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Indian Opposition Parties unite to take on Modi

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By Rajan Philips

As President Wickremesinghe gets ready to leave Colombo for his state visit to India (at the time of writing), the political news out of India is the jostling of Indian political parties into opposing alliances for the grand electoral battle for national power that will unfold in 2024. To date 64 parties have entered the fray, 26 for the Opposition who convened first in Patna and later in Bengaluru, and the governing BJP-led NDA alliance responding in Delhi with a tally of 38 parties.

In a multitudinous culture steeped in epics and mythologies, the alliance formation and the upcoming electoral battle might be seen as a modern and postmodern electoral version of the old Mahabharata in the age of the social media. Who will be seen as the new Pandavas and who as the Kauravas will depend on the eyes of the beholders. There is no Krishna to emerge and there is no prospect for a new Bhagavat Gita. Although Narendra Modi is brash enough to cast himself as Krishna for the great battle that he is manifestly spoiling for. And his followers are daft enough to make a Gita out of his random musings.

In the scheme of the current goings on in India, President Wickremesinghe’s visit will be less than a drop in the Ganges. Although the President and his Colombo clique will try to make a waterfall of it for Sri Lankan politics. Apart from preparing for the (epic) elections next year, the Modi government is also dealing with a full plate of international initiatives. India will be hosting the G20 Summit in September, and as a precursor hosted the gathering of the Group’s finance ministers this week in Ghandinagar, Gujarat’s capital. In August, the Prime Minister will be attending the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) summit hosted by South Africa.

The G20 and BRICS are having a tough time herding their members who are divided over Russia’s war in Ukraine. The G20 finance ministers could not agree on “a common language” on Ukraine for their customary statement, although according to India’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, several members condemned Russia’s decision to withdraw from the Black Sea grain deal that allowed Ukrainian grain shipments to reach the world’s needier countries.

The BRICS gathering has got into hot waters with the county’s main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance, going to court to force the South African government to arrest Vladimir Putin if he were to arrive in South Africa for the summit. The government and President Cyril Ramaphosa will have none of it, and Putin has decided to stay away from the summit on the advice of the South African President.

India is literally sitting on the fence on the Ukrainian matter and no one in the government is witty like Nehru to say that India will sit there as long it is comfortable, as he said during the early years of the Indochina conflict. But there is no sitting on the fence for the government when it comes to dealing with opposition parties within India. Internally, it is always a matter of drawing battlelines with those whom the Modi government does not agree. And the opposition parties do not care a hoot about all the global attention that Modi is attracting. For them, Modi’s global charisma is mileage unduly drawn from India’s population size and growing economic strength. Their contention is that Modi is destroying India from what it has been and what it ought to become.

From Patna to Bengaluru

The first gathering of opposition parties was held in Patna, in Bihar, on 23 June. The gathering did not cause much excitement. The inspiration behind the Patna meeting has been the spectacular showing of the Congress Party and its allies in the Karnataka State election in May. A second impetus is the concern among opposition parties that the BJP is using the state machinery to attack opposition leaders (e.g., Rahul Gandhi) and State governments led by the Congress or regional parties (e.g., Tamil Nadu, West Bengal). Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin reportedly called the opposition unity effort the “war cry of a united opposition” for the “rebirth of a secular democratic India.” Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has been the initial organizer behind the unity effort.

By the time the second gathering of the opposition leaders took place this week on July 18 in Bengaluru, Karnataka, the opposition alliance has picked up momentum. The number of parties attending rose from 15 in Patna to 26 in Bengaluru, and included state and national heavyweights: seven Chief Ministers, a number of former Chief Ministers, Rahul Gandhi and Sonia Gandhi from the Congress, as well as the Secretaries of the two Communist Parties – Sitaram Yechury (CPM) and D. Raja (CPI).

The objective has become clearer in Bengaluru: to form an alliance to contest the 2024 Lok Sabha election. An apparently unifying name has been formulated: the Indian National Developmental, Inclusive Alliance – to get the acronym INDIA – to counter Modi and his negation of secular India. Fight between Modi and I.N.D.I.A is fancied as potentially winning slogan. Cross-party camaraderie is said to have evolved, especially involving the Congress and the West Bengal Trinamool Congress leaders.

For housekeeping matters, the alliance will set up an 11-member co-ordination committee, with separate committees for specific actions, to develop consensus positions and eventually a common programme for the election. A common secretariat is also to be set up in Delhi which will also provide the war room for the election campaign. The next alliance meeting will be held in Mumbai, in Maharashtra, a state that is currently in a flux with criss-crossing shifts between political parties.

The Bengaluru show has excited far greater interest than the initial meeting in Patna, and has elicited a hurried response from the governing BJP, which convened a meeting of its own NDA (National Democratic Alliance) in New Delhi, on the same day as the opposition conclave in Bengaluru. The BJP leaders led by the Prime Minister himself have been indulging in political trash talk to belittle the opposition efforts to form a new alliance. Trash talk aside, the ruling BJP found it necessary to call its (NDA) alliance members suddenly for a meeting after ignoring them as a group and without calling any meeting for over a year.

From UPA TO INDIA

The fact of the matter is that the NDA is no alliance between political parties of comparable size. In the second Modi election victory in 2019, the BJP amassed on its own a whopping 301 seats out of the total 332 seats won by the NDA alliance, and a standalone majority in the Lok Sabha of 543 seats. All the others in the alliance contributed only 31 seats, of which Shiv Sena from Maharashtra accounted for 13 seats and everyone else contributing in single digits or nothing at all. Yet, the BJP needs the façade of an alliance to mitigate the harshness of its Hindutva core as it appeals to a broader Indian constituency at the polls.

In contrast, the opposition alliance is a group of political parties of comparable sizes either at the national level or at the state level. The new alliance is really an expansion of the old United Progressive Alliance (UPA), an alliance of centre-left political parties led by the main Congress Party, that was formed after the 2004 general election in which the ruling BJP was surprisingly defeated and the Congress emerged with the largest number of seats – 218 seats to BJP’s 181 seats, but short of the requisite 272 seats for majority.

The formation of the UPA enabled the Congress to form the new government with Manmohan Singh as Prime Minister. The alliance won again in 2009 but was defeated in 2014 when Narendra Modi scored his first national election victory as BJP leader. He won again in 2019 with greater success and higher seat count, and is now itching to go for a hat trick in 2024.

Unlike the post-election UPA in 2004, the new ‘INDIA’ alliance is a pre-election bandwagon and is intended as a common opposition election vehicle for 2024. The new alliance is also more centrist and more broad-based than the centre-left orientation of the UPA. The influence of the two Communist Parties is also not likely to be as pronounced as it was in the UPA. While the enthusiasm among the participants is palpable, and their resolve to push back on the Modi government’s domestic machinations is unmistakable (mostly out of necessity), it is still going to be an uphill battle to defeat Modi at the national level.

At the current Lok Sabha distribution of seats, with BJP-NDA accounting for 332 seats, the parties in the old UPA and the new INDIA total 142 seats, with Congress (49 seats), DMK (24 seats) and Trinamool Congress (23 seats) being the largest constituent members. As well, the BJP and its allies are in power in 17 Staes while the parties of the new INDIA alliance are in control in 11 States. So, for the opposition INDIA alliance it’s quite a steep hill to climb to secure a majority with at least 272 seats. To complicate matters, there are 11 parties with 62 members in parliament, who have not joined either of the two alliances. Three of them are also the governing parties in Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Odisha.

Whatever might be the outcome in the upcoming elections, the formation of the new alliance shows a changing of minds among the opposition parties and their leaders, who have so far not been able to work together primarily because of personal egos, power struggles and electoral turf wars. They have finally realized that none of them standing alone has any chance of besting Modi. The new unity among them is a necessary condition for defeating Modi, but unity alone is not sufficient and there is no certainty that the unity will remain intact right through to the elections.



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High govt. revenue and low foreign exchange reserves High foreign exchange reserves and low govt. revenue!

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First shipment of vehicles imported to Sir Lank after the lifting the ban on automobile imports

Government has permitted, after several years, the import of motor cars. Imports, including cars, were cut off because the government then wisely prioritised importing other commodities vital to the everyday life of the general public. It is fair to expect that some pent-up demand for motor vehicles has developed. But at what prices? Government seems to have expected that consumers would pay much higher prices than had prevailed earlier.

The rupee price of foreign exchange had risen by about half from Rs.200 per US$ to Rs.300. In those years, the cost of production of cars also had risen. The government dearly wanted more revenue to meet increasing government expenditure. Usually, motor cars are bought by those with higher incomes or larger amounts of wealth. Taxes on the purchase of cars probably promote equity in the distribution of incomes. The collection of tax on motor cars is convenient. What better commodity to tax?

The announced price of a Toyota Camry is about Rs.34 million. Among us, a Camry is usually bought by those with a substantially higher income than the average middle-income earner. It is not a luxury car like a Mercedes Benz 500/ BMW 700i. Yes, there are some Ferrari drivers. When converted into US dollars, the market price of a Camry 2025 in Sri Lankan amounts to about $110,000. The market price of a Camry in US is about $34,000, where it is usually bought by income earners in the middle-middle class: typically assistant professors in state universities or young executives. Who in Lanka will buy a Camry at Rs.34 million or $110,000 a piece?

How did Treasury experts expect high revenue from the import of motor cars? The price of a Toyota Camry in US markets is about $34,000. GDP per person, a rough measure of income per person in US, was about $ 88,000 in 2024. That mythical ‘average person’ in US in 2024, could spend about 2.5 month’s income and buy a Toyota Camry. Income per person, in Lanka in 2024, was about $ 4,000. The market price of a Camry in Lanka is about $ 133,000. A person in Lanka must pay 33 years of annual income to buy a Toyota Camry in 2025.

Whoever imagined that with those incomes and prices, there would be any sales of Camry in Lanka? After making necessary adjustments (mutatis mutandis), Toyota Camry’s example applies to all import dues increases. Higher import duties will yield some additional revenue to government. How much they will yield cannot be answered without much more work. High import duties will deter people from buying imported goods. There will be no large drawdown of foreign exchange; nor will there be additional government revenue: result, high government foreign exchange reserves and low government revenue.

For people to buy cars at such higher prices in 2025, their incomes must rise substantially (unlikely) or they must shift their preferences for motor cars and drop their demand for other goods and services. There is no reason to believe that any of those changes have taken place. In the 2025 budget, government has an ambitious programme of expenditure. For government to implement that programme, they need high government revenue. If the high rates of duties on imports do not yield higher government revenue as hypothesised earlier, government must borrow in the domestic market. The economy is not worthy of raising funds in international capital markets yet.

If government sells large amounts of bonds, the price of all bonds will fall, i.e. interest rates will rise, with two consequences. First, expenditure on interest payments by government will rise for which they would need more revenue. Second, high interest rates may send money to banks rather than to industry. Finding out how these complexities will work out needs careful, methodically satisfactory work. It is probable that if government borrows heavily to pay for budgetary allocations, the fundamental problem arising out of heavy public debt will not be solved.

The congratulatory comments made by the Manager of IMF applied to the recent limited exercise of handling the severity of balance of payments and public debt problems. The fundamental problem of paying back debt can be solved only when the economy grows fast enough (perhaps 7.5 % annually) for several years. Of that growth, perhaps, half (say 4 % points) need to be paid back for many years to reduce the burden of external debt.

Domestic use of additional resources can increase annually by no more than 3.5 percent, even if the economy grows at 7.5 percent per year. Leaders in society, including scholars in the JJB government, university teachers and others must highlight the problems and seek solutions therefor, rather than repeat over and over again accounts of the problem itself.

Growth must not only be fast and sustained but also exports heavy. The reasoning is as follows. This economy is highly import-dependent. One percent growth in the economy required 0.31% percent increase in imports in 2012 and 0. 21 percent increase in 2024. The scarcity of imports cut down the rate of growth of the economy in 2024. Total GDP will not catch up with what it was in (say) 2017, until the ratio of imports to GDP rises above 30 percent.

The availability of imports is a binding constraint on the rate of growth of the economy. An economy that is free to grow will require much more imports (not only cement and structural steel but also intermediate imports of many kinds). I guess that the required ratio will exceed 35 percent. Import capacity is determined by the value of exports reduced by debt repayments to the rest of the world. The most important structural change in the economy is producing exports to provide adequate import capacity. (The constant chatter by IMF and the Treasury officials about another kind of structural change confuses the issue.) An annual 7.5 percent growth in the economy requires import capacity to grow by about 2.6 percent annually.

This economy needs, besides, resources to pay back accumulated foreign debt. If servicing that accumulation requires, takes 4% points of GDP, import capacity needs to grow by (about) 6.6 percent per year, for many years. Import capacity is created when the economy exports to earn foreign exchange and when persons working overseas remit substantial parts of their earnings to persons in Lanka. Both tourism and remittances from overseas have begun to grow robustly. They must continue to flow in persistently.

There are darkening clouds raised by fires in prominent markets for exports from all countries including those poor. This is a form of race to the bottom, which a prominent economist once called ‘a policy to beggar thy neighbour (even across the wide Pacific)’. Unlike the thirty years from 1995, the next 30 years now seem fraught with much danger to processes of growth aided by open international trade. East Asian economies grew phenomenally by selling in booming rich markets, using technology developed in rich countries.

Lanka weighed down with 2,500 years of high culture ignored that reality. The United States of America now is swinging with might and main a wrecking ball to destroy that structure which they had put up, one thought foolishly, with conviction. Among those storms, many container ships would rather be put to port than brave choppy seas. High rates of growth in export earnings seem a bleak prospect. There yet may be some room in the massive economies of China and India.

Consequently, it is fanciful to expect that living conditions will improve rapidly, beginning with the implementation of the 2025 budget. It will be a major achievement if the 2025 budget is fully implemented, as I have argued earlier. Remarkable efforts to cut down on extravagance, waste and the plunder of public funds will help, somewhat; but not enough. IMF or not, there is no way of paying back accumulated debt without running an export surplus sufficient to service debt obligations.

Exports are necessary to permit the economy to pay off accumulated debt and permit some increase in the standard of living. Austerity will be the order of the day for many years to come. It is most unlikely that the next five years will usher in prosperity.

By Usvatte-aratchi

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BLOSSOMS OF HOPE 2025

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An Ikebana exhibition in aid of pediatric cancer patients

This Ikebana exhibition by the members of Ikebana International Sri Lanka Chapter #262, brings this ancient art form to life in support of a deeply meaningful cause: aiding the Pediatric Cancer ward of the Apeksha Cancer Hospital, Maharagama and offering hope to young warriors in their fight against illness.

Graceful, delicate, and filled with meaning—Ikebana, the Japanese art of floral arrangement, is more than just an expression of beauty; it is a reflection of life’s resilience and harmony. “Blossoms of Hope”, is a special Ikebana exhibition, on 29th March from 11a.m. to 7p.m. and 30th March from 10a.m. to 6p.m. at the Ivy Room, Cinnamon Grand Hotel and demonstrations will be from 4p.m. to 5p.m. on both days.

Each floral arrangement in this exhibition is a tribute to strength, renewal, and love. Carefully crafted by skilled Ikebana artists, who are members of the Chapter. These breathtaking displays symbolize the courage of children battling cancer, reminding us that even in adversity, beauty can bloom. The graceful lines, vibrant hues, and thoughtful compositions of Ikebana echo the journey of resilience, inspiring both reflection and compassion.

Visitors will not only experience the tranquility and elegance of Japanese floral art but will also have the opportunity to make a difference. Proceeds from “Blossoms of Hope” will go towards enhancing medical care, providing essential resources, and creating a more comforting environment for young patients and their families.

This exhibition is more than an artistic showcase—it is a gesture of kindness, a symbol of solidarity, and a reminder that hope, like a flower, can grow even in the most unexpected places. By attending and supporting “Blossoms of Hope”, you become a part of this journey, helping to bring light and joy into the lives of children who need it most.

Join in celebrating art, compassion, and the Power of Hope—one flower at a time.

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St. Anthony’s Church feast at Kachchativu island

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Fort Hammenhiel

The famous St. Anthony’s Church feast this year was held on 14 and 15 March. St. Anthony, as per Catholic belief, gives protection and looks after fishermen and seafarers like me. Many Buddhist seafarers are believers in St. Anthony and they usually keep a statue of the saint in their cabins in the ship or craft.

St. Anthony died on 13th June 1231 at age of 35 years, at Padua in Holy Roman Empire and was canonized on 30 May 1232 by Pope Gregory IX.

I was unable to attend last year’s feast as I was away in Pakistan as Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner. I was more than happy to learn that Indians were also attending the feast this year and there would be 4,000 devotees.

I decided to travel to Kankesanturai (KKS) Jaffna by train and stay at my usual resting place, Fort Hammenhiel Resort, a Navy-run boutique hotel, which was once a prison, where JVP leaders, including Rohana Wijeweera were held during the 1971 insurrection. I was fortunate to turn this fort on a tiny islet in Kytes lagoon into a four-star boutique hotel and preserve Wijeweera’s handwriting in 2012, when I was the Commander Northern Naval Area.

I invite you to visit Fort Hammenhiel during your next trip to Jaffna and see Wijeweera’s handwriting.

The train left Colombo Fort Railway Station on time (0530 hrs/14th) and reached KKS at 1410 hrs. I was highly impressed with the cleanliness and quality of railway compartments and toilets. When I sent a photograph of my railway compartment to my son, he texted me asking “Dad, are you in an aircraft or in a train compartment? “

Well done Sri Lanka Railways! Please keep up your good work. No wonder foreign tourists love train rides, including the famous Ella Odyssey.

Travelling on board a train is comfortable, relaxed and stress free! As a frequent traveller on A 9 road to Jaffna, which is stressful due to oncoming heavy vehicles on. This was a new experience and I enjoyed the ride, sitting comfortably and reading a book received from my friend in New York- Senaka Senaviratne—’Hillbilly Elegy’ by US Vice President JD Vance. The book is an international best seller.

My buddy, Commodore (E) Dissanayake (Dissa), a brilliant engineer who built Reverse Osmosis Water Purification Plants for North, North Central and North Western provinces to help prevent chronic kidney disease is the Commodore Superintendent Engineering in the Northern Naval Area. He was waiting at the KKS railway station to receive me.

I enjoyed a cup of tea at Dissa’s chalet at our Northern Naval Command Headquarters in KKS and proceeded to Fort Hammenhiel at Karainagar, a 35-minute drive from KKS.

The acting Commanding Officer of Karainagar Naval Base (SLNS ELARA) Commander Jayawardena (Jaye) was there at Fort Hammenhiel Restaurant to have late lunch with me.

Jaye was a cadet at Naval and Maritime Academy, (NMA) Trincomalee, when I was Commandant in 2006, NMA was under artillery fire from LTTE twice, when those officers were cadets and until we destroyed enemy gun positions, and the army occupied Sampoor south of the Trincomalee harbour. I feel very proud of Jaye, who is a Commander now (equal to Army rank Lieutenant Colonel) and Commanding a very important Naval Base in Jaffna.

The present Navy Commander Vice Admiral Kanchana Banagoda had been in SLNS ELARA a few hours before me and he had left for the Delft Island on an inspection tour.

Commander Jaye was very happy because his Divisional Officer, when he was a cadet, was Vice Admiral Kanchana (then Lieutenant Commander). I had lunch and rested for a few hours before leaving Karainagar in an Inshore Patrol Craft heading to Kachchativu Island by1730 hrs.

The sea was very calm due to inter-monsoon weather and we reached Kachchativu Island by 1845 hrs. Devotees from both Sri Lanka and India had already reached the island. The Catholic Bishop of Sivagangai Diocese, Tamil Nadu India His Eminence Lourdu Anandam and Vicar General of Jaffna Diocese Very Rev Fr. PJ Jabaratnam were already there in Kachchativu together with more than 100 priests and nuns from Sri Lanka and India. It was a solid display of brotherhood of two neighbouring nations united together at this tiny island to worship God. They were joined by 8,000 devotees, with 4,000 from each country).

The church

All logistics—food, fresh water, medical facilities—were provided by the Sri Lanka Navy. Now, this festival has become a major annual amphibious operation for Navy’s Landing Craft fleet, led by SLNS Shakthi (Landing Ship tanks). The Navy establishes a temporary base in a remote island which does not have a drop of drinking water, and provides food and water to 8,000 persons. The event is planned and executed commendably well under Commander Northern Naval Area, Rear Admiral Thusara Karunathilake. The Sri Lankan government allocates Rs 30 million from the annual national budget for this festival, which is now considered a national religious festival.

The Indian devotees enjoy food provided by SLN. They have the highest regard for our Navy. The local devotees are from the Jaffna Diocese, mainly from the Delft Island and helped SLN. Delft Pradeshiya Sabha and AGA Delft Island. A very efficient lady supervised all administrative functions on the Island. Sri Lanka Police established a temporary police station with both male and female officers.

As usual, the Sinhalese devotees came from Negombo, Chilaw, Kurunegala and other areas, bringing food enough for them and their Catholic brothers and sisters from India! Children brought biscuits, milk toffee, kalu dodol and cakes to share with Indian and Jaffna devotees.

In his sermon on 22nd December 2016, when he declared open the new Church built by SLN from financial contributions from Navy officers and sailors, Jaffna Bishop Rt Rev Dr Justin Bernard Ganapragasam said that day “the new Church would be the Church of Reconciliation”.

The church was magnificent at night. Sitting on the beach and looking at the beautiful moon-lit sea, light breeze coming from the North East direction and listening to beautiful hymns sung by devotees praising Saint Anthony, I thanked God and remembered all my friends who patrolled those seas and were no more with us. Their dedication, and bravery out at sea brought lasting peace to our beloved country. But today WHO REMEMBERS THEM?

The rituals continued until midnight. Navy Commander and the Indian Consul General in Jaffna Sai Murali attended the Main Mass.

The following morning (15) the Main Mass was attended by Vice Admiral Kanchana Banagoda and his family. It was a great gesture by the Navy Commander to attend the feast with his family. I had a long discussion with Indian Consul General Jaffna Sai Mulari about frequent incidents of Indian trawlers engaging in bottom trawling in Sri Lankan waters and what we should do as diplomats to bring a lasting solution to this issue, as I was highly impressed with this young Indian diplomat.

The Vicar General of the Jaffna Diocese, my dear friend, Very Rev Father P J Jabarathnam also made an open appeal to all Indian and Sri Lankan fishermen to protect the environment. I was fortunate to attend yet another St. Anthony’s Church feast in Kachchativu.

By Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne WV,

RWP& Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn,
Bsc (Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defense Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan

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