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In London — As Secretary-General, IPPF

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Bradman

Voluntary Exile (1984-1989)

Continued from last week

The abortion issue hit the world’s headlines and IPPF with a hard jolt. It came with the declaration by the United States delegation to the World Population Conference at Mexico City in August 1984, that the US would no longer fund international family planning programmes that included abortion-related activities in their programmes. The ‘Mexico City policy’ as it came to be called had very serious consequences for IPPF. We did not promote abortion in our programmes and it was part of our stated policy that “abortion is not a method of family planning”.

But there was a chink in our argument, that we were totally clean, as far as the US new funding conditionality was concerned. This was that the Indian family planning association, one of our leading members, had taken on board, and offered as one of its clinical services, the medical termination of pregnancy. There were some others too who offered MR – menstrual regulation – a neat euphemism for perhaps a case of early pregnancy. As far as IPPF was concerned that caused no problem internally within the federation as each member association could conduct its activities in accordance with the laws of the country. If it was legal in India, it was okay for the FPA to do it.

The IPPF had much to lose by not accepting the US conditionality, actually, around 20 percent of our annual grant income. We fought the issue at Mexico City where I was part of the strong IPPF delegation to the global conference. We took it to Washington” – to USAID – who would have to implement the policy. But we could not turn it around. The Mexico City policy on abortion was coming right from the top; from the White House itself, and was part of President Reagan’s appeasement of the conservative far right of American society. The highly influential `right to life’ lobby had won the day for the time being.

We had a great deal of redesigning and restructuring to do back home in London. We needed to cut back on overheads –number of staff, facilities at headquarters – and most critically reduce expenditure of vital programmes in the field. While that reduced expenditure appreciably we had to devise imaginative ways of fundraising to replace the US$ 20 million or so cut through the withdrawal of the US grant. This was quite an agenda for the first year of a ‘new boy’ in the hot seat of the organisation. It was totally unexpected but it gave a sharper edge to my work which was highly stimulating.

I think we did not come out too badly after all. The shock of lower levels of funding from the centre galvanised the member associations into becoming more active in terms of self-financing projects. Fees for services replaced the older free give-aways. In London, in addition to the token cutting of extras — like the venerable, mobile coffee-lady service – there was extensive retrenchment. It was heart-breaking to lose, to early retirement, some wonderfully dedicated 16 men and women who had been with the organisation almost from its beginning. The fund-raising or resource mobilisation as we called it, gave us tolerable returns. A host of large private charitable foundations in the US, like Rockefeller, Ford and Carnegie came forward with generous support.

17 It was as if their sponsors wished to apologise for the miserly behaviour of the US administration. The spread of support was infectious. The Hewlett Foundation” from California chipped in with US$ 200,000 for a wide-ranging management review and restructuring exercise. (We hired Coopers Lybrand management consultants and they worked with us for a year to help in creating an effective headquarters structure.) In November 1985 the United Nations recognised us by awarding IPPF the UN Award for its services to alleviating the population problems of the world.

The second of the major issues which engaged the entirety of the federation was the transition of our mandate from Family Planning (FP) to Reproductive Health (RH). The conceptual difference in the two terms was clear. For one thing FP was conceived in relation to the family – the couple, and to many, the married couple – that which God had put together, etc. RH was much broader, it was for all individuals; so it could include teenagers and their sexuality, the unmarried, who may have partners – not wives, even, same-sex relationships and who knows, the sexual needs of the elderly. RH reflected the growing need for services relevant to and in line with the trends and current lifestyles, especially in the Anglo-European world. It became clear to me that it would not be easy to move the entire federation, which encompassed many diverse views, to accept the change of emphasis to RH as a matter of common policy. And it certainly was not and took a great deal of effort, particularly by the staff to bring it finally on board.

I was fascinated, at the Cairo ‘Population and Development’ Conference in 1994 – the next in the decennial population conferences after Mexico City, to hear the old arguments re-emerge in the furious debates within and outside the Hall. The US and the Vatican were out in front as usual resisting change. I led the Sri Lanka delegation to the meeting and could afford to sit back and watch the fun.

The International NGO Work Environment

The informal, but effective work environment at IPPF was again something I had to get used to quickly. While an ‘office’ in Sri Lanka as in other Asia countries is a formal place — with regard to both ‘dress’ and ‘behaviour’, the in the West was for these to become increasingly more informal. Coming from an Asian background where the head of an institution is treated with some special respect, and usually addressed as ‘Sir’, it needed some getting used to, to be looked at more as an equal in office. All staff from. my deputy to the young receptionist would refer to me as Brad. Mostly everybody in the office was on first-name basis. you took your place in the queue. In the cafeteria you sat where you pleased. I would often find myself sitting at the same table with the head of a division, a personal secretary, and the guy who registered the mail.

It was all very egalitarian, very health-conscious and smoking was absolutely a taboo inside the building, and very flexible. At meetings, although as S G you sat at the head of the table (and in many cases the tables were round so the problem did not arise), colleagues around you would be always intervening, some with more courtesy than others. There were unspoken rules for intervention unlike in Sri Lanka where a discussion is replete with interruption. One finger raised was to ask the chair permission for a two-minute intervention. A whole hand raised meant permission for five.

In the new office milieu that I had entered I had considerable support both formally and informally, from three other, long-serving Sri Lankan staff members. They were Vernon Aluvihare, Assistant Secretary-General, whom I had known from university days in Colombo; Dr Pramila Senanayake, director of the medical department and Francis Petersz, a civil service colleague, who was now regional director of the South-Asian region, based at London. The Sri Lankans had been making a large contribution to IPPF and after I too came in we needed to be careful in not having too much open association with each other lest we be termed, as occasionally we were, the Sri Lankan Mafia.

The London staff of around 200 were very varied in nationality. It was usual to find at the same meeting South Americans, Africans, Chinese, North Americans, Arabs and Europeans. One of the things I picked up and found very useful today, since all would speak in English, would be the differing intonations and accents. I learnt to recognise signals through body language. I guess the others too had a similar learning experience with my accent and body behaviour.

One of the early management tasks was to find a new location for headquarters. The organisation had been enjoying a long-term lease from the Crown since its inception in 1952, in Lower Regent Street, a few yards from Piccadilly Circus. It was at the very hub of the city and very convenient for everybody. Particularly so for the staff, as the Ceylon Tea Centre was located next door. However, the Crown agents who owned the property were demanding it back, for renovation and reletting at a much higher rental. So, I soon had to look for another suitable location.

We found the ideal place in the middle of Regents Park. It was a somewhat run-down set of buildings which had housed, up to a few years earlier, the female students of London University. It had been taken over on lease by an American university to be used as the European extension of their campus. I managed to get a sub-lease of a part of the premises and moved in early 1985 on a twenty-year lease at very favourable terms.

My personal room overlooked the Queen Mary’s rose garden and afforded a joyful view in summer when the roses were in full bloom. Damayanthi found for us a very smartly furnished apartment in St Johns Wood within walking distance of the office and right in front of the Lords cricket grounds. Esala had got into the London School of Economics as planned, and was studying for a MSc in ‘Social Planning for Developing Countries’. Life could not have been more fulfilling.

Friends in High Places

As executive head of IPPF I had to interact with the leaders of countries in which we did programmes. One of the rather unusual interactions was with the Duke of Edinburgh, Prince Philip, right here in London. It was not common knowledge that the prince had a deep interest in population issues and especially the interrelation between population and the environment.

One day in November 1987, Angela Davies” my superbly efficient secretary brought in this letter.

Buckingham Palace

20th November, 1987

The Duke of Edinburgh is very pleased to invite you to a dinner party here at Buckingham Palace on Monday, 7th December.

The subject is to be ‘Natural Economics’ and you are asked to come to the Grand Entrance of Buckingham Palace at 1930 hrs. Dress will be black tie and the evening should end about 2215 hrs.

I look forward to seeing you then, and enclosed herewith is a list of the guests for your information.

One of those on the guest list was Bob Geldof, the popular singer, who had become an ardent advocate of more family planning work in Sub-Saharan Africa, having seen the effects of the terrible drought and famine in the Sahel that year.

The invitation from Prince Philip was unexpected. We felt that it would be a plus point if we could get royalty in Britain behind our movement. So I accepted. The evening turned out to be quite eventful. It started off by missing my own driver and using a London cab to take me to the Palace. When I told the driver my destination he looked as if he did not believe me. Yet he drove me in through the gates of the Palace.

The Prince was a marvellous host. It was a small dinner with about 12 invitees. Geldof was not there. Prince Philip had done his homework and introduced me to the others, explaining how I had come by my unusual name and as the Sri Lankan who had served several prime ministers. The dinner proceeded in a carefully structured manner. There were some Palace rules which were seriously observed. ‘Natural economics’, the topic of the day, would be taken up only after coffee. Over dinner, until the fish course was done, you would talk to the guest on your left. With the meat, you turned to the guest on your right. It was a practical way of making certain that all were kept involved. Conversation after coffee and the wine was expansive with lots of questions addressed to me. I enjoyed the evening and decided to keep in touch. As the following

letter shows:

Balmoral Castle

17 August 1988

Thank you very much for sending me the copy of the IPPF Annual Report. I am delighted that the theme is ‘population and the environment’. It seems to me that the environmental consequences of a growing population reinforces the argument for population control. I take every opportunity that comes my way to emphasise that the conservation of nature cannot succeed if the human population continues to grow.

I am sure you realise that your address at St George’s 20 made a deep impression and I hope the word will now spread more widely in the churches.

Keep up the good work, and I hope the visiting cricket team from Sri Lanka will do well.

Philip

(To be continued)

Excerpted from Rendering unto Caesar, autobiography of Bradman Weerakoon)  ✍️



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Rebuilding Sri Lanka: 78 Years of Independence and 78 Modules of Reform

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President Anura Kumara Dissanayke delivering Independence Day speech last Wednesday in Colombo

“The main theme of this year’s Independence Day is “Rebuilding Sri Lanka,” so spoke President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka as he ceremonially commemorated the island’s 78th independence anniversary. That was also President AKD’s second independence anniversary as President. Rebuilding implies that there was already something built. It is not that the NPP government is starting a new building on a vacant land, or whatever that was built earlier should all be destroyed and discarded.

Indeed, making a swift departure from NPP’s usual habit of denouncing Sri Lanka’s entire post independence history as useless, President AKD conceded that “over the 78 years since independence, we have experienced victories and defeats, successes and failures. We will not hesitate to discard what is harmful, nor will we fear embracing what is good. Therefore, I believe that the responsibility of rebuilding Sri Lanka upon the valuable foundations of the past lies with all of us.”

Within the main theme of rebuilding, the President touched on a number of sub-themes. First among them is the he development of the economy predicated on the country’s natural resources and its human resources. Crucial to economic development is the leveraging of our human resource to be internationally competitive, and to be one that prioritises “knowledge over ignorance, progress over outdated prejudices and unity over division.” Educational reform becomes key in this context and the President reiterated his and his government’s intention to “initiate the most transformative era in our education sector.”

He touched on his pet theme of fighting racism and extremism, and insisted that the government “will not allow division, racism, or extremism and that national unity will be established as the foremost strength in rebuilding Sri Lanka.” He laid emphasis on enabling equality before the law and ensuring the supremacy of the law, which are both necessary and remarkable given the skepticism that is still out there among pundits

Special mention was given to the Central Highlands that have become the site of repeated devastations caused by heavy rainfall, worse than poor drainage and inappropriate construction. Rebuilding in the wake of cyclone Ditwah takes a special meaning for physical development. Nowhere is this more critical than the hill slopes of the Central Highlands. The President touched on all the right buttons and called for environmentally sustainable construction to become “a central responsibility in the ‘Rebuilding Sri Lanka’ initiative.”. Recognizing “strong international cooperation is essential” for the rebuilding initiative, the President stated that his government’s goal is to “establish international relations that strengthen the security of our homeland, enhance the lives of our people and bring recognition to our country on a new level.”

The President also permitted himself some economic plaudits, listing his government’s achievements in 2025, its first year in office. To wit, “the lowest budget deficit since 1977, record-high government revenue after 2006, the largest current account balances in Sri Lanka’s history, the highest tax revenue collected by the Department of Inland Revenue and the sustained maintenance of bank interest rates at a long-term target, demonstrating remarkable economic stability.” He was also careful enough to note that “an economy’s success is not measured by data alone.”

Remember the old Brazilian quip that “the economy is doing well but not the people.” President AKD spoke to the importance of converting “the gains at the top levels of the economy … into improved living standards for every citizen,” and projected “the vision for a renewed Sri Lanka … where the benefits of economic growth flow to all people, creating a nation in which prosperity is shared equitably and inclusively.”

Rhetoric, Reform and Reality

For political rhetoric with more than a touch of authenticity, President AKD has no rival among the current political contenders and prospects. There were pundits and even academics who considered Mahinda Rajapaksa to be the first authentic leadership manifestation of Sinhala nationalism after independence, and that he was the first to repair the rupture between the Sri Lankan state and Sinhala nationalism that was apparently caused by JR Jayewardene and his agreement with India to end the constitutional crisis in Sri Lanka.

To be cynical, the NPP or AKD were not the first to claim that everything before them had been failures and betrayals. And it is not at all cynical to say that the 20-year Rajapaksa era was one in which the politics of Sinhala nationalism objectively served the interests of family bandyism, facilitated corruption, and enabled environmentally and economically unsustainable infrastructure development. The more positive question, however, is to ask the same pundits and academics – how they would view the political authenticity of the current President and the NPP government. Especially in terms of rejecting chauvinism and bigotry and rejuvenating national inclusiveness, eschewing corruption and enabling good governance, and ensuring environmental stewardship and not environmental slaughter.

The challenge to the NPP government is not about that it is different from and better than the Rajapaksa regime, or than any other government this century for that matter. The global, regional and local contexts are vastly different to make any meaningful comparison to the governments of the 20th century. Even the linkages to the JVP of the 1970s and 1980s are becoming tenuous if not increasingly irrelevant in the current context and circumstances. So, the NPP’s real challenge is not about demonstrating that it is something better than anything in the past, but to provide its own road map for governing, indicating milestones that are to be achieved and demonstrating the real steps of progress that the government is making towards each milestone.

There are plenty of critics and commentators who will not miss a beat in picking on the government. Yet there is no oppositional resonance to all the criticisms that are levelled against the government. The reason is not only the political inability of the opposition parties to take a position of advantage against the government on any issue where the government is seen to be vulnerable. The real reason could be that the criticisms against the government are not resonating with the people at large. The general attitude among the people is one of relief that this government is not as corrupt as any government could be and that it is not focused on helping family and friends as past governments have been doing.

While this is a good situation for any government to be in, there is also the risk of the NPP becoming too complacent for its good. The good old Mao’s Red Book quote that “complacency is the enemy of study,” could be extended to be read as the enemy of electoral success as well. In addition, political favouritism can be easily transitioned from the sphere of family and friends to the sphere of party cadres and members. The public will not notice the difference but will only lose its tolerance when stuff hits the fan and the smell becomes odious. It matters little whether the stuff and the smell emanate from family and friends, on the one hand, or party members on the other.

It is also important to keep the party bureaucracy and the government bureaucracy separate. Sri Lanka’s government bureaucracy is as old as modern Sri Lanka. No party bureaucracy can ever supplant it the way it is done in polities where one-party rule is the norm. A prudent approach in Sri Lanka would be for the party bureaucracy to keep its members in check and not let them throw their weight around in government offices. The government bureaucracy in Sri Lanka has many and severe problems but it is not totally dysfunctional as it often made out to be. Making government efficient is important but that should be achieved through internal processes and not by political party hacks.

Besides counterposing rhetoric and reality, the NPP government is also awash in a spate of reforms of its own making. The President spoke of economic reform, educational reform and sustainable development reform. There is also the elephant-in-the-room sized electricity reform. Independence day editorials have alluded to other reforms involving the constitution and the electoral processes. Even broad sociopolitical reforms are seen as needed to engender fundamental attitudinal changes among the people regarding involving both the lofty civic duties and responsibilities, as well as the day to day road habits and showing respect to women and children using public transport.

Education is fundamental to all of this, but I am not suggesting another new module or website linkages for that. Of course, the government has not created 78 reform modules as I say tongue-in-cheek in the title, but there are close to half of them, by my count, in the education reform proposals. The government has its work cut out in furthering its education reform proposals amidst all the criticisms ranged against them. In a different way, it has also to deal with trade union inertia that is stymieing reform efforts in the electricity sector. The government needs to demonstrate that it can not only answer its critics, but also keep its reform proposals positively moving ahead. After 78 years, it should not be too difficult to harness and harmonize – political rhetoric, reform proposals, and the realities of the people.

by Rajan Philips

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Our diplomatic missions success in bringing Ditwah relief while crocodiles gather in Colombo hotels

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The Sunday newspapers are instructive: a lead story carries the excellent work of our Ambassador in Geneva raising humanitarian assistance for Sri Lanka in the aftermath of Ditwah. The release states that our Sri Lankan community has taken the lead in dispatching disaster relief items along with financial assistance to the Rebuilding Sri Lanka fund from individual donors as well as members of various community organizations.

The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies In Geneva had initially launched an appeal for Swiss francs CHF 5 million and the revised appeal has been tripled to CHF 14 million to provide life saving assistance and long term resilience building for nearly 600,000 of the most vulnerable individuals; the UN office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs has contributed US$4.5 million; the WHO has channeled US$175,000; In addition, our mission is working closely with other UN and International organizations in Geneva for technical support to improve disaster preparedness capacity in the long term in Sri Lanka such as through enhanced forecasting to mitigate risks and strengthen disaster preparedness capacities.

In stark contrast it is ironic to see in the same newspaper, a press release from a leading think tank in Colombo giving prominence to their hosting a seminar in a five star hotel to promote the extraction of Sri Lanka’s critical minerals to foreign companies under the guise of “international partners”. Those countries participating in this so called International Study Group are Australia, India, Japan and the US, all members of a regional defence pact that sees China as its main adversary. Is it wise for Sri Lanka to be drawn into such controversial regional arrangements?

This initiative is calling for exploitation of Sri Lanka’s graphite, mineral sands, apatite, quartiz, mica and rare earth elements and urging the Government to introduce investor friendly approval mechanisms to address licencing delays and establish speedy timelines. Why no mention here of the mandatory Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) or traditional public consultations even though such extraction will probably take place in areas like Mannar with its mainly vulnerable coastal areas? Is it not likely that such mining projects will renew commotion among poor mainly minority communities already badly affected by Ditwah?

It would be indeed pertinent to find out whether the think tank leading this initiative is doing so with its own funds or whether this initiative is being driven by foreign government funds spent on behalf of their multinational companies? Underlying this initiative is the misguided thinking defying all international scientific assessments and quoting President Trump that there is no global climate crisis and hence environmental safeguards need not be applied. Sri Lanka which has experienced both the tsunami and cyclone Ditwah is in the eye of the storm and has been long classified as one of the most vulnerable of islands likely to be effected in terms of natural disasters created by climate change.

Sri Lanka’s mining industry has so far been in local hands and therefore it has been done under some due process protecting both local workers involved in handling hazardous materials and with some revenue coming to the government. What is now being proposed for Sri Lanka is something in the same spirit as President Donald Trump visualized for redeveloping Gaza as a Riviera without taking into consultation the wishes of the people in that land and devoid of any consideration for local customs and traditions. Pity our beautiful land in the hands of these foreigners who only want to exploit our treasure for their own profit and leave behind a desolate landscape with desperate people.

by Dr Sarala Fernando

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The Architect of Minds – An Exclusive Interview with Professor Elsie Kothelawala on the Legacy of Professor J. E. Jayasuriya

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Professor J. E. Jayasuriya

This year marks a significant milestone as we commemorate the 35th death anniversary of a titan in the field of education, Professor J. E. Jayasuriya. While his name is etched onto the covers of countless textbooks and cited in every major policy document in Sri Lanka, the man behind the name remains a mystery to many. To honour his legacy, we are joined today for a special commemorative interview. This is a slightly expanded version of the interview with Professor Elsie Kothelawala. As a former student who rose to become a close professional colleague, she offers a rare, personal glimpse into his life during his most influential years at the University of Peradeniya.

Dr. S. N. Jayasinghe – Professor Kothelawala, to begin our tribute, could you tell us about the early years of Professor J. E. Jayasuriya? Where did his journey start?

Prof. Elsie Kothelawala – He was born on February 14, 1918, in Ahangama. His primary education actually began at Nawalapitiya Anuruddha Vidyalaya. He then moved to Dharmasoka College in Ambalangoda and eventually transitioned to Wesley College in Colombo. He was a brilliant student, in 1933, he came third in the British Empire at the Cambridge Senior Examination. This earned him a scholarship to University College, Colombo, where he graduated in 1939 with a First-Class degree in Mathematics.

Q: – His professional rise was meteoric. Could you trace his work life from school leadership into high academia?

A: – It was a blend of school leadership and pioneering academia. At just 22, he was the first principal of Dharmapala Vidyalaya, Pannipitiya. He later served as Deputy Principal of Sri Sumangala College, Panadura.

A turning point came when Dr. C.W.W. Kannangara invited him to lead the new central school in the Minister’s own electorate, Matugama Central College. Later, he served as Principal of Wadduwa Central College. In 1947, he traveled to London for advanced studies at the Institute of Education, University of London. There, he earned a Post Graduate Diploma in Education and a Master of Arts in Education. Upon returning, he became a lecturer in mathematics at the Government Teachers’ Training College in Maharagama. He joined the University of Ceylon’s Faculty of Education as a lecturer in 1952 and later, in 1957, he advanced to the role of Professor of Education. Professor J. E. Jayasuriya was the first Sri Lankan to hold the position of Professor of Education and lead the Department of Education at the University of Ceylon.

The commencement of this department was a result of a proposal from the Special Committee of Education in 1943, commonly known as the Kannangara Committee.

Q: – We know he left the university in 1971. Can you tell us about his work for the United Nations and UNESCO?

A: – That was a massive chapter in his life. After retiring from Peradeniya, he went global. He moved to Bangkok to serve as the Regional Advisor on Population Education for UNESCO. He spent five years traveling across Asia, to countries like Pakistan, the Philippines, Indonesia, and Malaysia, helping them build their educational frameworks from the ground up.

Even after that, his relationship with the United Nations continued. He returned to Sri Lanka and served as a United Nations Advisor to the Ministry of Education for two years. He was essentially a global consultant, bringing the lessons he learned in Sri Lanka to the rest of the world.

Q: – How did you personally come to know him, and what was the nature of your professional relationship?

A: – I first encountered him at Peradeniya during my Diploma in Education and later my MA. He personally taught me Psychology, and I completed my postgraduate studies under his direct supervision. He was notoriously strict, but it was a strictness born out of respect for the subject. The tutorials were the highlight. Every day, he would select one student’s answer and read it to the class. It kept us on our toes! He relied heavily on references, and his guidance was always “on point.” After my MA, he encouraged me to apply for a vacancy in the department. Even as a lecturer, he supervised me, I had to show him my lecture notes before entering a hall.

Q: – He sounds quite imposing! Was there any room for humor in his classroom?

A: – He had a very sharp, dry wit. Back then, there was a fashion where ladies pinned their hair in high, elaborate piles. He once remarked, “Where there is nothing inside, they will pile it all up on the outside.” Needless to say, that hairstyle was never seen in his class again!

Q: – Looking at the 1960s and 70s, what reforms did he promote that were considered innovative for that time?

A: – As Chairman of the National Education Commission (1961), he was a visionary. He promoted the Neighborhood School Concept to end the scramble for prestige schools. He also proposed a Unified National System of education and argued for a flexible school calendar. He believed holidays should vary by region, matching agricultural harvest cycles so rural children wouldn’t have to miss school.

Q: – One of his major contributions was in “Intelligence Testing.” How did he change that field?

A: – He felt Western IQ tests were culturally biased. He developed the National Education Society Intelligence Test, the first standardized test in national languages, and adapted the Raven’s Non-Verbal Test for Sri Lankan children. He wanted to measure raw potential fairly, regardless of a child’s social or linguistic background.

Q: – How would you describe his specific contribution to the transition to national languages in schools?

A: – He didn’t just support the change, he made it possible. When English was replaced as the medium of instruction, there was a desperate lack of materials. He authored 12 simplified Mathematics textbooks in Sinhala, including the Veeja Ganithaya (Algebra) and Seegra Jyamithiya (Geometry) series. He ensured that “language” would no longer be a barrier to “logic.”

Q: – After his work with the UN and UNESCO, why did he become known as the “Father of Population Education”?

A: – While in Bangkok, he developed the conceptual framework for Population Education for the entire Asian region. He helped dozens of countries integrate population dynamics into their school curricula. He saw that education wasn’t just about reading and writing, it was about understanding the social and demographic realities of one’s country.

Q: – Madam, can you recall how Professor Jayasuriya’s legacy was honoured?

A: – Professor Jayasuriya was truly a unique personality. He was actually one of the first Asians to be elected as a Chartered Psychologist in the U.K., and his lectures on educational psychology and statistics were incredibly popular. During his time at the University of Ceylon, he held significant leadership roles, serving as the Dean of the Faculty of Arts and even as acting Vice Chancellor. His impact was so profound that the Professor J. E. Jayasuriya Memorial Lecture Theatre at the Faculty of Education in Peradeniya was named in his honor.

Beyond his institutional roles, he received immense recognition for his service, including honorary D. Lit and D. Sc degrees from the University of Colombo and the Open University, respectively. Perhaps his most global contribution was his ‘quality of life’ approach to population education developed for UNESCO in the mid-1970s. As O. J. Sikes of UNFPA noted in the International Encyclopedia on Education, it became the predominant teaching method across Asia and is still considered the fastest-growing approach to the subject worldwide.

Q: – Finally, what is the most profound message from his life that today’s educators and policymakers should carry forward?

A: – The lesson is intellectual integrity. When the government’s 1964 White Paper distorted his 1961 recommendations for political gain, he didn’t stay silent, he wrote Some Issues in Ceylon Education to set the record straight.

He believed education was a birthright, not a competitive filter. Today’s policymakers must learn that education policy should be driven by pedagogical evidence, not political expediency. As our conversation came to a close, Professor Elsie Kothelawala sat back, a reflective smile on her face. It became clear that while Professor J. E. Jayasuriya was a man of rigid logic, and uncompromising discipline, his ultimate goal was deeply human, the upliftment of every Sri Lankan child.

Thirty-five years after his passing, his presence is still felt, not just in the archives of UNESCO or the halls of Peradeniya, but in the very structure of our classrooms. He was a pioneer who taught us that education is the most powerful tool for social mobility, provided it is handled with honesty. As we commemorate this 35th memorial, perhaps the best way to honor his legacy is not just by remembering his name, but by reclaiming his courage, the courage to put the needs of the student above the convenience of the system.

Professor Jayasuriya’s life reminds us that a true educator’s work is never finished, it lives on in the teachers he trained, the policies he shaped, and the national intellect he helped ignite.

by the Secretary J.E.Jayasuriya Memorial Foundation : Dr S.N Jayasinghe

 

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