Features
Karu Jayasuriya: An inspiring leader
There are no personal festivities except for religious observances. Instead, the day is devoted entirely to social service activities such as community service, paying tribute to war heroes, and providing facilities to strengthen educational opportunities for future generations. For the past several years, Mr. Jayasuriya has celebrated his birthday by awarding Sinhala language proficiency certificates to about 400 Tamil students in Jaffna, following six months of intensive training. He has always made it a point to travel to Jaffna by train for this purpose, deriving great personal satisfaction from these efforts. Similarly, in the Gampaha area, Sinhala students have been awarded Tamil language proficiency certificates.
The most significant and inspiring aspect of this programme is the student exchange initiative, where Sinhala students from the South travel to the North and stay with Tamil families, while Tamil students from the North visit the South and live with Sinhala families. This cultural exchange has created a genuine sense of brotherhood and mutual understanding, fostering harmony and strengthening national unity by allowing young people to learn and experience each other’s traditions and lifestyles.
From his childhood, Mr. Jayasuriya displayed a deep interest in religion and the Dhamma. His education at Ananda College, together with his association with nationalist figures such as L.H. Mettananda, shaped his religious and cultural orientation from an early age. Between 1965 and 1972, he served as a disciplined volunteer military officer in several army camps. During the 1971 youth unrest, while serving as Officer-in-Charge of the Nuwara Eliya Sinha Regiment Camp, he ensured that no young life was harmed under his command. Through his intervention and support, many young people were instead guided toward rehabilitation and reintegration, a legacy that reflects his enduring commitment to humanity and national reconciliation.
From 1972 to 1992, Mr. Karu Jayasuriya held senior positions in the private sector, serving as Director, Managing Director, and Chairman of 52 major local and international companies. In 1978, President J.R. Jayewardene appointed him to the Presidential Commission on Privatization. Among his many contributions, he transformed the Korea Ceylon Footwear Company—established under the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) concept of President Jayewardene—into a model enterprise. This project became a benchmark for Asia, even attracting the attention of Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and his wife, who visited Sri Lanka to study the concept. The success of this initiative reached China as well, when Deng Xiaoping sent Xiang Zemin as his special representative to examine the Sri Lankan model, which was subsequently adopted in China. Xiang Zemin later rose to the presidency of that country. Though little known in Sri Lanka, this achievement remains documented in China.
During the youth unrest of 1989, as well as in the foreign exchange crisis of 2021–2022, Sri Lanka faced IMF conditions that included privatization. In 1990, Mr. Jayasuriya led the country’s first privatization effort, which met with strong opposition from certain political groups. The threats he faced at the time were so severe that he was forced to send his two children, then aged 11 and 13, abroad for their safety—a sacrifice that both he and Mrs. Jayasuriya deeply regret, as it deprived them of their children’s formative years. Nevertheless, his role in building bridges between the government and the private sector was widely recognized. President Ranasinghe Premadasa often relied on him for advice, and the two held discussions as frequently as three or four times a month, often beginning at 4:30 in the morning. At President Premadasa’s request, Mr. Jayasuriya also organized EXPO 92, Sri Lanka’s most successful international export exhibition, which drew 5,600 foreign buyers.
In 1993, at the strong request of President Premadasa, he accepted the position of Ambassador to Germany, Switzerland, and Austria, resigning from all his private-sector positions to dedicate himself fully to his diplomatic responsibilities. During his 18-month tenure, relations between Sri Lanka and Germany advanced significantly, and to this day he is remembered in Germany with high regard.
After the UNP suffered a setback in the 1994 parliamentary elections, Ranil Wickremesinghe assumed party leadership and sought to bring new faces into the party. Initially reluctant to enter active politics, Mr. Jayasuriya eventually accepted the position of Chairman of the UNP in 1995, on the recommendation of A.C.S. Hameed. The following year, when the Colombo Mayor defected to the government, the party requested him to contest for the post of Mayor of Colombo. Accepting on the condition that he would serve for only 18 months, he transformed the Colombo Municipal Council, which had been in a state of disarray. His most notable reform was the privatization of solid waste management, modeled on the London City Council, and implemented with the unanimous consent of all councilors. As a result, Colombo was named the cleanest city in South Asia and one of the most efficiently managed cities in Asia by the Asian Development Bank, while Mr. Jayasuriya himself was recognized as the most creative Mayor in Asia.
In 1998, he contested the Western Provincial Council elections, narrowly losing the chief ministry but becoming the Leader of the Opposition. His proposal to relocate the solid waste yard to Meepe met with stiff resistance from several electorates, sparking a political backlash. Days before the election, then Indian High Commissioner Shankar Menon personally informed him of an LTTE plot to assassinate him, based on intelligence from Prabhakaran. On security advice, his campaign was cut short. This was later confirmed by Karuna Amman, who at the time was a senior LTTE commander. Despite these challenges, he continued to rise in the UNP, eventually becoming its Deputy Leader, and in 1999, he entered Parliament from his home district of Gampaha.
After the 2001 elections, he was appointed Minister of Power and Energy at a time when the country was suffering 14-hour daily power cuts. He pledged to resolve the crisis within 180 days or step down. With the dedication of his staff, electricity was restored nationwide without cuts on the 159th day, a feat that remains one of his hallmark achievements. In 2003, as Chairman of the National Health Board, he introduced diploma and postgraduate programs in Nursing and Physiotherapy at three universities to meet global demand for such skills. That same year, he personally introduced the Right to Information Bill, though it was only passed into law in 2015. He also initiated early steps for a Patients’ Rights Bill in 2003, which, though delayed, is now nearing implementation.
In 2013, he played a significant behind-the-scenes role in the campaign led by Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero to abolish the executive presidency. Although he was proposed as the common opposition candidate for the 2015 presidential election, he declined, insisting that his candidacy must be formally endorsed by Ranil Wickremesinghe and Sajith Premadasa to avoid dividing the UNP. He further stipulated that Parliament should be dissolved within 100 days of victory, the executive presidency abolished within 180 days, and that he would retire from politics afterward. At the age of 75, both he and Mrs. Jayasuriya hoped to spend their later years quietly with their children.
Following the 2015 election, he resigned from UNP membership and served as Speaker of Parliament as an independent MP, in line with the British parliamentary tradition. From 2015 to 2020, he oversaw major reforms in the legislature. He pioneered the concept of “Parliamentary Diplomacy” to strengthen inter-parliamentary relations, which was endorsed by SAARC and later recognized by the Inter-Parliamentary Union in 2018. Under his leadership, parliamentarians engaged in exchange programs and study tours worldwide, with costs borne by host countries rather than Sri Lankan public funds.
He modernized the functioning of Parliament by introducing electronic voting, providing each MP with a personal computer, establishing sectoral oversight committees, and opening COPE and Finance Committee proceedings to the media moves that created greater accountability and transparency. Over one million parliamentary records dating back to the 1800s were digitized, a modern media system was introduced, and a new department was established to educate schoolchildren on parliamentary traditions. Through his efforts, parliamentary staff welfare was also strengthened, with scholarships and overseas education opportunities secured for their children.
Even after stepping down as Speaker, he has remained committed to fostering a new political culture. With his initiative, the IDAG (Identity Aware Gateway) and BALPP (Bandaranaike Academy for Leadership and Public Policy) political academies have launched training programmes on parliamentary governance for new MPs and on local governance for newly elected local government representatives. These programmes, provided as scholarships, aim to build a more conscious and responsible political culture in Sri Lanka for the future.
By a special correspondent ✍️
Features
Misinterpreting President Dissanayake on National Reconciliation
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been investing his political capital in going to the public to explain some of the most politically sensitive and controversial issues. At a time when easier political choices are available, the president is choosing the harder path of confronting ethnic suspicion and communal fears. There are three issues in particular on which the president’s words have generated strong reactions. These are first with regard to Buddhist pilgrims going to the north of the country with nationalist motivations. Second is the controversy relating to the expansion of the Tissa Raja Maha Viharaya, a recently constructed Buddhist temple in Kankesanturai which has become a flashpoint between local Tamil residents and Sinhala nationalist groups. Third is the decision not to give the war victory a central place in the Independence Day celebrations.
Even in the opposition, when his party held only three seats in parliament, Anura Kumara Dissanayake took his role as a public educator seriously. He used to deliver lengthy, well researched and easily digestible speeches in parliament. He continues this practice as president. It can be seen that his statements are primarily meant to elevate the thinking of the people and not to win votes the easy way. The easy way to win votes whether in Sri Lanka or elsewhere in the world is to rouse nationalist and racist sentiments and ride that wave. Sri Lanka’s post independence political history shows that narrow ethnic mobilisation has often produced short term electoral gains but long term national damage.
Sections of the opposition and segments of the general public have been critical of the president for taking these positions. They have claimed that the president is taking these positions in order to obtain more Tamil votes or to appease minority communities. The same may be said in reverse of those others who take contrary positions that they seek the Sinhala votes. These political actors who thrive on nationalist mobilisation have attempted to portray the president’s statements as an abandonment of the majority community. The president’s actions need to be understood within the larger framework of national reconciliation and long term national stability.
Reconciler’s Duty
When the president referred to Buddhist pilgrims from the south going to the north, he was not speaking about pilgrims visiting long established Buddhist heritage sites such as Nagadeepa or Kandarodai. His remarks were directed at a specific and highly contentious development, the recently built Buddhist temple in Kankesanturai and those built elsewhere in the recent past in the north and east. The temple in Kankesanturai did not emerge from the religious needs of a local Buddhist community as there is none in that area. It has been constructed on land that was formerly owned and used by Tamil civilians and which came under military occupation as a high security zone. What has made the issue of the temple particularly controversial is that it was established with the support of the security forces.
The controversy has deepened because the temple authorities have sought to expand the site from approximately one acre to nearly fourteen acres on the basis that there was a historic Buddhist temple in that area up to the colonial period. However, the Tamil residents of the area fear that expansion would further displace surrounding residents and consolidate a permanent Buddhist religious presence in the present period in an area where the local population is overwhelmingly Hindu. For many Tamils in Kankesanturai, the issue is not Buddhism as a religion but the use of religion as a vehicle for territorial assertion and demographic changes in a region that bore the brunt of the war. Likewise, there are other parts of the north and east where other temples or places of worship have been established by the military personnel in their camps during their war-time occupation and questions arise regarding the future when these camps are finally closed.
There are those who have actively organised large scale pilgrimages from the south to make the Tissa temple another important religious site. These pilgrimages are framed publicly as acts of devotion but are widely perceived locally as demonstrations of dominance. Each such visit heightens tension, provokes protest by Tamil residents, and risks confrontation. For communities that experienced mass displacement, military occupation and land loss, the symbolism of a state backed religious structure on contested land with the backing of the security forces is impossible to separate from memories of war and destruction. A president committed to reconciliation cannot remain silent in the face of such provocations, however uncomfortable it may be to challenge sections of the majority community.
High-minded leadership
The controversy regarding the president’s Independence Day speech has also generated strong debate. In that speech the president did not refer to the military victory over the LTTE and also did not use the term “war heroes” to describe soldiers. For many Sinhala nationalist groups, the absence of these references was seen as an attempt to diminish the sacrifices of the armed forces. The reality is that Independence Day means very different things to different communities. In the north and east the same day is marked by protest events and mourning and as a “Black Day”, symbolising the consolidation of a state they continue to experience as excluding them and not empathizing with the full extent of their losses.
By way of contrast, the president’s objective was to ensure that Independence Day could be observed as a day that belonged to all communities in the country. It is not correct to assume that the president takes these positions in order to appease minorities or secure electoral advantage. The president is only one year into his term and does not need to take politically risky positions for short term electoral gains. Indeed, the positions he has taken involve confronting powerful nationalist political forces that can mobilise significant opposition. He risks losing majority support for his statements. This itself indicates that the motivation is not electoral calculation.
President Dissanayake has recognized that Sri Lanka’s long term political stability and economic recovery depend on building trust among communities that once peacefully coexisted and then lived through decades of war. Political leadership is ultimately tested by the willingness to say what is necessary rather than what is politically expedient. The president’s recent interventions demonstrate rare national leadership and constitute an attempt to shift public discourse away from ethnic triumphalism and toward a more inclusive conception of nationhood. Reconciliation cannot take root if national ceremonies reinforce the perception of victory for one community and defeat for another especially in an internal conflict.
BY Jehan Perera
Features
Recovery of LTTE weapons
I have read a newspaper report that the Special Task Force of Sri Lanka Police, with help of Military Intelligence, recovered three buried yet well-preserved 84mm Carl Gustaf recoilless rocket launchers used by the LTTE, in the Kudumbimalai area, Batticaloa.
These deadly weapons were used by the LTTE SEA TIGER WING to attack the Sri Lanka Navy ships and craft in 1990s. The first incident was in February 1997, off Iranativu island, in the Gulf of Mannar.
Admiral Cecil Tissera took over as Commander of the Navy on 27 January, 1997, from Admiral Mohan Samarasekara.
The fight against the LTTE was intensified from 1996 and the SLN was using her Vanguard of the Navy, Fast Attack Craft Squadron, to destroy the LTTE’s littoral fighting capabilities. Frequent confrontations against the LTTE Sea Tiger boats were reported off Mullaitivu, Point Pedro and Velvetiturai areas, where SLN units became victorious in most of these sea battles, except in a few incidents where the SLN lost Fast Attack Craft.

Carl Gustaf recoilless rocket launchers
The intelligence reports confirmed that the LTTE Sea Tigers was using new recoilless rocket launchers against aluminium-hull FACs, and they were deadly at close quarter sea battles, but the exact type of this weapon was not disclosed.
The following incident, which occurred in February 1997, helped confirm the weapon was Carl Gustaf 84 mm Recoilless gun!
DATE: 09TH FEBRUARY, 1997, morning 0600 hrs.
LOCATION: OFF IRANATHIVE.
FACs: P 460 ISRAEL BUILT, COMMANDED BY CDR MANOJ JAYESOORIYA
P 452 CDL BUILT, COMMANDED BY LCDR PM WICKRAMASINGHE (ON TEMPORARY COMMAND. PROPER OIC LCDR N HEENATIGALA)
OPERATED FROM KKS.
CONFRONTED WITH LTTE ATTACK CRAFT POWERED WITH FOUR 250 HP OUT BOARD MOTORS.
TARGET WAS DESTROYED AND ONE LTTE MEMBER WAS CAPTURED.
LEADING MARINE ENGINEERING MECHANIC OF THE FAC CAME UP TO THE BRIDGE CARRYING A PROJECTILE WHICH WAS FIRED BY THE LTTE BOAT, DURING CONFRONTATION, WHICH PENETRATED THROUGH THE FAC’s HULL, AND ENTERED THE OICs CABIN (BETWEEN THE TWO BUNKS) AND HIT THE AUXILIARY ENGINE ROOM DOOR AND HAD FALLEN DOWN WITHOUT EXPLODING. THE ENGINE ROOM DOOR WAS HEAVILY DAMAGED LOOSING THE WATER TIGHT INTEGRITY OF THE FAC.
THE PROJECTILE WAS LATER HANDED OVER TO THE NAVAL WEAPONS EXPERTS WHEN THE FACs RETURNED TO KKS. INVESTIGATIONS REVEALED THE WEAPON USED BY THE ENEMY WAS 84 mm CARL GUSTAF SHOULDER-FIRED RECOILLESS GUN AND THIS PROJECTILE WAS AN ILLUMINATER BOMB OF ONE MILLION CANDLE POWER. BUT THE ATTACKERS HAS FAILED TO REMOVE THE SAFETY PIN, THEREFORE THE BOMB WAS NOT ACTIVATED.

Sea Tigers
Carl Gustaf 84 mm recoilless gun was named after Carl Gustaf Stads Gevärsfaktori, which, initially, produced it. Sweden later developed the 84mm shoulder-fired recoilless gun by the Royal Swedish Army Materiel Administration during the second half of 1940s as a crew served man- portable infantry support gun for close range multi-role anti-armour, anti-personnel, battle field illumination, smoke screening and marking fire.
It is confirmed in Wikipedia that Carl Gustaf Recoilless shoulder-fired guns were used by the only non-state actor in the world – the LTTE – during the final Eelam War.
It is extremely important to check the batch numbers of the recently recovered three launchers to find out where they were produced and other details like how they ended up in Batticaloa, Sri Lanka?
By Admiral Ravindra C. Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP and Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc (Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defence Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan
Features
Yellow Beatz … a style similar to K-pop!
Yes, get ready to vibe with Yellow Beatz, Sri Lanka’s awesome girl group, keen to take Sri Lankan music to the world with a style similar to K-pop!
With high-energy beats and infectious hooks, these talented ladies are here to shake up the music scene.
Think bold moves, catchy hooks, and, of course, spicy versions of old Sinhala hits, and Yellow Beatz is the package you won’t want to miss!
According to a spokesman for the group, Yellow Beatz became a reality during the Covid period … when everyone was stuck at home, in lockdown.
“First we interviewed girls, online, and selected a team that blended well, as four voices, and then started rehearsals. One of the cover songs we recorded, during those early rehearsals, unexpectedly went viral on Facebook. From that moment onward, we continued doing cover songs, and we received a huge response. Through that, we were able to bring back some beautiful Sri Lankan musical creations that were being forgotten, and introduce them to the new generation.”
The team members, I am told, have strong musical skills and with proper training their goal is to become a vocal group recognised around the world.
Believe me, their goal, they say, is not only to take Sri Lanka’s name forward, in the music scene, but to bring home a Grammy Award, as well.
“We truly believe we can achieve this with the love and support of everyone in Sri Lanka.”
The year 2026 is very special for Yellow Beatz as they have received an exceptional opportunity to represent Sri Lanka at the World Championships of Performing Arts in the USA.
Under the guidance of Chris Raththara, the Director for Sri Lanka, and with the blessings of all Sri Lankans, the girls have a great hope that they can win this milestone.
“We believe this will be a moment of great value for us as Yellow Beatz, and also for all Sri Lankans, and it will be an important inspiration for the future of our country.”
Along with all the preparation for the event in the USA, they went on to say they also need to manage their performances, original song recordings, and everything related.

The year 2026 is very special for Yellow Beatz
“We have strong confidence in ourselves and in our sincere intentions, because we are a team that studies music deeply, researches within the field, and works to take the uniqueness of Sri Lankan identity to the world.”
At present, they gather at the Voices Lab Academy, twice a week, for new creations and concert rehearsals.
This project was created by Buddhika Dayarathne who is currently working as a Pop Vocal lecturer at SLTC Campus. Voice Lab Academy is also his own private music academy and Yellow Beatz was formed through that platform.
Buddhika is keen to take Sri Lankan music to the world with a style similar to K-Pop and Yellow Beatz began as a result of that vision. With that same aim, we all work together as one team.
“Although it was a little challenging for the four of us girls to work together at first, we have united for our goal and continue to work very flexibly and with dedication. Our parents and families also give their continuous blessings and support for this project,” Rameesha, Dinushi, Newansa and Risuri said.
Last year, Yellow Beatz released their first original song, ‘Ihirila’ , and with everything happening this year, they are also preparing for their first album.
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