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Ministry of Lands, Irrigation, and Power

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Rare photo of CP de Silva and DS Senanayake shot by Dudley Senanayake. Standing left to right C.P. de Silva, Robert Senanayake and Clive De Silva. SeatedIvorPalipana and D.S. Senanayake.

by Leelananda De Silva

I was nearing the end of my three years in Kurunegala when I received a telephone call from M. Sri Kantha, Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Lands, Irrigation and Power. He said that he would like me to come to his Ministry as Assistant Secretary with immediate effect. I had known Sri Kantha from my Jaffna days and this is how things happen.

From September 1967 to September 1969 I spent two productive years at the Ministry of Lands Irrigation and Power. Sri Kantha told me that I would have a few not very heavy tasks at the core of my assignment and in addition I would be doing odd jobs that arise from time to time. My core tasks were to oversee the Forest Department, Gal oya Development Board, the State Plantations Corporation, keep an eye on the new colonization scheme in the North, Muthuiyyan kaddukulam, and Parliamentary matters relating to the Ministry. As time went on, I did many other things.

The Minister, C.P de Silva was a former civil servant with an intimate knowledge of the subjects of his Ministry. He was an expert in irrigation and land development. He knew the senior officials of his Ministry intimately. For us junior officers he was a remote figure, although I had a lot to do with him.He had entered politics as a member of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, and was one of its leading figures in the 1950s and early 1960s. Now after having crossed over from the SLFP, although he had a powerful and wide ranging Ministry in the UNP Government, he was never again the commanding politician that he once was. His parliamentary secretary (now called deputy minister) was Captain C.P.J. Senewiratne, MP for Mahiyangana. The Minister had nothing to do with him.

The Permanent Secretary told me to keep in touch with him. He was rarely in his office and he had no work in the Ministry. Once he told me that the Minister might be very important in this Ministry, but that he was more important in the party and in Parliament, having been an old UNPer, unlike the Minister.On another occasion he told me to contact the Conservator of Forests and arrange for some forest land in Mahiyangana to be released for development. He said the problem in Mahiyangana was too much forests, and too little land for people to live and I think he had a point. At that time, two thirds of Sri Lanka were forests.

M. Sri Kantha was a fine man. He was reaching the end of his career. A devout Hindu, he spent a considerable time in religious activities. He had been GA Jaffna for a long spell, and he missed Jaffna. He was the ideal foil for a mercurial Minister like C.P de Silva. I used to give Sri Kantha a lift at lunch time in my car to his residence on Norris Canal Road. Sometimes this created a problem for me, as he got held up at meetings.I remember one day that he alerted me, while going in the car, to the perils of sex in middle age. He told me that men in their late 40s and 50s should be very careful in their relations with the opposite sex. All this arose from the news of a current scandal in the Administrative Service where a very senior officer had run away with a very junior female administrator.

The man who managed the Ministry was T. Sivagnanam, Senior Assistant Secretary. He was a reclusive figure and it took a little time for me to establish friendly relations with him. Once that happened he was a warm and kind personality. He knew more about irrigation than most irrigation engineers. I worked with him closely on many issues. The Minister depended heavily on him. Later, under the UNP government after 1977, Sivagnanam distinguished himself in organizing and managing the massive Mahaweli scheme. For the sake of his children and at the end of his career he sought a posting in Washington. He was to die there a few years later. I learnt a lot from Sivagnanam. It is a great pity that this kind of public servant, who served the country without fanfare, is now forgotten.

There were other interesting personalities in the Ministry. P.U. Ratnatunga, who had been Surveyor General, came to the Ministry as Additional Secretary. This was one of the early high level appointments of technical personnel to Ministries. He was a friend and contemporary of the minister at university and a fellow mathematician.At this time the Minister, C.P. was obsessed with the LSSP which he detested (C.P. had left the SLFP in 1964 as he did not fancy working with the LSSP in the new coalition). Ratnatunga reflected to some extent this aversion of the Minister, and I remember this due to an incident which occurred relating to the appointment of an assistant secretary.

I shared a room in the old secretariat with A.G.F (Francis) Perera, an assistant secretary who had come up from the clerical service. He had been the head of the powerful Treasury “G” branch which dealt with the all-island clerical service. His great hero was Shirley Amarasinghe, his old boss at the Treasury, and Francis imitated his manners and his style. He in fact looked a bit like Shirley. We became close friends as time went on.Another person who became a friend was B.H. Hemapriya, the Press Officer. He was close to the Minister and traveled with him all over the island. He was genuinely interested in the work he did and he had great knowledge of Sri Lanka’s history, specially of its irrigation works. He worked hard to get the media interested in the issues that mattered to the Ministry.

Those days the job of a Press Officer was highly professional and Hemapriya aimed at projecting the Ministry and not the Minister. The Minister was pleased with this strategy. Hemapriya was a great friend and an honest and hard working public servant. They did not make money, and his retirement years were not easy.It is through Hemapriya that I met Manik de Silva, who was to be one of my closest friends and one of the great journalists of our time. In 1967 Manik was a young Observer reporter, covering the Ministry of Lands and constantly looking for stories. He used to come and see Hemapriya who introduced him to me.

Manik is a son of Walwin A. de Silva, a distinguished civil servant, and later politician and vice chancellor. Manik made one journalistic scoop through some information I gave him. At this time in 1968 we were living down Model Farm Road in an annexe belonging to V.C. de Silva, former Director of Public Works. We were friendly with him and his family.One day V.C told me that he had just seen the Prime Minister, Dudley Senanayake along with L.B de Silva (former Supreme Court Judge) and H.C. Gunawardane (former Permanent Secretary) and that they have been appointed as the new Salaries Commission. V.C. did not tell me to treat it as confidential news.

Those days the news of the appointment of a Salaries Commission was of enormous significance. The Press had not heard about it. So when Manik came along to see me in the Ministry I told him the news, and he had a scoop, the Observer carrying it with a banner headline. Since that time, We have kept in touch with Manik and his partner Diana Captain (of whom I shall say more later) and they have been our close friends.Manik must count as one of the great Sri Lankan editors of all time, having had a journalistic career of nearly 60 years. We are also friends with Manik’s sister, Nela, who lives in England. Her son, Ganesh Sittampalam, a mathematics prodigy, is in the Guiness Book for being the youngest mathematics graduate in the last century.One of the tasks that I found most interesting in the Ministry was one that was assigned to me by the Minister. The Committee Stage of the Budget Debate in 1968 had an extensive discussion on the Votes of the Ministry of Lands. About 40 MPs intervened, raising a large number of issues, which filled one whole Hansard.

The Minister was anxious to impress on MPs that he was open to their suggestions and criticisms. He asked me to go through the Hansard and follow up each and every issue that has been raised by an MP and to let him know what his response should be to the MP concerned. He wanted me to prepare letters to MPs which he would sign.

This was not as simple a task as I thought it would be. I took about three months to handle all these matters. Apart from consulting with the MP, I had to follow them up with the departments and officials concerned and many of them were located in the districts. Many of the observations made by MPs related to two departments – Land Commissioner’s and the Irrigation Department. The whole exercise was very rewarding as I saw at first hand the interaction between the politician and the public servant.Apart from that, one learnt about the policy implications that arise from individual cases.A fascinating task that came my way was to assist Sivagnanam in the negotiations with the Asian Development Bank (ADB) on the Udawalawe project. The ADB was prepared to finance the project and sent two missions, one to do its technical feasibility and then later to negotiate financial assistance.

The technical feasibility mission was carried out by Huntings, a UK based consultancy firm. I looked after that mission from the Ministry. One of the members of that mission was R.W (Dick) Kettlewell, an agriculturalist, with long experience in the British African colonies. In the days prior to independence of Malawi, he had been Minister of Agriculture there. He had also been in Ceylon during the war.

During his visit to Ceylon and after, he became a great friend of ours. We are now friends with his son Michael, a leading Oxford surgeon, and his wife Sarah, whose brother is the Darwinian scholar, Richard Dawkins. Richard and Sarah’s mother, Jean Dawkins was born at Matara in Ceylon during the First World War and she is now nearly 100. They live in Chipping Norton near Oxford in their sprawling four hundred acre farm.

The mission that came from the ADB to negotiate financial assistance was headed by a German called Tacke. Sivagnanam wanted me to do the cost benefit analysis (CBA) of this project with him. That gave me important insights not only to cost benefit analysis but also to the ways in which these large multilateral financial institutions work. We prepared several alternatives of possible CBAs for the project, some more optimistic than others. One could increase the benefits accruing from the project by having an optimistic view of the yields from paddy, and minimizing risks.

There were all kinds of ways in which one could dabble with the levels of costs and benefits. The ADB was anxious to lend the money, and so they were inclined to maximize the potential benefits and lower the risks of failure. The Ministry wanted the money and we were happy to seem more optimistic than we actually were.The ADB had their own views of project management. As financier, they were anxious for an efficient system of management. The Minister had a more political perspective, and was inclined to have his own views on management. The administrators in the Ministry agreed more with the ADB than with the Minister, and used ADB to get their own way with the Minister.

One other assignment of mine was the Committee established by the Prime Minister to inquire into and report on the future of the Gal Oya Development Board (GODB). The GODB had outlived its usefulness, but it was difficult to get rid of it as, after 20 years of life, there were vested interests. The Prime Minister appointed John Arthur Amaratunga, Deputy Minister of Planning to be the sole member of the Committee.The Permanent Secretary of the Ministry appointed me as the Secretary of the Committee. In appointing this Committee, the Prime Minister did not consult the Minster. The Minister’s relations with the Prime Minister were semi-detached, and there were tensions in the relationship. The Planning Ministry was critical of the Lands Ministry in several respects and the Prime Minister was the Planning Minister.

Sri Kantha, in appointing me as Secretary told me that I do not have to keep them informed of what is going on, as neither he nor the Minister were interested in the subject. The Committee held a few meetings and I wrote the report with the guidance of Arthur Amaratunga. The overall recommendation was to wind up the Gal Oya Board. It was a delight to work with Amaratunga. We did most of our work at his home on Gregory’s Road, over cups of tea for me and a little stronger brew for him. We were to later become family friends with the Amaratungas.

My work on this Committee brought me into contact with the Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake on two or three occasions. On one of these occasions, I remember seeing Gamani Corea who was Permanent Secretary, Planning. He made a presentation to the Prime Minister about cultivation of paddy, quoting FAO reports. At the end of it, the Prime Minister asked Gamani whether he had ever stepped into a paddy field. The Prime Minister obviously knew more about paddy cultivation than the FAO experts.

When I reflect on my days with the Ministry of Lands over a period of 10 years, it strikes me that technical, in contrast to administrative, personnel, were the most important people in the Ministry, at all levels. The irrigation and electrical engineers, and the surveys people and technical assistants, were the ones who were at the frontline of development activities of the Ministry. They were the people who opened up the dry zone and built the dams and the canals to irrigate the land.

They have not received their due share of recognition for the contribution they made. In my work during these 10 years I had a close working relationship with these technical personnel at all levels in remote comers of Sri Lanka. Going on circuit in the districts, I have stayed with these people in their homes in remote areas, many of them located close to irrigation tanks, and there was a great sense of comradeship. It is difficult to mention all their names, but the memory of a romantic dry zone remains with me. I loved working in the dry zone at a time when these places were still remote.

During my years at the Lands Ministry, I was involved with the Ceylon Administrative Service Association (CASA). In 1968. they appointed me as one if its joint secretaries, along with Ranjith Withana. I held this post only for one year as I was leaving for the UK. The President of CASA was D. Rajendra, who was then the Commissioner of National Housing. Rajendra was an engaging personality and was the son of Sir Waityalingam Doraiswamy who had been the MP for Kayts and Speaker of the State Council.

To go back, it was an exciting time for the CASA. The Civil Service was abolished in 1962 and in its place had come the Ceylon Administrative Service. One of the main issues was how to select the limited number of persons for the higher grades from about 400 staff officers in the public service. The solution at the time was to have a competitive examination for all staff officers with over five years service, so that a limited number can be recruited to move on to higher grades.

In 1967, the first examination was held and 37 officers were selected. There was much resentment at this arrangement on the part of a large number of officers who did not get through the examination.They wanted this arrangement to be done away with and instead move towards a seniority-based promotion system and the expansion of the number in the higher classes. The younger officers preferred the current arrangement.

That year in 1969, the annual general meeting of the CASA was not pleasant. Several officers whom I knew well and one or two whom I considered were friends made noisy and angry protests. That incident remains in my mind. After I left, the CASA broke up into two. Anyway, being Secretary of the Association gave me a new interest in public administration issues. I might add here that the Prime Minister Dudley Senanayaka was the chief guest for the CASA dinner after all the shenanigans of the day in 1969.

(Excerpted from the writer’s autobiography, The Long Littleness of Life. Leelananda De Silva was a member of the Ceylon Administrative Service from 1960 to 1978. He was Senior Assistant Secretary and Director of Economic Affairs in the Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs in the 1970s working closely with Prime Minister Sirima Bandaranaike. Later in his career he was a senior international consultant in the UN system and Resident Representative of the Third World Forum in Geneva)



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Making ‘Sinhala Studies’ globally relevant

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On 8 January 2026, I delivered a talk at an event at the University of Colombo marking the retirement of my longtime friend and former Professor of Sinhala, Ananda Tissa Kumara and his appointment as Emeritus Professor of Sinhala in that university. What I said has much to do with decolonising social sciences and humanities and the contributions countries like ours can make to the global discourses of knowledge in these broad disciplines. I have previously discussed these issues in this column, including in my essay, ‘Does Sri Lanka Contribute to the Global Intellectual Expansion of Social Sciences and Humanities?’ published on 29 October 2025 and ‘Can Asians Think? Towards Decolonising Social Sciences and Humanities’ published on 31 December 2025.

At the recent talk, I posed a question that relates directly to what I have raised earlier but drew from a specific type of knowledge scholars like Prof Ananda Tissa Kumara have produced over a lifetime about our cultural worlds. I do not refer to their published work on Sinhala, Pali and Sanskrit languages, their histories or grammars; instead, their writing on various aspects of Sinhala culture. Erudite scholars familiar with Tamil sources have written extensively on Tamil culture in this same manner, which I will not refer to here.

To elaborate, let me refer to a several essays written by Professor Tissa Kumara over the years in the Sinhala language: 1) Aspects of Sri Lankan town planning emerging from Sinhala Sandesha poetry; 2) Health practices emerging from inscriptions of the latter part of the Anuradhapura period; 3) Buddhist religious background described in inscriptions of the Kandyan period; 4) Notions of aesthetic appreciation emerging from Sigiri poetry; 5) Rituals related to Sinhala clinical procedures; 6) Customs linked to marriage taboos in Sinhala society; 7) Food habits of ancient and medieval Lankans; and 8) The decline of modern Buddhist education. All these essays by Prof. Tissa Kumara and many others like them written by others remain untranslated into English or any other global language that holds intellectual power. The only exceptions would be the handful of scholars who also wrote in English or some of their works happened to be translated into English, an example of the latter being Prof. M.B. Ariyapala’s classic, Society in Medieval Ceylon.

The question I raised during my lecture was, what does one do with this knowledge and whether it is not possible to use this kind of knowledge profitably for theory building, conceptual and methodological fine-tuning and other such essential work mostly in the domain of abstract thinking that is crucially needed for social sciences and humanities. But this is not an interest these scholars ever entertained. Except for those who wrote fictionalised accounts such as unsubstantiated stories on mythological characters like Rawana, many of these scholars amassed detailed information along with their sources. This focus on sources is evident even in the titles of many of Prof. Tissa Kumara’s work referred to earlier. Rather than focusing on theorising or theory-based interpretations, these scholars’ aim was to collect and present socio-cultural material that is inaccessible to most others in society including people like myself. Either we know very little of such material or are completely unaware of their existence. But they are important sources of our collective history indicating what we are where we have come from and need to be seen as a specific genre of research.

In this sense, people like Prof. Tissa Kumara and his predecessors are human encyclopedias. But the knowledge they produced, when situated in the context of global knowledge production in general, remains mostly as ‘raw’ information albeit crucial. The pertinent question now is what do we do with this information? They can, of course, remain as it is. My argument however is this knowledge can be a serious source for theory-building and constructing philosophy based on a deeper understanding of the histories of our country and of the region and how people in these areas have dealt with the world over time.

Most scholars in our country and elsewhere in the region believe that the theoretical and conceptual apparatuses needed for our thinking – clearly manifest in social sciences and humanities – must necessarily be imported from the ‘west.’ It is this backward assumption, but specifically in reference to Indian experiences on social theory, that Prathama Banerjee and her colleagues observe in the following words: “theory appears as a ready-made body of philosophical thought, produced in the West …” As they further note, in this situation, “the more theory-inclined among us simply pick the latest theory off-the-shelf and ‘apply’ it to our context” disregarding its provincial European or North American origin, because of the false belief “that “‘theory’ is by definition universal.” What this means is that like in India, in countries like ours too, the “relationship to theory is dependent, derivative, and often deeply alienated.”

In a somewhat similar critique in his 2000 book, Provincialising Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference Dipesh Chakrabarty points to the limitations of Western social sciences in explaining the historical experiences of political modernity in South Asia. He attempted to renew Western and particularly European thought “from and for the margins,” and bring in diverse histories from regions that were marginalised in global knowledge production into the mainstream discourse of knowledge. In effect, this means making histories of countries like ours relevant in knowledge production.

The erroneous and blind faith in the universality of theory is evident in our country too whether it is the unquestioned embrace of modernist theories and philosophies or their postmodern versions. The heroes in this situation generally remain old white men from Marx to Foucault and many in between. This indicates the kind of unhealthy dependence local discourses of theory owe to the ‘west’ without any attempt towards generating serious thinking on our own.

In his 2002 essay, ‘Dismal State of Social Sciences in Pakistan,’ Akbar Zaidi points out how Pakistani social scientists blindly apply imported “theoretical arguments and constructs to Pakistani conditions without questioning, debating or commenting on the theory itself.” Similarly, as I noted in my 2017 essay, ‘Reclaiming Social Sciences and Humanities: Notes from South Asia,’ Sri Lankan social sciences and humanities have “not seriously engaged in recent times with the dominant theoretical constructs that currently hold sway in the more academically dominant parts of the world.” Our scholars also have not offered any serious alternate constructions of their own to the world without going crudely nativistic or exclusivist.

This situation brings me back to the kind of knowledge that scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have produced. Philosophy, theory or concepts generally emerge from specific historical and temporal conditions. Therefore, they are difficult to universalise or generalise without serious consequences. This does not mean that some ideas would not have universal applicability with or without minor fine tuning. In general, however, such bodies of abstract knowledge should ideally be constructed with reference to the histories and contemporary socio-political circumstances

from where they emerge that may have applicability to other places with similar histories. This is what Banerjee and her colleagues proposed in their 2016 essay, ‘The Work of Theory: Thinking Across Traditions’. This is also what decolonial theorists such as Walter Mignolo, Enrique Dussel and Aníbal Quijano have referred to as ‘decolonizing Western epistemology’ and ‘building decolonial epistemologies.’

My sense is, scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have amassed at least some part of such knowledge that can be used for theory-building that has so far not been used for this purpose. Let me refer to two specific examples that have local relevance which will place my argument in context. Historian and political scientist Benedict Anderson argued in his influential 1983 book, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism that notions of nationalism led to the creation of nations or, as he calls them, ‘imagined communities.’ For him, unlike many others, European nation states emerged in response to the rise of ‘nationalism’ in the overseas European settlements, especially in the Western Hemisphere. But it was still a form of thinking that had Europe at its center.

Comparatively, we can consider Stephen Kemper’s 1991 book, The Presence of the Past: Chronicles, Politics, and Culture in Sinhala Life where the American anthropologist explored the ways in which Sinhala ‘national’ identity evolved over time along with a continual historical consciousness because of the existence of texts such as Mahawamsa. In other words, the Sinhala past manifests with social practices that have continued from the ancient past among which are chronicle-keeping, maintaining sacred places, and venerating heroes.

In this context, his argument is that Sinhala nationalism predates the rise of nationalist movements in Europe by over a thousand years, thereby challenging the hegemonic arguments such as those of Anderson, Ernest Gellner, Elie Kedourie and others who link nationalism as a modern phenomenon impacted by Europe in some way or another. Kemper was able to come to his interpretation by closely reading Lankan texts such as Mahawamsa and other Pali chronicles and more critically, theorizing what is in these texts. Such interpretable material is what has been presented by Prof. Tissa Kumara and others, sans the sing.

Similarly, local texts in Sinhala such as kadaim poth’ and vitti poth, which are basically narratives of local boundaries and descriptions of specific events written in the Dambadeniya and Kandyan periods are replete with crucial information. This includes local village and district boundaries, the different ethno-cultural groups that lived in and came to settle in specific places in these kingdoms, migratory events, wars and so on. These texts as well as European diplomatic dispatches and political reports from these times, particularly during the Kandyan period, refer to the cosmopolitanism in the Kandyan kingdom particularly its court, the military, town planning and more importantly the religious tolerance which even surprised the European observers and latter-day colonial rulers. Again, much of this comes from local sources or much less focused upon European dispatches of the time.

Scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have collected this kind of information as well as material from much older times and sources. What would the conceptual categories, such as ethnicity, nationalism, cosmopolitanism be like if they are reinterpreted or cast anew through these histories, rather than merely following their European and North American intellectual and historical slants which is the case at present? Among the questions we can ask are, whether these local idiosyncrasies resulted from Buddhism or local cultural practices we may not know much about at present but may exist in inscriptions, in ola leaf manuscripts or in other materials collected and presented by scholars such as Prof. Tissa Kumara.

For me, familiarizing ourselves with this under- and unused archive and employing them for theory-building as well as for fine-tuning what already exists is the main intellectual role we can play in taking our cultural knowledge to the world in a way that might make sense beyond the linguistic and socio-political borders of our country. Whether our universities and scholars are ready to attempt this without falling into the trap of crude nativisms, be satisfied with what has already been collected, but is untheorized or if they would rather lackadaisically remain shackled to ‘western’ epistemologies in the sense articulated by decolonial theorists remains to be seen.

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Extinction in isolation: Sri Lanka’s lizards at the climate crossroads

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Climate change is no longer a distant or abstract threat to Sri Lanka’s biodiversity. It is already driving local extinctions — particularly among lizards trapped in geographically isolated habitats, where even small increases in temperature can mean the difference between survival and disappearance.

Cnemaspis rajakarunai (Adult Male), Salgala, Kegalle District (In a communal egg laying site)

According to research by Buddhi Dayananda, Thilina Surasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna, Sri Lanka’s narrowly distributed lizards are among the most vulnerable vertebrates in the country, with climate stress intensifying the impacts of habitat loss, fragmentation and naturally small population sizes.

Isolation Turns Warming into an Extinction Trap

Sri Lanka’s rugged topography and long geological isolation have produced extraordinary levels of reptile endemism. Many lizard species are confined to single mountains, forest patches or rock outcrops, existing nowhere else on Earth. While this isolation has driven evolution, it has also created conditions where climate change can rapidly trigger extinction.

“Lizards are especially sensitive to environmental temperature because their metabolism, activity patterns and reproduction depend directly on external conditions,” explains Suranjan Karunarathna, a leading herpetologist and co-author of the study. “When climatic thresholds are exceeded, geographically isolated species cannot shift their ranges. They are effectively trapped.”

The study highlights global projections indicating that nearly 40 percent of local lizard populations could disappear in coming decades, while up to one-fifth of all lizard species worldwide may face extinction by 2080 if current warming trends persist.

Heat Stress, Energy Loss and Reproductive Failure

Rising temperatures force lizards to spend more time in shelters to avoid lethal heat, reducing their foraging time and energy intake. Over time, this leads to chronic energy deficits that undermine growth and reproduction.

“When lizards forage less, they have less energy for breeding,” Karunarathna says. “This doesn’t always cause immediate mortality, but it slowly erodes populations.”

Repeated exposure to sub-lethal warming has been shown to increase embryonic mortality, reduce hatchling size, slow post-hatch growth and compromise body condition. In species with temperature-dependent sex determination, warming can skew sex ratios, threatening long-term population viability.

“These impacts often remain invisible until populations suddenly collapse,” Karunarathna warns.

Tropical Species with No Thermal Buffer

The research highlights that tropical lizards such as those in Sri Lanka are particularly vulnerable because they already live close to their physiological thermal limits. Unlike temperate species, they experience little seasonal temperature variation and therefore possess limited behavioural or evolutionary flexibility to cope with rapid warming.

“Even modest temperature increases can have severe consequences in tropical systems,” Karunarathna explains. “There is very little room for error.”

Climate change also alters habitat structure. Canopy thinning, tree mortality and changes in vegetation density increase ground-level temperatures and reduce the availability of shaded refuges, further exposing lizards to heat stress.

Narrow Ranges, Small Populations

Many Sri Lankan lizards exist as small, isolated populations restricted to narrow altitudinal bands or specific microhabitats. Once these habitats are degraded — through land-use change, quarrying, infrastructure development or climate-driven vegetation loss — entire global populations can vanish.

“Species confined to isolated hills and rock outcrops are especially at risk,” Karunarathna says. “Surrounding human-modified landscapes prevent movement to cooler or more suitable areas.”

Even protected areas offer no guarantee of survival if species occupy only small pockets within reserves. Localised disturbances or microclimatic changes can still result in extinction.

Climate Change Amplifies Human Pressures

The study emphasises that climate change will intensify existing human-driven threats, including habitat fragmentation, land-use change and environmental degradation. Together, these pressures create extinction cascades that disproportionately affect narrowly distributed species.

“Climate change acts as a force multiplier,” Karunarathna explains. “It worsens the impacts of every other threat lizards already face.”

Without targeted conservation action, many species may disappear before they are formally assessed or fully understood.

Science Must Shape Conservation Policy

Researchers stress the urgent need for conservation strategies that recognise micro-endemism and climate vulnerability. They call for stronger environmental impact assessments, climate-informed land-use planning and long-term monitoring of isolated populations.

“We cannot rely on broad conservation measures alone,” Karunarathna says. “Species that exist in a single location require site-specific protection.”

The researchers also highlight the importance of continued taxonomic and ecological research, warning that extinction may outpace scientific discovery.

A Vanishing Evolutionary Legacy

Sri Lanka’s lizards are not merely small reptiles hidden from view; they represent millions of years of unique evolutionary history. Their loss would be irreversible.

“Once these species disappear, they are gone forever,” Karunarathna says. “Climate change is moving faster than our conservation response, and isolation means there are no second chances.”

By Ifham Nizam ✍️

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Online work compatibility of education tablets

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Enabling Education-to-Income Pathways through Dual-Use Devices

The deployment of tablets and Chromebook-based devices for emergency education following Cyclone Ditwah presents an opportunity that extends beyond short-term academic continuity. International experience demonstrates that the same category of devices—when properly governed and configured—can support safe, ethical, and productive online work, particularly for youth and displaced populations. This annex outlines the types of online jobs compatible with such devices, their technical limitations, and their strategic national value within Sri Lanka’s recovery and human capital development agenda.

Compatible Categories of Online Work

At the foundational level, entry-level digital jobs are widely accessible through Android tablets and Chromebook devices. These roles typically require basic digital literacy, language comprehension, and sustained attention rather than advanced computing power. Common examples include data tagging and data validation tasks, AI training activities such as text, image, or voice labelling, online surveys and structured research tasks, digital form filling, and basic transcription work. These activities are routinely hosted on Google task-based platforms, global AI crowdsourcing systems, and micro-task portals operated by international NGOs and UN agencies. Such models have been extensively utilised in countries including India, the Philippines, Kenya, and Nepal, particularly in post-disaster and low-income contexts.

At an intermediate level, freelance and gig-based work becomes viable, especially when Chromebook tablets such as the Lenovo Chromebook Duet or Acer Chromebook Tab are used with detachable keyboards. These devices are well suited for content writing and editing, Sinhala–Tamil–English translation work, social media management, Canva-based design assignments, and virtual assistant roles. Chromebooks excel in this domain because they provide full browser functionality, seamless integration with Google Docs and Sheets (including offline drafting and later (synchronization), reliable file upload capabilities, and stable video conferencing through platforms such as Google Meet or Zoom. Freelancers across Southeast Asia and Africa already rely heavily on Chromebook-class devices for such work, demonstrating their suitability in bandwidth- and power-constrained environments.

A third category involves remote employment and structured part-time work, which is also feasible on Chromebook tablets when paired with a keyboard and headset. These roles include online tutoring support, customer service through chat or email, research assistance, and entry-level digital bookkeeping. While such work requires a more consistent internet connection—often achievable through mobile hotspots—it does not demand high-end hardware. The combination of portability, long battery life, and browser-based platforms makes these devices adequate for such employment models.

Functional Capabilities and Limitations

It is important to clearly distinguish what these devices can and cannot reasonably support. Tablets and Chromebooks are highly effective for web-based jobs, Google Workspace-driven tasks, cloud platforms, online interviews conducted via Zoom or Google Meet, and the use of digital wallets and electronic payment systems. However, they are not designed for heavy video editing, advanced software development environments, or professional engineering and design tools such as AutoCAD. This limitation does not materially reduce their relevance, as global labour market data indicate that approximately 70–75 per cent of online work worldwide is browser-based and fully compatible with tablet-class devices.

Device Suitability for Dual Use

Among commonly deployed devices, the Chromebook Duet and Acer Chromebook Tab offer the strongest balance between learning and online work, making them the most effective all-round options. Android tablets such as the Samsung Galaxy Tab A8 or A9 and the Nokia T20 also perform reliably when supplemented with keyboards, with the latter offering particularly strong battery endurance. Budget-oriented devices such as the Xiaomi Redmi Pad remain suitable for learning and basic work tasks, though with some limitations in sustained productivity. Across all device types, battery efficiency remains a decisive advantage.

Power and Energy Considerations

In disaster-affected and power-scarce environments, tablets outperform conventional laptops. A battery life of 10–12 hours effectively supports a full day of online work or study. Offline drafting of documents with later synchronisation further reduces dependence on continuous connectivity. The use of solar chargers and power banks can extend operational capacity significantly, making these devices particularly suitable for temporary shelters and community learning hubs.

Payment and Income Feasibility in the Sri Lankan Context

From a financial inclusion perspective, these devices are fully compatible with commonly used payment systems. Platforms such as PayPal (within existing national constraints), Payoneer, Wise, LankaQR, local banking applications, and NGO stipend mechanisms are all accessible through Android and ChromeOS environments. Notably, many Sri Lankan freelancers already conduct income-generating activities entirely via mobile devices, confirming the practical feasibility of tablet-based earning.

Strategic National Value

The dual use of tablets for both education and income generation carries significant strategic value for Sri Lanka. It helps prevent long-term dependency by enabling families to rebuild livelihoods, creates structured earning pathways for youth, and transforms disaster relief interventions into resilience-building investments. This approach supports a human resource management–driven recovery model rather than a welfare-dependent one. It aligns directly with the outcomes sought by the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Labour and HRM reform initiatives, and broader national productivity and competitiveness goals.

Policy Positioning under the Vivonta / PPA Framework

Within the Vivonta/Proprietary Planters Alliance national response framework, it is recommended that these devices be formally positioned as “Learning + Livelihood Tablets.” This designation reflects their dual public value and supports a structured governance approach. Devices should be configured with dual profiles—Student and Worker—supplemented by basic digital job readiness modules, clear ethical guidance on online work, and safeguards against exploitation, particularly for vulnerable populations.

Performance Indicators

From a monitoring perspective, the expected reach of such an intervention is high, encompassing students, youth, and displaced adults. The anticipated impact is very high, as it directly enables the transition from education to income generation. Confidence in the approach is high due to extensive global precedent, while the required effort remains moderate, centering primarily on training, coordination, and platform curation rather than capital-intensive investment.

We respectfully invite the Open University of Sri Lanka, Derana, Sirasa, Rupavahini, DP Education, and Janith Wickramasinghe, National Online Job Coach, to join hands under a single national banner—
“Lighting the Dreams of Sri Lanka’s Emerging Leaders.”

by Lalin I De Silva, FIPM (SL) ✍️

 

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