that the island was part of Indian marine territory because it belonged to the zamindari of the Raja of Ramnada (Tamil Nadu politicians bring up this argument even today). Horsburgh furnished evidence demonstrating that Katchatheevu, including St. Anthony’s Church, was considered the estate of the Jaffna Diocese. After much deliberation, the two delegations agreed on a border that “passed three miles west of Katchatheevu.” This placed the island well within Ceylonese territory.
Neither side ratified the agreement, and the secretary of state didn’t officially approve it, but following discussions, an ad hoc imagined maritime boundary came into being. The British-Indian delegation caveated, that this “Fisheries Line” can’t be considered a territorial boundary “so as not to prejudice any territorial claim which the Government of Madras or the Government of India may wish to prefer in respect of the island of Kachchativu.”
The matter rested in this manner for several decades but in 1956, both Ceylon and India realized that they needed to come up with a maritime boundary. India’s Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who was also the country’s Minister of External Affairs, felt that this tiny island was not a matter of “national prestige.” The Indian leadership of that era understood that its smaller neighbors were wary of the Indian juggernaut throwing its weight around and they believed that handing this “barren rock” to Sri Lanka would demonstrate to the world India’s unambiguous willingness to preserve bilateral goodwill with Sri Lanka.
According to The Indian and Foreign Review (an official publication by the Indian government) of July 1974, the “chief value” of the agreement to the Indian government was that it helped “‘destroy the canard that India behaves overbearingly towards its small neighbours…
Sri Lanka’s possession of this ‘barren rock’ island cannot militate against the Sethusamudram project. The notion that the Chinese will establish a base there is fantastic. On the whole, it is a comparatively small price to pay for good relations with Sri Lanka.”
In 1974 and 1976, India and Sri Lanka signed agreements to demarcate the sea boundaries between the two countries. The 1974 Agreement formally confirmed Sri Lanka’s sovereignty over Katchatheevu island. With the 1976 agreement, India lost access to Sri Lankan waters, and Sri Lanka lost access to Pedro Bank, Wadge Bank and the continental shelves off Cape Comorin at the southern tip of India. The Wadge Bank, situated in a significantly strategic maritime area, is known as one of the most lucrative fishing grounds in the world. Moreover, the agreement conferred upon India the authority to explore the Wadge Bank for petroleum and other valuable mineral reserves.
However, in the decades since the agreements were signed, Tamil politicians in India have been insisting that they got a bad deal. For example, in 2011, the Tamil Nadu government under the leadership of Jayalalithaa Jayaram lodged a petition in the Supreme Court of India, requesting the declaration of the 1974 and 1976 agreements as unconstitutional.
In response, the Indian government stated that “No territory belonging to India was ceded, nor sovereignty relinquished, since the area was in dispute and had never been demarcated” and that the dispute on the status of the island was settled in 1974 by an agreement.
It must also be noted that the debate on the ownership of the island became more intense following 2009. Sri Lankan fishermen were barred from entering the country’s own northern seas from the 1980s to 2009 due to the war with the LTTE. During this period Indian fishermen operated in the Sri Lankan northern seas with impunity. Tensions arose when Sri Lankan fishermen returned to the northern seas and found their counterparts from India poaching on Sri Lankan waters.
Over the last 15 years, Sri Lankan fishermen have been urging their political leaders and the government to take more stern action against the Indians. Even now thousands of Tamil Nadu trawlers engage in fishing over a wide arc from Chilaw in the West to Mullaitivu in the East.
Under the Modi administration, senior leaders of BJP are reiterating positions taken by Tamil Nadu politicians and this is causing concern in Colombo.
This is not the first time that Modi has spoken about Katchatheevu. In 2023, he told parliament that the Dravida Munetra Kazhagam (DMK), the party in power in Tamil Nadu, was asking him to reclaim Katchatheevu, which former Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi of the Congress Party had given away to Sri Lanka. It was when Gandhi was prime minister that the Katchatheevu deal was done. Incidentally, the DMK, now an ally of the Congress party, was in power in Tamil Nadu when that agreement was signed with Sri Lanka.
The BJP’s latest attack is not only aimed at the Congress and the Gandhis, but also at the DMK. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, whose father Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi was aligned with Indira Gandhi when the Katchatheevu agreement was reached.
The current Sri Lankan government, which has allied itself with the Modi administration, has tried to downplay this development. On January 5, Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister Ali Sabry said that the Katchatheevu issue was settled 50 years ago and that it is not unusual to hear politicians making such claims during Indian elections.
“There is no controversy. They are having an internal political debate about who is responsible. Other than that, no one is talking about claiming Katchatheevu,” he told journalists in Colombo.
Sri Lankan Fisheries Minister Douglas Devananda, whom northern fishermen have pressured to take action against Indian fishermen who poach in Sri Lankan territorial waters, was more candid. He pointed out that India secured Wadge Bank, which extends over a larger area and is richer in marine resources than Katchatheevu.
He told reporters in Jaffna that he believed “India is acting on its interests to secure this place to ensure Sri Lankan fishermen would not have any access to that area and that Sri Lanka should not claim any rights in that resourceful area.”
Indian journalists for the most part maintain that the recent developments will not affect “robust” relations between India and Sri Lanka.
However, despite what many Indian journalists assert, relations between India and Sri Lanka are not without problems. Although the Ranil Wickremesinghe administration is close to the Modi government, anti-Indian sentiment in Sri Lanka is at its highest for a while. In recent months, environmental groups, civil society organizations and opposition politicians have raised their voices against India’s Adani Group taking control over Sri Lankan ports, renewable energy, and airports, as well as the sale of the National Livestock Development Board to India’s Amul. A few weeks earlier, former President Maithripala Sirisena dropped a bombshell claiming that India was behind the easter Sunday attacks.
Many Sri Lankans believe that the BJP is indirectly holding out the prospect of reclaiming Katchatheevu to attract the votes of Tamil Nadu fishermen. The BJP’s stance also serves as justification for allowing Indian fishermen, who have long been encroaching on Sri Lankan waters, to continue with their illegal activities.
Sri Lankan think tank Pathfinder claims that Indians are poaching in an area “covering more than 450 kilometers of Sri Lankan coastline.” If Sri Lanka concedes Katchatheevu, the poaching could increase drastically, crippling Sri Lanka’s entire fisheries sector.
As fellow South Asians, Sri Lankans know that politicians make outrageous statements when elections approach. However, local and small-time politicians usually make the most inflammatory statements. This gives senior leaders in the party plausible deniability about these claims.
In the Katchatheevu case, it is the Indian prime minister and the foreign minister who have reopened a settled dispute. It is understandable then that Sri Lankans are taking these statements seriously.
As Austin Fernando, a former Sri Lankan defense secretary and high commissioner to India observed, although Indian political parties think of the Katchatheevu issue as a “vote-puller,” once the BJP reasserted India’s claim over the islet, it will be “difficult” for the Indian government to go back on its leaders’ statements made during elections, as it is the BJP that is likely to return to power. That is “the problem,” he said.
Features
NPP govt. and its take on foreign relations

by Neville Ladduwahetty
Following President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s visit, first to India and then to China, Foreign Policy analysts and Commentators of repute have cautioned the NPP government the need to exercise BALANCE particularly in respect of its relations with India and China. The question is how balancing could be the guiding policy in Sri Lanka’s relations with India and China, when balancing is only a strategy? For instance, is the prospect of a 200,000 barrels a day refinery by China in Hambantota to be balanced by a prospective refinery by India in Trincomalee even if it is not in Sri Lanka’s best interests? Is this what some commentators call “pragmatic balancing”?
Sri Lanka’s policy regarding relations with other countries is stated at times as Non-Aligned and neutral at other times depending on the occasion and the forum. In the Joint Statement with China, the Policy is Non-Aligned. During a press conference, Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath made comments that undoubtedly amounted to “reaffirmation of Neutrality” according to a report in the Daily FT (Oct. 9, 2024). Such inconsistencies are not in the best interest of relations with India or China or with any other country. It is therefore imperative that the NPP government adopts a Policy and conducts its affairs in a manner that abides by the stated Policy if its credibility is to be respected
OBJECTIVES to PRECEEDE POLICY
However, whatever policy the NPP government adopts, what needs to be understood is the fundamental premise that prior to developing a Policy there has to be a clear and unambiguous Objective. For instance, the Foreign policy of India is often expressed as “Neighbourhood First”, and Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR). Such a policy would entitle India to realise its objective of being accepted as a Regional Power in South Asia and therefore recognised as a global power where its currency is internationally recognised, a place in the UN Security Council, etc., and other symbols of a global power. On the other hand, China’s objective is to become first among equals among global powers. The Policy to achieve such an objective is its Belt and Road Initiative.
Similarly, the US Declaration of Independence sets out its objective as being: “We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights governments are instituted among men ….”
It is therefore clear that the Objective of a Nation is a declaration of the goals the Peoples of a Nation craft for themselves. Therefore, Sri Lanka has to define unambiguously its Objectives. To state that Sri Lanka’s Objective should be based on Self-Interests is to state the obvious because Self-Interest is what drives Foreign Relations. Foreign Policy of a Nation is how it conducts itself in its relations with other Nations in the process of pursuing its Objectives. For instance, the Objective of the NPP Government is to create “A thriving Nation and a beautiful life”. Thus, having declared its Objective, the NPP government has to decide whether a Foreign Policy of Non-Alignment, Neutrality or any other would enable it to realise its stated Objective of a thriving Nation and a beautiful life.
On the other hand, balancing is not an objective nor is it a policy. It is only a Strategy that could be resorted to within the context of Non-Aligned or Neutral Policies. Thus, its application is limited in scope to specific countries such as India and China and to infrastructure projects as part of Balancing interests of geopolitical rivals at a cost to Sri Lanka’s national interests.
NON-ALIGNMENT v. NEUTRALITY in PRACTICE
From a security perspective, non-alignment does not guarantee territorial inviolability. On the other hand, a neutral state is protected by international law. Therefore, neutrality offers greater guarantees in respect of territorial inviolability. Furthermore, since Neutrality defines duties and responsibilities of a Neutral State, other Nations are forewarned of what to expect from Sri Lanka – in short there are no surprises nor is there a need to go out of its way to ensure the security of India or any other State. This fosters trust and credibility among nations. However, if any country decides to violate Sri Lanka’s territory for whatever reason, as it was when India violated Sri Lanka’s air space, Sri Lanka has to accept the fact that no one would be coming to its defence other than the protection of International Law.
The real test between Non-Alignment and neutrality is when it comes to infrastructure projects. Furthermore, under a Policy of Non-Alignment, infrastructure projects invariably become part of balancing and therefore end up with unsolicited proposals, as in the past. Attempts to balance the refinery in Hambantota by China that was reported to have been based on expressions of interest called for by Sri Lanka, with a possible Refinery in Trincomalee for India would be unsolicited and to different standards. A variation to the theme of unsolicited projects is to tempt Sri Lanka by funding projects that serve the interests of the funding agency and not that of Sri Lanka.
On the other hand, a policy of neutrality requires that strict and open procedures are followed in order to ensure that all are treated as equals. This makes it imperative for Sri Lanka to first define the scale and scope of the project and call for Expressions of Interest (EOI) from parties for evaluation in a transparent and open manner. Thus, practices that require a Neutral State to adopt fosters Credibility and Trust in the eyes of other Nations; characteristics critically needed to create a Thriving Sri Lanka. These characteristics together with reliance on International Law become the combined armory of a Neutral State such as Sri Lanka that is relatively small, but strategically located for aspiring Global Powers to go out of their way to foster abiding relations.
CONCLUSION
The foreign policy options explored and commented on by analysts, think tanks and during panel discussions are; Non-Alignment, Neutrality, Balancing and Self- Interest, etc., not realising that some proposed Policies, such as Balancing, are not Policies but Strategies. These explorations fail to define the objective that determines which policy to adopt as in the case of India, China and the USA cited above. Additionally, the context in which the Policy works, becomes a factor that shapes and Influences Policy. In the particular context of Sri Lanka, its strategic location that is akin to a key stone in the arch of Indian Ocean Rim countries in the geopolitical equation has molded Sri Lanka as a Nation State over Millennia to an extent that its geographical size has become a secondary factor.
In such a context, its security, and the goal set by the NPP government of a “Thriving Nation and a beautiful life” is best served by international law and the Soft Power of a neutral state that requires it to conduct its International Relations in an open and Transparent manner that ensures equality among Nations in a manner that fosters Trust and Credibility. The dividends from such an approach would foster a “Thriving Nation”.
Features
Appropriate scaled-down celebration; probable statesman; misinterpretation

This year the scaled-down Independence Day celebrations were just right. There was pageantry but no pomp. We must celebrate Independence Day and fortunately it was done. Every item was commendable: the mixed in race and gender choirs rendering so well the National Anthem, the Jayamangala Gatha and chant of blessing, directed at the President. Cass’ thought that after a long time he really deserved these chants of blessing, and good fortune for the country too. The National Anthem was sung in Tamil too by students. The President’s address was excellent in substance and delivery. The cultural event was superb. The best was that no armed vehicles drove past.
Statesman
A niece sent Cassandra a video clip of Prez AKD being mobbed – joyfully, admiringly, affectionately – on a recent visit to Velvataturai. He just got into the crowd, shook hands, patted little ones and posed for innumerable selfies, all smilingly with not a trace of self-promotion. He was just one of them. To have Tamils, Muslims, Catholic priests and nuns, Hindu dignitaries greeting him gladly brought tears to Cass’ eyes – tears of joy and the fact of reconciliation being evidently shown by the Tamil people. Accompanying the video Cass’ niece wrote: “Never in my wildest dreams would I have ever thought a Sinhala leader would be made so welcome in the North. They seemed to love him. He definitely has qualities of a leader.” And then she adds: “But I seriously fear for his safety, the way he is running around.” Agreed but not with crowds in the North, now that the suicide bombers are no more (or so we hope).
Judging the President and his manner of presenting himself (behaviour for short) locally and overseas in India and China within one hundred and something days of becoming Prez of the country, Cassandra declares she at last sees a potential statesman in him.
The only statesman we have had so far – D S Senanayake was a person of the people by his actions, notwithstanding his exclusive ancestry. He came from a land and plumbago mine owning, well to do family, but felt sincerely for the common people and hence his foremost policy being agriculture, since food is one of the three requirements for basic life. Air is free, and unpolluted then; water is/was plentiful through rain or containment in wewas, the largest of which he got constructed in Gal Oya, Ampara. DS seemed happiest when surrounded by villagers.
AKD was born to a simple family – but of integrity and worth – and thus he remains honest, simple, sincere, with very high ideals and love for Sri Lanka and its people, determined to do well by them. His head has definitely not been turned or swollen by the obvious adulation shown by our people and the VVIP welcome received in the two countries that dominate the world now. That is almost a humanely impossible achievement but he has succeeded in keeping his head while most other leaders before him lost theirs. That was principally because leaders of the past, starting from SWRD, had themselves and their political success in mind, later added to by greed of enrichment.
These qualities so far are missing in AKD and thus Cassandra’s prophecy – he will reach statesmanship because he has the qualities inherent in him and he gives the promise of not changing to be self-gratifying through imbibing greed for riches, greed for continued power, greed for the strength it gives a person to grab material wealth for himself and his family and cohorts.
Revenge
MTV 1 on Saturday February 1, carried the news of MP Rohitha Abeygunawardena visiting Mahinda Rajapaksa in his government-paid-for palatial home in Colombo 7 just to see to his well-being, as the MP said.
Now, the gist of what Rohitha A said, seated in his luxury car as he drove out of the ex Prez’s premises; “It is very wrong of the government to ask this great man to vacate the state-owned residence. Then he made this typical below par, oft used political accusation that government leaders were taking revenge on Ex Prez Mahinda R. Revenge for what act of the Ex Prez’s, pray? Cassandra cannot bear to hear the two words ‘jealousy’ and ‘revenge’. These two accusations are often made on political platforms by defeated leaders and lesser politicians.
Considering the case of ex-presidents being asked to vacate the huge houses bequeathed them by previous governments, started by JRJ, is a travesty of justice. Many of the past Prez’s contributed by the policies they followed and personal acts to the downfall of the country. A second reason: why should they live in absolute comfort and luxury, guarded by hordes of security personnel, when a large proportion of the population of the country have no decent housing nor adequate food to eat. In MR’s case particularly, he has many mansions in his name and his sons’ names. How about that Malvana grand house that finally had no owner?
Yes, what Rohitha A threatened could easily happen. Give a gang of ne’er-do-wells a large tot of kasippu, a bath packet and a monetary inducement and they will rise up with deadly rampaging anger anywhere and against anyone. Did we not see this happen against the Aragalaya protesters and rampage of Gotagogama on May 9, 2022, by an inebriated but ferocious horde that poured out of Temple Trees when Mahinda R was PM and in residence in this house?
A ray of sunshine
Along with a daily presentation of how money was wantonly wasted by previous governments in starting expensive projects in different parts of the country and then abandoning them, named What happened to the Village, MTV Channel One in its news presentation includes feel good happenings in the country named Happy Headlines. It’s so good to view a happy happening, a successful person, sports event, occurrence in nature within the daily dose of dismal news. It is a merciful occurrence for which the present government is thanked that news is no longer so dismal and we in Sri Lanka are fortunate to be living in a reviving country unlike Gaza, Sudan, Ukraine, even Pakistan and the US of America which has a daily new edict proclaimed by President Trump, which sends shivers down American backs unless they are the white Supremacists who believe this proven to be dishonest businessman is set to Make America Great Again.
Features
Mangroves in Sri Lanka : Guardians of the Coast Facing Uncertain Future

By Ifham Nizam
Mangroves, often referred to as the “rainforests of the sea,” play a crucial role in maintaining coastal ecosystems. These salt-tolerant trees and shrubs thrive in the intertidal zones of tropical and subtropical regions, forming a unique and highly productive ecosystem.
In Sri Lanka, mangroves contribute significantly to biodiversity, fisheries, coastal protection, and climate resilience. However, despite their immense ecological and economic value, these forests are under severe threat due to human activities and climate change.
“Mangroves are among the most productive and valuable ecosystems on the planet. They not only support marine biodiversity but also act as a natural buffer against coastal erosion and extreme weather events,”
says Dr. Nilanthi Rajapakse, a scientist on Plant Taxonomy.
As the world observed World Wetlands Day on February 2, 2025, Sri Lanka faces a critical moment in its efforts to protect and restore these vital ecosystems.
The Importance of Mangroves in Sri Lanka
Mangroves provide a wide range of ecological, economic, and social benefits. Sri Lanka is home to more than 20 species of mangroves, which are mainly found along the western, southern, and eastern coastlines. Notable mangrove-rich areas include the Puttalam Lagoon, Maadu Ganga Estuary, Negombo, Batticaloa, Mannar, Trincomalee, and Jaffna.
Biodiversity Hotspots
Mangrove forests support an array of wildlife, including fish, crustaceans, mollusks, birds, reptiles, and marine mammals. Their dense root systems create breeding and nursery grounds for many commercially valuable fish species.
“Without mangroves, Sri Lanka’s fisheries industry would be severely impacted. These ecosystems serve as nurseries for juvenile fish, ensuring a steady supply for local fishermen,”
explains Wildlife Guard, Nuwan Jayawardena.
Mangroves also provide habitat for endangered and migratory birds, as well as reptiles like saltwater crocodiles and various marine mammals. Some species, such as Avicennia marina (Grey Mangrove) and Rhizophora mucronata (Red Mangrove), have unique adaptations like pneumatophores (aerial roots) and salt glands to survive in extreme coastal environments.
Coastal Protection and Climate Resilience
One of the most critical roles of mangroves is coastal defense. Their extensive root systems stabilize shorelines, preventing erosion and reducing the impact of tsunamis and storm surges.
“During the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, coastal areas with dense mangrove cover suffered less damage compared to those without. This underscores their importance as natural barriers,”
says Dr. Rajapakse.
Additionally, mangroves are powerful carbon sinks, absorbing and storing large amounts of carbon dioxide. Studies show that mangrove forests store up to four times more carbon per hectare than tropical rainforests, making them crucial in the fight against climate change.

The Wetland Newsletter of the Department of Wildlife Conservation (DWC) was first published in 2012 to share valuable information about wetlands. It is released twice a year and distributed among school children, undergraduates, government officials, naturalists, and wildlife enthusiasts. The advisory committee consists of M.G.C. Sooriyabandara, Director General of the DWC; Ranjan Marasinghe, Director (Operations) and Manjula Amararatne, Director (Protected Area Management) and edited by Dr. Nilanthi Rajapakse. The first volume of each year is launched on February 2nd in celebration of World Wetlands Day, while the second volume is released on October 1st to commemorate the founding anniversary of the DWC. This year, the official launch took place on Monday at the Ministry of Environment Auditorium during the national ceremony, where it was presented to the Chief Guest, Dr. Dhammika Patabendi, Minister of Environment. The event was also graced by Anton Jayakodi, Deputy Minister of Environment; Rohitha Uduwawala, Secretary of the Ministry of Environment; M.G.C. Sooriyabandara, Director General of the DWC; and Tilak Hevawasam, Chairman of the Central Environmental Authority.
Threats to Mangrove Ecosystems
Despite their significance, Sri Lanka’s mangroves are facing an existential crisis due to:
Human Activities
· Deforestation: Mangrove forests are being cleared for shrimp farming, agriculture, and urban expansion. The destruction of mangroves for economic gain often leads to long-term environmental and economic losses.
· Pollution
: Industrial waste, agricultural runoff, and plastic pollution degrade mangrove habitats, affecting water quality and marine life.
· Unregulated Development
: Coastal infrastructure projects, such as hotels and resorts, encroach on mangrove areas, disrupting their delicate balance.
Climate Change
· Rising sea levels threaten the very existence of mangroves by increasing salinity levels beyond their tolerance.
Stronger storms and extreme weather events
lead to physical damage and habitat loss.
· Temperature fluctuations
affect the reproductive cycles and growth of mangrove species.
“If we do not act now, Sri Lanka could lose a significant portion of its mangrove forests within the next few decades,”
warns Dr. Rajapakse.
Conservation Efforts and Restoration Projects
Government and International Initiatives
Sri Lanka has taken several steps to protect and restore mangroves. The country is a signatory to the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands, which emphasises the conservation of wetland ecosystems.
The establishment of protected areas and national parks has helped safeguard some mangrove habitats.
However, enforcement of environmental laws remains a challenge. Conservationists argue that stronger policies, stricter regulations, and better coordination between government agencies are necessary to curb illegal activities.
Community-Based Conservation
Engaging local communities in mangrove conservation has proven to be one of the most effective strategies. Several NGOs and local organisations are working to:
· Educate coastal communities about the importance of mangroves.
· Promote sustainable fishing and aquaculture practices.
· Conduct mangrove restoration projects, where degraded areas are replanted with native mangrove species.
“When local communities understand that their livelihoods depend on healthy mangroves, they become active participants in conservation efforts,”
explains Dr. Rajapakse.
Successful Restoration Projects
Several mangrove restoration projects have yielded positive results. In some areas, mangrove saplings have been replanted in degraded zones, leading to the regeneration of native species. International organisations have also collaborated with Sri Lankan researchers to monitor mangrove health and develop strategies for long-term sustainability.
The Road Ahead: A Call to Action
While progress has been made, conservationists emphasise that more action is needed to protect Sri Lanka’s mangroves. The following key steps are crucial for ensuring the long-term survival of these ecosystems:
Strengthening Environmental Laws
– Enforcing stricter regulations against illegal deforestation and pollution.
Expanding Protected Areas
– Designating more mangrove forests as protected zones.
Promoting Eco-Tourism
– Developing sustainable tourism models that benefit both conservation and local communities.
Investing in Research
– Supporting scientific studies to better understand the impact of climate change on mangroves.
Empowering Coastal Communities
– Providing training and financial incentives for sustainable livelihoods.
“Protecting mangroves is not just an environmental issue—it’s an economic and social necessity,”
says Dr. Rajapakse
Sri Lanka’s mangroves are priceless assets, offering countless benefits to people and nature alike. Yet, without urgent and sustained conservation efforts, these ecosystems could disappear, leaving coastal communities vulnerable and biodiversity at risk.
As the world celebrated World Wetlands Day 2025, the call for immediate action has never been clearer. Governments, conservationists, and local communities must work together to protect and restore Sri Lanka’s mangrove forests. The choices made today will determine whether these vital ecosystems thrive or vanish in the years to come.
Mangroves are not just trees—they are lifelines.
Preserving them is essential for a sustainable and resilient future for Sri Lanka and the planet.
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