Features
Landmarks in tea industry:More recent developments
by ACB Pethiyagoda
(continued from last week)
The Tea Propaganda Board was established in 1932 with participation by Government to plan and market teas rather than purely effect sales. All interested parties such as producers, traders, brokers etc. contributed generously in cash and with their expertise to assist the Board to achieve its objectives.
Mention has been made earlier of the Planters Association of Ceylon (PA) but a few significant stages of its development over the years must necessarily be mentioned.
The inaugural meeting of the Association was held on March 13, 1854 (also recorded as February 17, 1854) at which Captain Keith Jolly (ex Merchant Navy) was elected Chairman with headquarters in Kandy. Some of the early problems, which received the Association’s attention, were recruitment of South Indian labour, transport of produce (estimated at about 79,000 cartloads in one year from Kandy to Colombo) marketing, determination of Planting Districts etc.
Due to long distances planters had to travel, especially from Uva, Dimbulla and Sabaragamuwa attendance at meetings was poor even though some meetings were later held in Nuwara Eliya to correct this situation. Even so, at times the Association was nearly folding up. However, in gradual stages it stabilized itself with improved participation of its members in its deliberations and a permanent headquarters in Kandy was opened in 1900.
After about 40 years from then major structural defects surfaced, the building was demolished and its business was carried out from a temporary office in Kandy. The Association then moved to Colombo in 1947 and into its own building, in Galle Road, Kollupitiya in 1948. Following the nationalization of estates this building was taken over by Government and the Association moved to its present location at Vajira Road, Bambalapitiya.
With London being the predominant market and most owning companies based there, the PA decided to have its own Agent in London and in 1861 E.R. Power was appointed to the post on a fee of 50 pounds a year and expenses. About 1888 this position developed into the powerful Ceylon Association in London and around that time a member of the local Association gained a seat in Ceylon’s Legislative Council.
Other organization that came into being through the commendable efforts of the PA were the Ceylon Estate Agents Association in 1913 and later the Ceylon Estates Propriety Association, which also had a seat in the Legislative Council. Another such organization which owed its origins to the PA was the Ceylon Estate Employers’ Federation now the Employers’ Federation of Ceylon.
With a decline in the numbers of propriety planters, Superintendents and their Assistants felt the need for a body to safeguard and promote their interests resulting in the formation of the Ceylon Planters’ Society in 1936. Its main objectives were the promotion of their professional and personal interests while ensuring the interests of the proprietors.
Up to this the record is of the early proprietors and Superintendents of tea estates and their contribution to the development of the industry. Another highly significant contribution was made mainly by the labour recruited in South India whose trials and tribulations in their journey to their new homes and of life in the estates merits recording.
The first manual workers on plantations were the Sinhalese who were good at contractual tasks such as felling jungle, sawing timber, constructing buildings, turning out tools and implements etc. but who had no stomach for land preparation, planting and harvesting and living in estates. They, by and large, preferred to cultivate their own paddy and highlands in their villages free of regimentation by alien men. Hence, with the fast expansion and proliferation of plantations the obvious answer to much needed field workers was to draw from readily available sources in South India as other countries in the East and South Africa etc. had done before.
The Dutch were the first to bring in hired labour from South India to Ceylon for cultivation of cinnamon followed by first British Governor Fredrick North for the many public works he initiated.
Estimates indicate that there were about 4,000 Indian workers in 1841, which by 1848 had grown to about 32,000. Lt. Col. H.C. Bryde of Black Forest, Pussellawa is said to have claimed to be the first British planter to have brought in Indian labour for work in his plantation. This may have been around 1839.
Men and women who undertook the journey from their dry and barren South Indian villages to Ceylon may never had done so if they knew how arduous, dangerous and long it would be. They were escorted by Sub Kanganies, who were paid for their efforts by the planters, in small boats from Dhanushkodi to Talaimannar or from Tuticorin and other ports to Colombo. The rest of the journey to the Upcountry was on foot through dense, animal and reptile infested jungles.
The numbers who died on the way of malaria, dysentery, lack of food and water, accidents etc. during the 15 to 30 day march were not accounted for. On arrival at the plantations they were provided with manna grass or cadjan roofed houses, (better described as hovels), where they barely withstood the rigours of heavy rain, mist, cold, soggy walls and floors having lived all their lives in hot, drought scourged villages.
Under these appalling conditions they worked from dawn to dusk for a daily wage of around 30 cents for men and 25 cents for women. Of these wages the head kangany collected two cents per worker per work day while one of his many sub kanganies who was directly in charge of the gang of workers brought by him to the country drew ‘pence money’ (whatever that meant), of four cents per worker for each day worked. He was also paid daily wages by the superintendent.
Many head kanganies owned boutiques on the plantations from which they sold at exorbitant prices essentials required by the workers. They also lent money on compound interest rates leaving workers in eternal debt and in obligation to them. Generations of these men virtually lived on the sweat, toil and tears of the exploited workers and their progeny in later years did well for themselves financially. The system mercifully faded away in the late 1930s with the recognition of workers’ trade unions by the government of the day.
On January 1, 1929 the Minimum Wage Ordinance for Immigrant Indian Labour, came into force. Incidentally it was in this year that HRH the Duke of Gloucester visited the country and the Stanley Power Station was opened to provide electricity to Colombo.
The wages provided by the ordinance for men over 16 years was 54 cents, women over 15 years 43 cents and children over 10 years 32 cents per working day. Each worker was also entitled to receive a free issue of rice of a quality valued at not exceeding Rs. 6.40 a bushel at the rate of seven to eight bushels for men, three to four bushels for women and five to eight bushels for children per month.
Trade Unions representing estate workers’ interests were, as to be expected, treated with suspicion and hostility by all those who had a stake in the industry. General unrest on many estates encouraged by leftist political parties, came to a head on April 17, 1939 with the first labour strike at Kotiyagala Estate, Bogawantalawa. The workers demand was to organize a temperance movement which the Superintendent refused to allow perhaps correctly suspecting that what would follow would adversely affect discipline and consequently profitability.
Soon thereafter the second strike took place on January 1, 1940 on Mooloya Estate, Hewaheta during which Govindan, a worker, was shot dead by Police Constable D.G. Suraweera on the orders of Assistant Superintendent of Police, Robin of the Kandy Police. This incident almost led to a constitutional crisis, with the British Inspector General of Police P.N. Banks in the center of things as it were, but was averted by the able handling of the situation by Mr. D.S. Senanayake in the State Council.
The strike on Mooloya like the numerous others which followed in the years to come was on account of demand for higher wages and better living conditions. Since then many improvements have been regularly and consistently carried out with regard to housing and allied amenities throughout the country’s plantations. Unfortunately some villages in the borders of upcountry estates especially, lack the most basic amenities which are freely available on estates. This deplorable situation is mainly due to lack of organized representation on behalf of these villagers from whose very ancestors these estate lands had been arbitrarily taken over by the early British.
After Ceylon gained Independence in 1948 and particularly after the General Elections in 1956 when the SLFP came into power, the number of European planters declined making way for more Sri Lankan Assistants being promoted to positions as Superintendents and recruitment of Assistants locally. Agency Houses in Colombo gave preference to young men from the better known schools with impressive records in sports and leadership qualities.
The appointees followed the traditions and norms observed by their European predecessors in their working and social lives and the transition was smooth. With the rapid increase in competition in the world market the working lives of these planters were harder than that of their predecessors to retain the estates ‘mark’ with a quality product and to effect economies in any possible area to meet ever increasing costs, mainly labour wages.
These challenges were met with admirable results by the majority and their efforts in 1965 resulted in the country achieving the highest ever production and exports and also it became the largest exporter of tea in the world. Of the several reasons for this spectacular performance some of the most important were higher application of inorganic fertilizer, improved cultural practices recommended by the Tea Research Institute, vegetatively propagated (VP) tea coming into bearing, increase in small holdings and their production coupled with close supervision at all levels of management.
This happy situation came to an end following the Land Reform Law of 1972 and the consequent nationalization of the plantations. This event brought about a near total loss of planters’ initiative and enthusiasm on account of the reduction of their salaries and perquisites after the formation of the two organizations set up to manage the plantations – the Sri Lanka State Plantations Corporation and Janatha Estates Development Board.
Superintendents and Assistants who had previously administered their estates in the best interests of their properties were compelled to adhere to controls seeping down from bureaucrats in Colombo, many of whom had no experience in estate management or for that matter any business enterprise. Political influence from the highest to the lowest levels of the administration of estates became a common feature with labour union leaders often dictating terms. Appointments to executive and staff positions influenced by politicians resulted in wrong choices to the detriment of discipline which was of the highest importance earlier and instances of alleged bribery and dishonesty were not unknown.
The result was that by the late 1980s Government realized that to halt the deterioration, management of estates need to be privatized and grouped in 1992 the 450 odd estates into 22 management companies. Within a year or two a marked improvement in production both in terms of quality and volume was seen.
Now a century and a third after the first commercial planting of 19 acres in tea at Loolcondera, the country can be proud of 180,000 hectares of productive tea lands. The major portion of this comprises of large plantations and a lesser extent in small holdings. However, the yield per unit of land of the small holdings surpasses that of the estates and their combined production is around 283 million kilograms a year. By far the larger portion of this is marketed around the world in bulk form with a small portion as value added teas.
The industry employed directly and indirectly around one million men and women and bring in much needed foreign exchange with relatively insignificant outgoings of exchange on inputs. However, the industry’s anathema is that productivity is lower by far than practically all other tea growing countries.
The pioneers, those who followed them and those who contributed with numerous support services to develop the industry to its present status merit our admiration for their initiative, courage and dedication. Those men and women in the industry today and those who will follow it themselves have the best wishes of the country to better the achievements of their predecessors and perpetuate the once popular slogan ‘Ceylon For Good Tea’.
((First published in 2000. The late author was a tea planter who also worked for the Tea Research Institute early in his career. He ended his working life handling agricultural projects for the Ceylon Tobacco Co. Ltd.)
In a country where the Constitution is supreme, all conduct that is inconsistent with it is invalid. This includes parliamentary legislation, which may be reviewed by the judiciary, potentially resulting in inconsistent provisions being declared invalid. Ideally, other actions of Parliament, such as the conduct of its proceedings and the adoption of resolutions, should also be subject to constitutionality review. Conversely, in countries where parliamentary sovereignty prevails, legislation or processes of Parliament are not open to review.
This article emphasises the importance of permitting judicial review of actions by Parliament and its officials, thereby ensuring the Constitution’s supremacy in practice. It must be emphasised that this also applies to the executive, judiciary, independent institutions, and the citizenry.
Sri Lankan Constitutions
In the Independence (Soulbury) Constitution of Ceylon, although there was no explicit provision conferring upon courts the power to declare legislation invalid, such power was implicitly acknowledged and exercised, as demonstrated in Bribery Commissioner v. Ranasinghe and Liyanage v. The Queen.
Under the Republican Constitution of 1972, the National State Assembly (NSA) was the supreme instrument of state power and possessed unlimited legislative authority, including the power to amend and to replace the Constitution with a two-thirds majority. A Bill inconsistent with a constitutional provision can be passed with a two-thirds majority without amending that provision. All laws that existed when the Constitution came into effect remained valid, notwithstanding any inconsistency with fundamental rights. The Public Security Ordinance, a pre-independence law, was deemed to have been enacted under the Constitution, thereby validating its provisions in relation to the entire Constitution. Legislation can be challenged only at the Bill stage. Section 39 stipulated that the proceedings of the NSA, or anything done, purported to be done, or omitted to be done by the NSA, were immune from judicial review.
The 1978 Constitution declares in the Preamble that it is the Supreme Law of the country. However, several provisions of the Constitution undermine the very concept of its supremacy. Provisions from the 1972 Constitution relating to judicial review, existing laws, passing Bills inconsistent with the Constitution and the Public Security Ordinance remain in effect. The President’s unconstitutional acts could not have been challenged until the Nineteenth Amendment allowed fundamental rights applications to be filed.
The prohibition on post-enactment review means that if citizens have not been vigilant in challenging a Bill containing an unconstitutional provision, such a provision cannot be contested once the Bill becomes law. In a developing country like ours, it is irrational to expect citizens to be watchful and scrutinise all Bills published in the Gazette for potential unconstitutional provisions. Many unconstitutional provisions have escaped the attention of even the Bar Association of Sri Lanka. Furthermore, the effects of a law are best observed once it is in operation; not all possible effects can be anticipated at the Bill stage. Additionally, citizens would benefit from the evolution of the law if post-enactment review is permitted.
Parliament (Powers and Privileges) Act
The 1978 Constitution does not contain a provision similar to section 39 of the 1972 Constitution, stipulating that proceedings of Parliament are immune from judicial review. However, like the 1972 Constitution, Article 67 provides that until Parliament determines its privileges, immunities, and powers by law, the Parliament (Powers and Privileges) Act, 1953, shall apply. Section 3 of the Act states: “There shall be freedom of speech, debate and proceeding in Parliament and such freedom of speech, debate or proceedings shall not be liable to be impeached or questioned in any Court or place out of Parliament.” Several Speakers of Parliament have interpreted Section 3 to assert complete autonomy for parliamentary decisions and unfettered control over proceedings.
For example, Speakers Anura Bandaranaike and Chamal Rajapaksa took up the position that the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into allegations against a judge of the Supreme Court or the Court of Appeal was immune from judicial review. Speaker Bandaranaike quoted Erskine May, an acknowledged authority on parliamentary procedure in the United Kingdom: The whole of the law and custom of Parliament has its origin from one maxim, ‘that whatever matter arises concerning either House of Parliament ought to be examined, discussed and adjudged in that House to which it relates and not elsewhere.’
However, in Chandraguptha Thenuwara v. Chamal Rajapaksa, a five-member Bench of the Supreme Court held that such an appointment did not fall within the legislative powers of Parliament. Instead, it amounted to executive or administrative action, challengeable under the fundamental rights jurisdiction of the Supreme Court.
Yet, the issue of the justiciability of other actions of the Speaker and Parliament remains. One must remember that Erskine May was discussing practices in Britain, where the concept of parliamentary sovereignty reigns. Additionally, in the absence of a specific constitutional provision permitting the judiciary to review the constitutionality of actions by the Speaker and Parliament, judicial decisions would be disregarded, as Speakers Bandaranaike and Rajapakse did.
Globally, there have been instances where Members of Parliament have infringed upon the fundamental rights of ordinary citizens under the pretence of exercising their freedom of speech and debate. Citizens have no recourse against such actions. Such instances are significantly fewer in countries with strong political traditions. While effective internal procedures are the best means to ensure that the rights of others are not violated, it is timely to consider alternative procedures and remedies in countries like ours where such violations continue unabated.
Comparative provisions and judgments
It would be useful to examine constitutional provisions and landmark judgments of developing countries where the supremacy of the Constitution is recognised. I chose India, South Africa, Papua New Guinea and Malawi, all members of the Commonwealth.
Although the Indian Constitution does not explicitly declare so, its supremacy is evident throughout. Numerous decisions of the Indian Supreme Court support this position. Legislation is subject to post-enactment judicial review, and acts of the Executive can also be reviewed. Articles 122 and 212 provide that the validity of any proceedings in Parliament and a State legislature, respectively, shall not be called in question “on the ground of any alleged irregularity of procedure.” In and Rojer Mathew vs South Indian Bank Ltd., the Supreme Court interpreted this to mean that the immunity granted is limited to ‘irregularity of procedure’ and does not extend to substantive illegality or unconstitutionality.
The Forty-second Amendment, passed during Indira Gandhi’s notorious emergency rule, stipulated that no amendment to the Constitution could be challenged in any court on any grounds. This provision was struck down by the Supreme Court in Minerva Mills v. Union of India, stating that “Parliament cannot, under Article 368, expand its amending power so as to acquire for itself the right to repeal or abrogate the Constitution or to destroy its basic and essential features.”
Section 2 of the South African Constitution reads: “This Constitution is the supreme law of the Republic; law or conduct inconsistent with it is invalid, and the obligations imposed by it must be fulfilled.”
Economic Freedom Fighters v. Speaker of the National Assembly
concerned a report by the Public Protector regarding allegations of improper conduct or irregular expenditure related to security upgrades at the private residence of President Jacob Zuma. She concluded that the President derived undue benefits and directed him to pay a portion that was reasonably proportionate to the undue benefit. However, based on a report by the Minister of Police, the National Assembly passed a resolution absolving the President of liability. An eleven-member Bench of the Constitutional Court unanimously held that the National Assembly resolution was inconsistent with the Constitution.
In Papua New Guinea, section 11 of the Constitution declares that the Constitution and the Organic Laws are the Supreme Law of Papua New Guinea, and all acts (whether legislative, executive, or judicial) that are inconsistent with them are, to the extent of the inconsistency, invalid and ineffective.
Under section 18, the Supreme Court has an original and exclusive jurisdiction as to any question relating to the interpretation or application of any provision of the Constitution or an Organic Law.
Application by the Honourable James Nomane MP
related to a decision made by the Private Business Committee of Parliament to disallow a motion of no confidence in the Prime Minister on the ground that it was brought within twelve months after a similar motion was defeated. Standing Order 165 permitted the Speaker to disallow any motion that is the same in substance as one brought within the previous twelve months. The constitutionality of the decision, as well as of Standing Order 165, was challenged in the Supreme Court. The Court was satisfied that Standing Order 165, which constrains the exercise of the right of a member of Parliament to bring a motion of no confidence, was not reasonably justifiable and therefore unconstitutional. The decision of the Private Business Committee was consequently unconstitutional.
The Speaker was directed to recall Parliament on a date appointed by the Court.
In Reference by Morobe Provincial Executive re Re-election of the Governor-General, the Supreme Court declared that the re-election of a Governor-General by Parliament was unconstitutional and ordered that Parliament be recalled as soon as practicable to remedy deficiencies in the nomination and election of the Governor-General.
Thus, acting under section 18 of the Constitution, the Papua New Guinea Supreme Court has declared a Standing Order unconstitutional, reviewed and struck down decisions of parliamentary committees, declared decisions of Parliament unconstitutional and directed the Speaker to convene Parliament. Parliament obeyed the rulings without demur.
Section 5 (Supremacy of this Constitution) of the Constitution of Malawi states: Any act of Government or any law that is inconsistent with the provisions of this Constitution shall, to the extent of such inconsistency, be invalid. Section 108(2) states: “The High Court shall have original jurisdiction to review any law, and any action or decision of the Government, for conformity with this Constitution, save as otherwise provided by this Constitution and shall have such other jurisdiction and powers as may be conferred on it by this Constitution or any other law”.
In Tembo v. Attorney-General, the Malawi High Court held that it had no difficulty in concluding that ‘government’ as used in section 108 includes the three organs of government. When the Speaker or the National Assembly makes a decision within the House that involves interpreting the Constitution or a law, such a decision is subject to review by the judiciary to ensure it complies with the law and the Constitution. Both the Supreme Court and the High Court held similarly in Nseula v. Attorney-General, where a decision of the Speaker that the petitioner’s seat in Parliament had fallen vacant as he had allegedly crossed the floor was challenged.
Establishing constitutional supremacy
Sri Lankans are weary of both persons in authority and institutions running roughshod over the law. The Aragalaya’s demand for “system change” exemplified the popular sentiment, which was followed by an electoral mandate for a radical transformation. The promised Constitution must therefore be a transformative constitution that reflects the people’s wishes. Regarding actions of the legislature, this would mean a constitution under which all actions of Parliament, whether legislative or otherwise, are subject to review by the judiciary for constitutionality.
BY (Dr) Jayampathy Wickramaratne, President’s Counsel ✍️
General Hamilton Wanasinghe (Retd) VSV, USP, ndc:
The military funeral of General Hamilton Wanasinghe was held at Borella last Saturday.
A legendary military leader of our time, he served Sri Lanka for more than 41 years (1954-1995) in various capacities such as the Commander of the Army, Commander Joint Operations Command (presently known as Chief of Defence Staff) and Secretary of Defence.
More than 1,700 troops lined up at Bauddhaloka Mawatha by 1630 hrs, representing the Army, the Navy and the Air Force, followed by the members of The Ex-Servicemen’s Association, where General Wanasinghe was President for a number of years. His contribution towards having a pension scheme introduced for Volunteer Units of Military is always remembered with gratitude.
The casket carrying remains of the General was placed on the Gun Carriage with six pallbearers on either side of it led by General’s own son, Major General Sanjaya Wanasinghe (retired), who rose to position of Chief of Staff of Army, following the footsteps of his illustrious father. General Srilal Weerasooriya (retired) – an Artillery Crops officer like General Wanasinghe, former Army Commanders General Daya Rathnayake, General Mahesh Senananayake, General Chrishantha de Silva, General Shavindra Silva were present.
Guns of the General’s own unit, 4th Battalion of Artillery Regiment, boomed against overcast skies. “Minute guns” (one gun shot in every passing minute) indicated that the funeral procession was progressing towards the crematorium.
Opening of General Hamilton Wanasinghe Mawatha
Army units at the funeral were led by the Artillery Regiment, followed by other regiments, including two units raised by General Wanasinghe himself as the Army Commander – Corps of Military Intelligence, which was placed under the late General Lionel Ballagalle, another Anandian, Artillery officer who was a Colonel at the time and the Special Forces, with Major General Gamini Hettiarachchi as its head in 1988. General Wanasinghe’s visionary thinking was aptly demonstrated during the fight against the LTTE when these two units worked in unison to bring LTTE to their knees by targeting their military leadership in greatly successful “behind-the-enemy-lines” operations.
Once the Casket was removed from the Gun Carriage podium by six regimental Sergeants Major of the Artillery Corps, of same height, smartly dressed in ceremonial uniform, the Commander of the Army’s Special Part 1 orders were read by Major General KVNP Premaratne, RSP, USP, nps the Adjutant General of the Sri Lanka Army.
With the drill “Parade Presenting Arms” the artillery guns from General’s own unit fired 17 gun-salutes with exactly five-second intervals. Witnessing this respectful and solemn funeral parade were senior politicians, Karu Jayasuriya and Nimal Siripala de Silva. Major General Aruna Jayasekara (retired) Deputy Defence Minister, Attorney General Parinda Ranasinghe Jr, retired Secretaries of Defence, Chiefs of Defence Staff, Service Commanders like General Gerry Silva, General Shantha Kottegoda, General Jagath Jayasooriya, Admiral Daya Sadagiri, General Kamal Gunaratne, Admiral Priyantha Perera and Air Chief Marshal Udeni Rajapaksa.
General Wanasinghe lost three of his close relatives- two nephews (Major Panduka Wanasinghe and Captain Nalin Jayathilake) and his son-in-law, Brigadier Bathiya Jayathilake, during the country’s 30-year-long conflict. I always remember that when I talked to him about Bathiya, who was his aide when he was Commander and Secretary Defence, he used to say, “I lost my right hand.” He never prevented them from going to the battlefield simply because he was the Commander. What a great man!
General Wanasinghe was extremely fortunate to commission and present the commissioning sword to his own son Sanjaya. It was the first time in Sri Lanka’s military history an Army Commander commissioned his own son into the Army.
I can vividly remember that General Wanasinghe and his wife were extremely happy and proud on that day. Mrs Ira Wanasinghe ( née Jayathilake) married young Army officer Hamilton in 1960. They had five children (three daughters and two sons). Sadly, she passed away a few years ago.
Another close relative of General Wanasinghe had a narrow escape on the battlefield; he was critically injured. He was Major Atula Jayawardena from the Artillery Battalion. The incident occurred in 1985 on the Mannar – Medawachchiya Road due to multiple land mines blasts. Athula and his driver were extremely lucky, surviving with injuries, where five others in his vehicle died. I was in a vehicle behind him and it fell into the crater created by the blast. Those were the dangerous days on Mannar- Medawachchiya road! Athula rose to the rank of Major General before retiring.
When I was a school cadet at Royal College in 1978, I visited the Army Hospital with Bathiya and another friend, our Cadet Sergeant Naeem Mahamoor, to see then Colonel Hamilton Wanasinghe, who was injured due to an accident at the firing range. It was the first time I met him. He was extremely happy to see us youngsters and narrated stories of his school time as a Cadet and happy days at the Diyatalawa School Cadet camps. He was a Sergeant Major in 3rd Battalion of the Ceylon Cadet Corps in the early 1950s at Ananda College, Colombo and was an excellent marksman who represented Ceylon in Inter- Dominion Small Bore Rifle Shooting Competitions. He joined the Ceylon Army in 1954 as an Officer Cadet and was sent to the Royal Military Academy (RMA), Sandhurst in the UK for training. After successfully completing the training programme, he joined the Ceylon Army Artillery Corps.
General Wanasinghe’s love for firearms and knowledge of them encouraged him to introduce Sniper firing training to the Army and established a Sniper firing training school at Diyatalawa when he was the Commander of the Army. Later, his son Sanjaya became the Commandant of Marksmanship and Sniper Training School (MSTS).
Some of the best snipers of the Sri Lanka Navy, especially of the Special Boats Squadron were trained by Sanjaya. Thanks Sanjaya for your great work. Your beloved father was extremely proud of you.
General Wanasinghe, on his retirement, moved to his village, Malwana. While I was the Navy Commander, he used to call me whenever the Kelani river overflowed, causing floods. He always talked on behalf of the villagers who were affected and marooned by floods. He was very concerned about their welfare. One of his happiest moments was when the main road between Dompe and Malwana was named after him on 24 August 2019.
I met General Wanasinghe as the founding Commanding Officer of Special Boats Squadron ( SBS) – the Naval Commando Unit in December 1993, when he was the Secretary Defence. It was after the Pooneryn amphibious landing by SBS assist the besieged Army camp there.
I met him with a request letter from the then Commander of the Navy (Admiral DSMR Samarasekara) requesting for approval for paying “Commando Allowance ” to SBS personnel also. He listened to me and said: “Ravi, we require such a unit to fight the LTTE Sea Tigers. Develop it into a formidable unit. My blessings are with you.” He approved the request.
Thanks to his vision, the SBS played a pivotal role in sea battles with the enemy in lagoons and in littoral seas to free the country from the clutches of terrorism.
May he attain the supreme bliss of Nirvana!
(Admiral Wijegunaratne WV, RWP and Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc
(Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
is former Navy Commander and former Chief of Defence Staff, former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd, former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and former Lankan High Commissioner to Pakistan)
Vraie Cally Balthazaar is the newly elected Mayor of Colombo. On June 16, almost a fortnight after MC elections were held, she was voted in by secret ballot as Mayor, winning 61 votes against the main opposition candidate Riza Zarook from the coalition of a mixed bag of Parties, who got 54 votes. Cass would add to the epithet ‘mixed’ – unholy and most unlikely of parties including the SJB, UNP and even the SLPP, banding themselves together to defeat the NPP. And once they were defeated, bringing in all sorts of allegations, against of all things – the secret ballot method of voting decided on. Sajith Premadasa who voiced the combined opposition’s protest is fast losing his clout and the little popularity he has, even in his party, as voiced by others.
Cassandra has seen her in many photographs and video clips and found her to be charming, lovely, and beneath those good looks, solid and committed. She emerged as a people’s champion and leader, hence Cass’ total approval of her. Cass is certain she will be a good Mayor concerned about the people of Colombo.
Born in 1985, educated at Methodist College, Colombo, and holding a degree in fashion design and postgraduate diploma in Gender and Women’s Studies, Vraie is higher educated, and promises to be totally competent to be Mayor of the Colombo Municipal Council. She has experience in media and was an activist for the good of the country and people’s rights. She was a TV presenter and active in civil society and research; also worked with NGOs on women’s and children’s issues.
Most significantly, a write-up about her states that she researched urban development and city planning with special relevance to low income communities in Colombo. “Her activism extended to gender equality and labour rights, aligning with her academic focus combined with media presence and grassroots work, helped shape her public identity as a feminist and community advocate.”
Invariably mentioned in present bios is the fact she is the second woman to serve as Mayor of Colombo. Less said and better thrust to the back is the first woman mayor of Colombo. Cass’ tongue is reluctant to name the name of that first mayor and her wrist reluctant to write it. What is she associated with that makes her repugnant, that ex-Mrs World of great beauty and charm?
Her self-serving nature, her alleged misdemeanors while mayor, refurbishing lavishly the mayoral residence and the inevitable association of her name with grandiose toilets! Out from being mayor, she got another plum sinecure: one of the very many advisors to Prez Ranil Wickremasinghe who took no advice, with the bequethment by pranksters of SL with a baila ditty: Rosyge veyo kaapu Porsche eka.
So, let’s not bracket Ms Balthazaar with Rosy Senanayake.
Gloom and doom
Is the world enshrouded in a gloom atmosphere forecasting trouble? Two parts of it are: not only in gloom but smoke, destruction and death. The situation in the Israel dominating mid-East and eastern Europe of Ukraine are worsening as of today – Wednesday 18 June. The Great Man of the World, as he believes he is, is not helping at all. He is aligned with Israel and considers Putin a friend. Three bloodthirsty dictators are keeping the world on edge: Netanyahu, Putin and Trump the accessory.
What about Sri Lanka? Thankfully peaceful with people being considered important and corruption detected, exposed and hopefully eradicated, or at least reduced. President Dissanayake’s talk to Sri Lankans living over there during his official visit to Germany was an eye opener. He spoke very strong about racism being encouraged by certain persons and parties to destabilize the government and the country. Was it a cry of wolf? Certainly not since the President is not given to unjustified fears and claims. Cunning foxes’ barks and howls emanate from the political periphery. For the first time in our history votes were cast by Tamils for Sinhalese NPP election candidates. There is considerable unity among the races. One example: Kandy Muslim religious heads opened their mosques for overflowing crowds who gathered in Kandy to venerate the Sacred Relic.
As Cassandra’s title indicated, there are bright spots in the gloom. One such she wishes to highlight, a YouTube video of which she watched recently, with mounting appreciation and hope for mankind and thus the world.
Great sportsman Nadal felicitated
At the very start of the French Open tennis tournament, also named Roland-Garros, Rafael Nadal was honoured with a felicitation ceremony at Court Philippe-Chatrier, on May 25. He had won 14 French titles, hence the honour.
A visibly moved Nadal who actually shed tears was conducted to the court by the two top officials of the tennis association, then his relatives were invited to line up opposite him, court persons from ball picker to umpires. He was presented with a plaque. The highlight of the ceremony, at least to Cass, was him being joined by the three greats he competed with and beat or lost to: Roger Federer, Novak Djokovic and Andy Murray. Later the earth was swept away on the side of the court beside the net revelaing a footprint of Nadal’s. “It will be here forever,” announced the commentator.
Rafael Nadal Parera, born June 3, 1986, was from a well-to-do family. He holds many sports records but one to be mentioned is that he was ranked as World No 1 in men’s singles by the Association of Tennis Professionals for 209 weeks and holds 22 major titles as well as Masters titles and an Olympic gold medal. His 81 consecutive wins on clay constitute the longest single-surface win streak in the Open Era.
What’s more interesting to Cass is that he married a childhood friend from Mallorca, the largest island in Spain’s Balearic Islands, which was home to both. After 14 years of dating he married Mery ‘Xisxa’ Perello in October 2019. In 2022 they had their first child, a son, and they are expecting a second soon. They avoid publicity and photographers. “I’m already exposed enough in my professional life. My loved ones and I like to live with a low profile.” But at the felicitation, he carried his son around for a little. He retired from professional tennis after playing for Spain in the Davis cup, 2024.
Watching from the stands at the felicitation, dressed in the maroon T-Shirt that most wore with Nadal’s name on it, was Carlos Alcaraz, co-Spaniard and this year’s French Open winner, second year running.
Why did Cass consider this felicitation a bright spot in the gloom of the world? It showed there was much more in our world than wars, greed, enmity, commercialism. Here was a manifestation of gratitude to a great sportsman. Here were tennis and sports celebrated; skills and endeavour high-lighted; a sincere display of camaraderie and sportsmanship and healthy competition plus friendship.
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