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International political cleavages sharpen in South Asia

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Visiting US Secretary of Defence Mark Esper (left) and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo with Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar in New Delhi on Tuesday.

So, Sri Lanka seems to be in the eye of a renewed international political storm in South Asia. First, it was a visit to Sri Lanka by a high-powered Chinese state delegation and hardly has the splurge of commentary surrounding this bilateral interaction died down when the country is witnessing a visit by US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo amid a barrage of barbs and brickbats originating among seemingly incensed local political circles.

Essentially, Sri Lanka is being viewed as coming under unprecedented pressure to succumb to the demands of these big powers. She is being wooed, but is she a ‘reluctant bride’? Among other things, this question needs to be addressed satisfactorily by local opinion. It needs to be noted that Pompeo is here on the invitation of the Sri Lankan government. There’s no question of any glaring arm-twisting occurring. If this is so, what are the compulsions, if any, that have come into play in US-Sri Lanka relations?

The answer to this question needs to be sought in the realm of current international politics but it needs to be said right away that Sri Lanka has no choice but to surrender to the most insistent demands of both, the US and China. Right now, she has very few options.

Such comments are likely to be anathema in the ears of local ultra-nationalist and self-professed Left sections in particular but the positions of these groups on these issues will prove to be rhetorical in the main in view of the fact that the Sri Lankan government would be compelled to craft its foreign policy increasingly on a pragmatic foundation in consideration of mounting economic pressures. The Lankan state is at present facing the uphill task of interacting cordially with both the US and China, considering that these powers are crucial to Sri Lanka’s economic survival.

The latter factor is tending to be increasingly accentuated by the economic woes generated by the current pandemic. In fact, aggravating economic difficulties will be the lot of the world and it would be foolish for the global South in particular to ignore the stark reality that the world’s GDP would plunge by some five percent in the current circumstances. Sri Lanka has no choice but to say yes to the principal demands emanating from the US and China but Sri Lanka will do so in a way that would not infuriate local sections that consider it opportune to be mindlessly rhetorical on issues growing out of this country’s ties with the US in particular. Put bluntly, Sri Lanka ‘will play for time’ over insistent controversial demands coming from the major powers in question but it is a foregone conclusion that she will prove amenable to these powers by eventually cooperating with them.

Moreover, the social group that is in power in Sri Lanka currently is no different from those sections that have been at the levers of power locally since 1977. A common feature that binds these ruling sections is their strong linkage with transnational capital. Basically, they would do the bidding of major capitalist powers, such as the US, because their economic interests are bound up with those of these powers.

Thus, does a class analysis come in useful to understand the directions in which Sri Lanka’s foreign policy is evolving. And this goes for the majority of countries of the South. As Chinese scholar Chen Jixiang expressed it,’…America lures the elite class of a target country to promote full privatization and financial liberalization by utilizing US-led globalization..’ (See his paper titled, ‘The US “Pivot to Asia” and China-Pakistan Relations’ in the book ‘China and India’ edited by Paramita Mukherjee, Arnab K. Deb and Miao Pang, published by SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd.)

There is no doubt that the wooing of Sri Lanka and some other states of South Asia by China has prompted the US to be particularly wary of developments in Sri Lanka’s foreign relations but intensifying tensions in US-China ties also need to be assessed against the backdrop of the upcoming US presidential poll.

True to form, President Trump could be said to be playing the ‘anti-China card’ with redoubled zeal with an eye on the white supremacist vote but the steady rise of China in Asia too needs to be factored in as a significant external cause for the US’ need to strengthen its relations with Sri Lanka and other selected states of this region, with India proving to be most prominent among the latter. In fact, good relations with India have been figuring markedly in the US’ policy agenda with regard to South Asia over the past fifteen years or more.

As could be seen, the US and India have a mutual interest in containing the perceived rising influence of China in this part of the world. The Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA)is the latest US-India accord that ought to be viewed as strengthening this alliance. It is a high-water mark in security and defence cooperation between the countries.

However, the marked stepping-up of cooperation in US-India ties came with the US-India Civil Nuclear Cooperation accord between the countries in 2008. The latter signalled in no uncertain terms US interest in boosting India’s self-sufficiency in the generation of nuclear power for civilian uses. Considering that South Asia is energy starved, this is an exceptional cooperative venture in US-India ties.

Considering the above developments it may be opined in some quarters that the battle lines in our region among the two biggest powers have been drawn. But no battle is likely to be fought in the foreseeable future. This is on account of the fact that the fallout from a fight would be devastating for all concerned. Self-interest is likely to be a foremost concern.

However, the policy fallout from these tensions for South Asia could be worrying. While India is in a ‘class of her own’ in this region and could afford to exercise a considerable degree of independence in handling her foreign relations, smaller states in particular will be obliged to walk a tight rope between the US and China and between India and China. They would find out that India’s sensitivities would need to be intently watched. They would need to attach topmost priority to good neighbourliness, in consideration of India’s dominant presence.



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BRICS emerging as strong rival to G7

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It was in the fitness of things for Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to hold a special telephonic conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin recently for the purpose of enlightening the latter on the need for a peaceful, diplomatic end to the Russian-initiated blood-letting in Ukraine. Hopefully, wise counsel and humanity would prevail and the world would soon witness the initial steps at least to a complete withdrawal of invading Russian troops from Ukraine.

The urgency for an early end to the Russian invasion of Ukraine which revoltingly testifies afresh to the barbaric cruelty man could inflict on his fellows, is underscored, among other things, by the declaration which came at the end of the 14th BRICS Summit, which was held virtually in Beijing recently. Among other things, the declaration said: ‘BRICS reaffirms commitment to ensuring the promotion and protection of democracy, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all with the aim to build a brighter shared future for the international community based on mutually beneficial cooperation.’

It is anybody’s guess as to what meanings President Putin read into pledges of the above kind, but it does not require exceptional brilliance to perceive that the barbaric actions being carried out by his regime against Ukrainian civilians make a shocking mockery of these enlightened pronouncements. It is plain to see that the Russian President is being brazenly cynical by affixing his signature to the declaration. The credibility of BRICS is at risk on account of such perplexing contradictory conduct on the part of its members. BRICS is obliged to rectify these glaring irregularities sooner rather than later.

At this juncture the important clarification must be made that it is the conduct of the Putin regime, and the Putin regime only, that is being subjected to censure here. Such strictures are in no way intended to project in a negative light, the Russian people, who are heirs to a rich, humanistic civilization that produced the likes of Dostoevsky and Tolstoy, among a host of other eminent spirits, who have done humanity proud and over the decades guided humans in the direction of purposeful living. May their priceless heritage live long, is this columnist’s wish.

However, the invaluable civilization which the Russian people have inherited makes it obligatory on their part to bring constant pressure on the Putin regime to end its barbarism against the Ukrainian civilians who are not at all party to the big power politics of Eastern Europe. They need to point out to their rulers that in this day and age there are civilized, diplomatic and cost-effective means of resolving a state’s perceived differences with its neighbours. The spilling of civilian blood, on the scale witnessed in Ukraine, is a phenomenon of the hoary past.

The BRICS grouping, which encompasses some of the world’s predominant economic and political powers, if not for the irregular conduct of the Putin regime, could be said to have struck on a policy framework that is farsighted and proactive on the issue of global equity.

There is the following extract from a report on its recent summit declaration that needs to be focused on. It reads: BRICS notes the need to ensure “Meaningful participation of developing and least developed countries, especially in Africa, in global decision-making processes and structures and make it better attuned to contemporary realities.”

The above are worthy goals that need to be pursued vigorously by global actors that have taken upon themselves the challenge of easing the lot of the world’s powerless countries. The urgency of resuming the North-South Dialogue, among other questions of importance to the South, has time and again been mentioned in this column. This is on account of the fact that the most underdeveloped regions of the South have been today orphaned in the world system.

Given that the Non-aligned Movement and like organizations, that have espoused the resolution of Southern problems over the decades, are today seemingly ineffective and lacking in political and economic clout, indications that the BRICS grouping is in an effort to fill this breach is heartening news for the powerless of the world. Indeed, the crying need is for the poor and powerless to be brought into international decision-making processes that affect their wellbeing and it is hoped that BRICS’s efforts in this regard would bear fruit.

What could help in increasing the confidence of the underdeveloped countries in BRICS, is the latter’s rising economic and political power. While in terms of economic strength, the US remains foremost in the world with a GDP of $ 20.89 trillion, China is not very far behind with a GDP of $ 14.72 trillion. The relevant readings for some other key BRICS countries are as follows: India – $ 2.66 trillion, Russia – $ 1.48 trillion and Brazil $ 1.44 trillion. Of note is also the fact that except for South Africa, the rest of the BRICS are among the first 15 predominant economies, assessed in GDP terms. In a global situation where economics drives politics, these figures speak volumes for the growing power of the BRICS countries.

In other words, the BRICS are very much abreast of the G7 countries in terms of a number of power indices. The fact that many of the BRICS possess a nuclear capability indicates that in military terms too they are almost on par with the G7.

However, what is crucial is that the BRICS, besides helping in modifying the world economic order to serve the best interests of the powerless as well, contribute towards changing the power balances within the vital organs of the UN system, such as the UN Security Council, to render them more widely representative of changing global power realities.

Thus, India and Brazil, for example, need to be in the UNSC because they are major economic powers in their own right. Since they are of a democratic orientation, besides pushing for a further democratization of the UN’s vital organs, they would be in a position to consistently work towards the wellbeing of the underprivileged in their respective regions, which have tremendous development potential.

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Queen of Hearts

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She has certainly won the hearts of many with the charity work she is engaged in, on a regular basis, helping the poor, and the needy.

Pushpika de Silva was crowned Mrs. Sri Lanka for Mrs. World 2021 and she immediately went into action, with her very own charity project – ‘Lend a Helping Hand.’

When launching this project, she said: “Lend a Helping Hand is dear to me. With the very meaning of the title, I am extending my helping hand to my fellow brothers and sisters in need; in a time where our very existence has become a huge question and people battling for daily survival.”

Since ‘Lend a Helping Hand’ became a reality, last year, Pushpika has embarked on many major charity projects, including building a home for a family, and renovating homes of the poor, as well.

The month of June (2022) saw Pushpika very much in action with ‘Lend a Helping Hand.’

She made International Father’s Day a very special occasion by distributing food items to 100 poor families.

“Many are going without a proper meal, so I was very keen, in my own way, to see that these people had something to keep the hunger pangs away.”

A few days later, the Queen of Hearts made sure that 50 more people enjoyed a delicious and nutritious meal.

“In these trying times, we need to help those who are in dire straits and, I believe, if each one of us could satisfy the hunger, and thirst, of at least one person, per day, that would be a blessing from above.”

Pushpika is also concerned about the mothers, with kids, she sees on the roads, begging.

“How helpless is a mother, carrying a small child, to come to the street and ask for something.

“I see this often and I made a special effort to help some of them out, with food and other necessities.”

What makes Pushpika extra special is her love for animals, as well, and she never forgets the street dogs that are having a tough time, these days, scavenging for food.

“These animals, too, need food, and are voiceless, so we need to think of them, as well. Let’s have mercy on them, too. Let’s love them, as well.”

The former beauty queen served a delicious meal for the poor animals, just recently, and will continue with all her charity projects, on a regular basis, she said.

Through her charity project, ‘Lend a Helping Hand,” she believes she can make a change, though small.

And, she says, she plans to be even more active, with her charity work, during these troubled times.

We wish Pushpika de Silva all the very best, and look forward to seeing more of her great deeds, through her ‘Lend a Helping Hand’ campaign.

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Hope and political change:No more Appachis to the rescue

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KUPPI on the current economic and political crisis: intervention 1

by Harshana Rambukwella

In Buddhist literature, there is the Parable of the Burning House where the children of a wealthy man, trapped inside a burning house, refuse to leave it, fearful of leaving its comfort – because the flames are yet to reach them. Ultimately, they do leave because the father promises them wonderful gifts and are saved from the fire. Sri Lankans have long awaited such father figures – in fact, our political culture is built on the belief that such ‘fathers’ will rescue us. But this time around no fathers are coming. As Sri Lankans stare into an uncertain future, and a multitude of daily sufferings, and indignities continue to pile upon us, there is possibly one political and emotional currency that we all need – hope. Hope is a slippery term. One can hope ‘in-vain’ or place one’s faith in some unachievable goal and be lulled into a sense of complacency. But, at the same time, hope can be critically empowering – when insurmountable obstacles threaten to engulf you, it is the one thing that can carry you forward. We have innumerable examples of such ‘hope’ from history – both religious and secular. When Moses led the Israelites to the promised land, ‘hope’ of a new beginning sustained them, as did faith in God. When Queen Viharamahadevi set off on a perilous voyage, she carried hope, within her, along with the hope of an entire people. When Martin Luther King Jr made his iconic ‘I have a dream’ speech, hope of an America where Black people could live in dignity, struck a resonant chord and this historical sense of hope also provided inspiration for the anti-Apartheid struggle in South Africa.

This particular moment, in Sri Lanka, feels a moment of ‘hopelessness’. In March and April, this year, before the cowardly attack on the Gota Go Gama site, in Galle Face, there was a palpable sense of hope in the aragalaya movement as it spread across the country. While people were struggling with many privations, the aragalaya channeled this collective frustration into a form of political and social action, we have rarely seen in this country. There were moments when the aragalaya managed to transcend many divisions – ethnic, religious and class – that had long defined Sri Lanka. It was also largely a youth led movement which probably added to the ‘hope’ that characterized the aragalaya. However, following the May 09th attack something of this ‘hope’ was lost. People began to resign themselves to the fact that the literally and metaphorically ‘old’ politics, and the corrupt culture it represents had returned. A Prime Minister with no electoral base, and a President in hiding, cobbled together a shaky and illegitimate alliance to stay in power. The fuel lines became longer, the gas queues grew, food prices soared and Sri Lanka began to run out of medicines. But, despite sporadic protests and the untiring commitment of a few committed activists, it appeared that the aragalaya was fizzling out and hope was stagnant and dying, like vehicles virtually abandoned on kilometers-long fuel queues.

However, we now have a moment where ‘hope’ is being rekindled. A national movement is gathering pace. As the prospect of the next shipment of fuel appears to recede into the ever-distant future, people’s anger and frustration are once again being channeled towards political change. This is a do-or-die moment for all Sri Lankans. Regardless of our political beliefs, our ideological orientation, our religion or class, the need for political change has never been clearer. Whether you believe that an IMF bailout will save us, or whether you believe that we need a fundamental change in our economic system, and a socially and economically more just society, neither of these scenarios will come to pass without an immediate political change. The political class that now clings to power, in this country, is like a cancer – poisoning and corrupting the entire body politic, even as it destroys itself. The Prime Minister who was supposed to be the messiah channeling international goodwill and finances to the country has failed miserably and we have a President who seems to be in love with the idea of ‘playing president’. The Sri Lankan people have a single existential choice to make in this moment – to rise as one to expel this rotten political order. In Sri Lanka, we are now in that burning house that the Buddha spoke of and we all seem to be waiting for that father to appear and save us. But now we need to change the plot of this parable. No father will come for us. Our fathers (or appachis) have led us to this sorry state. They have lied, deceived and abandoned us. It is now up to us to rediscover the ‘hope’ that will deliver us from the misery of this economic and political crisis. If we do not act now the house will burn down and we will be consumed in its flames.

Initiated by the Kuppi Collective, a group of academics and activists attached to the university system and other educational institutes and actions.

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