Opinion
Has AKD lost the plot?

The election of the JVP/NPP leader as the executive president of Sri Lanka was no doubt momentous, perhaps, second only to the election of Ranasinghe Premadasa to the same coveted position. Though it was the first time the ‘caste barrier’ was broken, unfortunately, instead of hailing this social revolution Premadasa had other ideas; he attempted to rewrite history by attempting to change his heritage thus missing a great opportunity to show that Sri Lanka indeed was a country of equality and opportunity! AKD shares with Premadasa the same great achievement of reaching the top from very humble beginnings. In addition, AKD is the only leader of the country to be elected from a party with a ‘terrorist’ heritage and many were hopeful that this would not be a baggage. As recent events have shown, it looks as if he is not able to shed that baggage. It is said that a leopard cannot change its spots! This is past repeating itself, as well illustrated by the actions of our first executive president JRJ; he was a manoeuvrer who could not stop doing so, even when he reached the top, which no doubt contributed to his downfall!
AKD started well, just like all his predecessors have done, but wheels seem to be coming off the wagon pretty soon! He continues to behave like an opposition politician continuing with attacks on his opponents, past and present, instead of concentrating on statecraft, to take action to alleviate the suffering of the masses burdened with severe economic hardships and chart a course for future prosperity. Perhaps, this may at least be partly due to his having to face election after election but this should not be an excuse. Prior to the presidential election he portrayed that he was surrounded by groups of experts, of all modalities, who were ready with policies for rapid implementation but these experts seem to have disappeared into thin air! Only experts in economics seem to be from the much-maligned IMF. The message from the voters seems to be falling on deaf ears as shown by absurd explanations given for the erosion of the vote at the last local government elections.
He seems to be a one-man band which, worryingly, dashes hope for the long-promised abolition of the presidency. He would be totally ineffective without the executive powers of the presidency. This seems yet another addition to his unfulfilled promises. He is apparently being supported by a group of amateurs! Prior to elections there was much hype about the PM, a respected academic, who seems to have been pushed to the background. She does not seem to be functioning efficiently even as the minister of education. Ragging continues in universities resulting in suicides. Even worse was the suicide of a student sexually molested by a teacher, humiliated by a friend of the accused teacher, a private tutor who contested on the NPP ticket. The initial punishment for the teacher, till public protests erupted, was a transfer to a distant school. To make a terrible situation even worse was the action of the minister tasked with ensuring the safety of women and children. She claimed that the parents had not met her and handed over a petition.
This lack of leadership is replicated by the President himself. AKD’s mantra during the parliamentary election campaign was cleansing of Diyawannawa but no sooner had the guardian of the house been elected than his doctorate from a private Japanese university was questioned. After much hesitation, the speaker resigned, claiming that he would prove his academic qualifications. He has not done so and he is still an ‘honourable’ MP! Another MP, a female lawyer had the audacity to state that under the NPP government anyone was free to lie and admitted that she had lied about billions of dollars airlifted to Uganda by the Rajapaksas! AKD has taken no action against these MPs.
AKD also had an exposition of the Sacred Tooth Relic to be held in the run-up to the recent local elections. It did not pay dividends may be because the arrangements were in shambles. He visited Vietnam to deliver a lecture for the International Vesak Day but apparently did not find time to pay homage to the Buddha’s sacred relics on display a short distance away from the conference hall. He did find time to lay a wreath at the memorial of the war dead and flew back on a private jet so that he could vote in the LG elections! Another promise broken but it is claimed that a Buddhist society had paid for the private jet!
AKD’s actions regarding the ceremony to remember and honour war heroes clearly shows that he has completely lost the plot. To the shock and horror of all patriotic Sri Lankans, an announcement was made a couple of days ago by the secretary of defence that the ceremony would be presided over by the deputy minister of defence! In short, the commander of the forces is too busy or too reluctant to attend the remembrance of those who sacrificed their lives for the integrity of the country. I doubt it has happened in any country! If he was of the opinion that this event was superfluous or that it hampered reconciliation, he should have had the guts to issue a statement to that effect. Coming from a ‘terrorist’ heritage, the JVP may be having a soft corner for the terrorists killed by the armed forces and may have thought it was hypocritical for him to attend!
As the public outcry could not be patched over, he decided not only to attend the ceremony but also visit the disabled and allow them to take selfies. It is a shame that AKD seems to have developed selective amnesia for his past statements. During the time Rajapaksas were leading the campaign to eradicate the Tigers, AKD was a strong supporter and at times claimed that he told them what to do! What has brought about this change? Was it the backing from the pro-LTTE groups in other countries?
To add insult to injury, during his speech he alluded that the ‘war’ had been fought for political gains. Though it may have produced political gains, doesn’t he realise that it was fought, at a tremendous cost, to defeat terrorism for the purpose of continuing the integrity of the country? He and his acolytes are spreading the canard that this is different as we did not fight a foreign country. Had the Tigers succeeded, we may well be fighting a different country in our little island! His virtual equation of dead terrorists to our fallen heroes added further insult.
Unfortunately, we seem an ungrateful country insulting our fallen war heroes and allowing hypocritical Western nations insulting our living heroes.
by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
Opinion
Raiding wild elephants and barking village dogs – I

The ‘Lanka Leader’ Sinhala language YouTube channel of May 27, 2025 published a news item under a headline which may be translated as follows:
“Public umbrage at General Daya Ratnayake for insulting the Mahanayake Theras”
According to the YouTube channel, the retired Army Commander General Daya Ratnayake participated in a religious programme conducted by a somewhat controversial, maverick Catholic preacher known as Brother Charles Thomas at the Padeniya Purana Raja Maha Viharaya on May 17, 2025. The Lanka Leader reported that members of the general public expressed displeasure at what the former Commander of the Army happened to say while speaking on the said occasion. Many of its readers, the Lanka Leader claimed, had also taken exception to General Ratnayake’s alleged comment, which was deemed insulting to the Mahanayake Theras. But, isn’t it the truth that, by making the observation in question, this upright patriotic war hero was, in reality, belling the cat? That is my opinion, for what it is worth.
Incidentally, the Padeniya Purana Rajamaha Viharaya, the strategic venue chosen for Charles Thomas’s controversial act, is among the most ancient Buddhist Viharas of that type. Rajamaha Viharayas are large complexes of buildings containing monastic residences plus places of worship, places of learning for bhikkhus and preaching halls where the laity assemble for listening to bana sermons and for other Buddhist practices. They are akin to Christian cathedrals and grand mosques in Islam.
Rajamaha Viharayas are therefore of great historic, religious and symbolic significance for Sinhalese Buddhists. The currently disputed Tissa Rajamaha Viharaya in Kankesanthurai near Jaffna was originally built by King Devanampiya Tissa in the 3rd century BCE; during his reign Buddhism was introduced to this country by Arhant Mahinda Thera. The king built this Viharaya to mark the place in Jambukola (Chapter XIX of Mahavamsa) or Jaffna today, where Arhant Mahinda’s sister Sangamitta Theri landed with the Bodhi Sapling from the Bodhi Tree at Gaya under which Siddhartha Gautama attained Enlightenment.
The origin of Padeniya Purana Rajamaha Viharaya also goes back to the same epoch in the early Anuradhapura period of Lankan history (377 BCE-1017 CE). It has survived well over 20 centuries of alternating glory, destruction and reconstruction. What remains today is as it was reconstructed by Meegastenne Adikaram during the reign of King Kirti Sri Rajasinghe (1747-1782 CE); it was under the sponsorship of that monarch that the rite of upasampada or higher ordination (which had disappeared earlier due to the depredations caused by Portuguese invaders) was re-introduced by Upali Thera, who was brought from Siam (Thailand) in 1753.
A simple ceremony was planned in 2023 to mark the 270th anniversary of the arrival of Upali Thera from Siam/Thailand in 1753 with the participation of some Thai monks to be held at the specific place in Trincomalee where Upali Thera landed with his companions. But this was more or less scuttled under the government of president Ranil Wickremasinghe for reasons easy to guess. That was an instance of the genocidal cultural asphyxiation of the Buddha Sasanaya that started during the Yaha[palanaya of 2015-19 period. Regrettably, the Mahanayakes failed to take notice and denounce it. The Padeniya Purana Rajamaha Viharaya belongs to the same Siyam Nikaya (monastic order) established by the Siamese Upali Thera under royal patronage and comes under the control of the present Mahanayake Thera of its Malwatte Chapter.
After this necessary digression, let’s get back to our topic. Charles Thomas has been often accused of engaging in appealingly disguised unethical proselytism on the pretext of promoting interfaith goodwill between Christians/Catholics and Buddhists. Ven Katumuluwe Sumanaratana Thera, who is the chief incumbent of this historic Rajamaha Viharaya located in the Kurunegala District is also the Adhikarana (Judicial) Sangha Nayake of the Devamedi Hatpattuwa under the Siyam Maha Nikaya.
He reportedly invited Charles Thomas to the Viharaya and provided facilities for him to stage his popular Sihinaya (Dream) programme, and organised the controversial event despite the Most Venerable Mahanayake Thera of the Malwatte Chapter of the Siyam Nikaya in Kandy having earlier (actually more than a month before) issued him a formal letter restraining him from holding the disputed programme. (All the information about Charles Thomas’s programme included in this essay, I have derived from various social media sources including the Lanka Leader YouTube channel already mentioned.)
I checked out three other Sri Lankan social media websites that use English as their medium about this particular episode involving Charles Thomas. All three seemed sympathetic towards Charles Thomas unlike the Sinhala language Lanka Leader (mentioned above) which covered the news without any bias towards or against any party or person. The first of the three English language YouTube channels, THE LEADER (May 17, 2025), reported: “The government has ordered a halt to a programme by Fr. Charles Thomas scheduled for today (17) at Padeniya Purana Vihara … The Deputy Minister of Buddha Sasana and Religious Affairs issued a directive to the assistant commissioner general of Buddhist affairs (sic) ….”
The second website of the same description that I checked out was ‘Sri Lanka Mirror’ (May 17, 2025), which reported: ‘The Ministry of Buddhasasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs has issued a letter over a program organized by Br. Charles Thomas … The letter notes that the Deputy Minister has taken steps to cancel the program following complaints from various parties, citing strong displeasure expressed by the local Buddhist community.”
The last English language YouTube channel I visited was Colombo Post (May 20, 2025), which describes the chief monk of the Padeniya Purana Viharaya as the ‘Chief Sangha Nayaka of the Devamedi Hathpaththu’. According to its report, ‘the incumbent of the Viharaya Katumuluwe Sumanaratne Thero has been suspended due to the holding of Brother Charles Thomas’s Sihinaya programme at the Padeniya Rajamaha Viharaya.’
These reports left me confused and unconvinced about Charles Thomas’ real designation and his religious mission, as well as about what actually happened or was allowed to happen at the particular Rajamaha Viharaya involving that variously described character. The Sinhala medium Lanka Leader account of the episode, on which I am mainly based for this essay seemed to me to offer the most reliable account. The other three English language YouTube channels might be among the plethora of such ephemeral websites launched at short notice to beef up the current blitzkrieg of subversive disinformation against the unitary Sri Lankan state and its age-old Buddha Sasanaya or the foundational Buddhist religious establishment, which is very tolerant and accommodative towards adherents of non-Buddhist faiths. The two (unitary Sri Lanka and Buddha Sasanaya) are organically connected like a tree and its bark. The one will not survive without the other. The interdependence of unitary Lanka and Buddha Sasanaya is a historical fact, which poses no threat to any other ethnic or religious community.
The civilised world today is facing violent forms of extremist religious totalitarianism of apocalyptic proportions as never before, surreptitiously weaponized by certain hegemonic global superpowers in pursuit of their mutually hostile agendas. In Sri Lanka, Buddhism provides a protective umbrella of humanism and humaneness from that menace for all its diverse ethnicities and religious identities without any discrimination.
What did General Ratnayake say that people found so defamatory of the Mahanayakes? During his speech on the occasion mentioned, presumably as an invited guest, the retired military officer was reported to have said, ‘When wild elephants raid villages, dogs bark; but they eat up the crops unperturbed’. That is as close a literal rendering as I can manage, but it doesn’t convey what the speaker really meant, to people not very familiar with the Sinhala language or with Sri Lankans’, especially Sinhalese Buddhists’ (often tragic) love-hate relationship with elephants in their natural habitat. These elephants raid adjacent human settlements for food. The Sinhala term, ‘Vana Ali’ which I have translated as ‘wild elephants’ is an elephant friendly euphemism meaning ‘forest dwelling elephants’ as distinct from the domesticated ones that are nowadays almost exclusively used for ceremonial purposes.
The celebrated war hero’s clever remark seems to have stirred up a hornets’ nest of angry objections from some well-intentioned but ill-informed individuals who tend to embrace foes as friends through their inexcusable ignorance and naivety, like the Viharadhipati in this case. (But the monk’s apparent audacity in ignoring the Mahanayake Thera’s advice suggests that he could well be enticed by filthy lucre). The intelligent ones in the audience wouldn’t have missed the point that the retired general was trying to make, if they had been listening to him attentively. (Sorry. I am anticipating things here.)
by Rohana R. Wasala ✍️
To be concluded
Opinion
Funding of higher education in Sri Lanka

(A response to Prof. Shamala Kumar’s article, “Public funding of higher education: Seeking private funds to fill the gap?” in The Island of 10 June 2025)
* Acknowledging the Funding Crisis and Equity Gap
Prof. Kumar rightly draws attention to the precipitous decline in state funding for higher education in Sri Lanka from 4.25% of GDP in the 1960s to a mere 1.5% in 2022, and the consequential disparities in revenue-raising capacities, with the University of Colombo generating approximately 20% of its budget independently, while regional universities such as the University of Jaffna and Wayamba University operate with less than 2% (Kumar, 2025). This fiscal contraction worsens structural inequities and hampers the mission of regional institutions. Ashraf et al. (2012) state that the system resource approach to organisational effectiveness highlights that an institution’s ability to secure and use resources is crucial for its success. Without strategic investment and resource redistribution, less-resourced universities will continue to lag behind, perpetuating systemic inequities.
However, in this context, it is important to recognise that looking for alternative revenue sources, like increasing the number of foreign students and forming public-private partnerships, is not just a concession to the market; it is a strategic necessity.
These methods can help universities diversify their funding sources, improve their resilience, and lessen their dependence on decreasing public funds. Also, attracting international students and private investment can provide essential resources for infrastructure, faculty development, and research, which supports the broader mission of higher education (British Council, 2024).
* Institutional Constraints Over Full Marketisation: The Imperative of Governance Reform
The expectation that public universities transition to full self-funding is neither feasible nor equitable in the absence of substantive governance reforms. Sri Lankan universities remain entangled in rigid administrative frameworks, including protracted approvals for signing MOUs with foreign universities, foreign-funded research and Treasury-mandated procurement protocols, which severely restrict strategic autonomy (Kumar, 2025). The process approach to organisational effectiveness highlights the need for efficient internal operations, trust, and communication as key factors for institutional success (Ashraf et al., 2012). Too much bureaucracy weakens these elements, limiting innovation and responsiveness.
To fully realise the benefits of recruiting foreign students and forming public-private partnerships, governance reforms must give universities the power to negotiate, carry out, and manage these initiatives effectively. Without these reforms, even the best strategies might be slowed down by bureaucracy and inefficiency. This would limit their potential impact on institutional growth and equity.
Moreover, governance in higher education is complex. It involves coordination between government agencies, institutional leadership, and internal governance bodies (De Boer et al., 2015). Effective reform must strike a balance between institutional autonomy and transparent accountability mechanisms. Empirical research from Ethiopian public universities indicates that governance principles, including academic freedom, accountability, and transparency, are positively correlated with educational quality (Gebremariam et al., 2020). These findings suggest that enhancing autonomy and leadership capacity is critical to improving institutional performance in Sri Lanka.
* Reforming Quality Assurance in Sri Lankan Higher Education: A Unified Total Quality Management Framework for Public and Private Institutions
The prevailing quality assurance (QA) framework in Sri Lanka’s higher education sector, overseen predominantly by the University Grants Commission (UGC), has been critiqued for its compliance-driven, top-down approach. As Prof. Kumar insightfully notes, this system marginalises internal democratic bodies such as Faculty Boards and Senates, reducing QA to bureaucratic box-ticking exercises that stifle institutional creativity and contextual responsiveness. This model fails to foster a culture of continuous improvement and innovation, which is essential for elevating educational quality in a diverse and evolving landscape.
To overcome these limitations, it is necessary to adopt a Total Quality Management (TQM) approach tailored specifically for higher education (Yusuf, 2023). Unlike traditional compliance models, TQM emphasises continuous improvement, stakeholder engagement, and process optimisation. Frameworks like ISO 21001, which has been designed for educational organisations, highlight learner-centered practices, visionary leadership, and social responsibility, aligning quality management with the dynamic needs of institutions and their communities which also incorporates both Total Quality Management (TQM) principles and compliance requirements.
Institutional Autonomy with Collaborative National Oversight
A reimagined QA system would grant universities, both public and private, the autonomy to implement TQM practices suited to their unique contexts. This autonomy fosters a culture of self- reflection and ongoing quality enhancement, empowering institutions to innovate while remaining accountable. Simultaneously, a national apex body would be established to collaboratively develop quality benchmarks with key stakeholders, including faculty, students, employers, and policymakers. This participatory governance model ensures that quality standards are relevant, transparent, and socially accountable, consistent with the strategic constituency model of organisational effectiveness.
To balance autonomy and accountability, a tiered accreditation system is proposed:
Under such a system, institutions that meet or exceed quality benchmarks would enjoy full autonomy to innovate and refine their quality management without excessive external interference whereas institutions that fall short would remain under a compliance-driven regime, receiving targeted support and oversight until they achieve the required standards (Russell Group, 2014). This, while motivating underperforming institutions to elevate their standards, will free high- performing institutions from being bound by the limitations of low-performing institutions in setting quality benchmarks. Therefore, the proposed graded approach would incentivise excellence while safeguarding minimum quality standards, recognising the diversity of institutional missions and capacities across Sri Lanka’s higher education sector.
* Ensuring a Level Playing Field: Integrating Private Providers
Market distortions often attributed to private-sector education largely stem from the absence of a unified, developmental QA framework. Incorporating private providers into the same TQM-based QA system as public universities ensures equitable quality assurance across the sector. Private institutions adopting TQM principles would align with ISO 21001 standards, embracing learner- centeredness, ethical conduct, and social responsibility.
As indicated before, a national apex body would oversee this unified QA framework, setting transparent benchmarks and monitoring performance across all institutions. The tiered accreditation system applies equally to private providers, fostering a competitive environment driven by quality and innovation rather than price or minimal compliance. This approach addresses concerns regarding misuse of autonomy in the private sector and guarantees equitable access, academic standards, and ethical fundraising practices.
Empirical Evidence and International Best Practices Empirical studies support the effectiveness of Total Quality Management (TQM) in higher education, particularly in improving institutional processes and stakeholder satisfaction. For instance, Gorontalo State University’s adoption of TQM practices has been linked to notable gains in accreditation, governance, research collaboration, and community outreach (Rahman et al., 2018). Globally, organisations such as the OECD encourage coherent national quality assurance systems, where both public and private institutions are subject to clear, development-oriented standards monitored by appropriate national authorities.
Capacity Building and Facilitative Governance
Effective TQM adoption requires capacity building in leadership, quality culture, and data management. The national apex body’s role should be facilitative, providing guidance, disseminating best practices, and supporting professional development, rather than functioning as a rigid regulator. This enables a sector-wide cultural shift from compliance to continuous improvement.
* Beyond Blaming “Neoliberalism”: Emphasising Implementation and Governance Culture
While Prof. Kumar warns that unchecked marketisation can weaken free undergraduate education and increase social inequalities (Kumar, 2025), it is important to understand that how well an organisation performs depends on the design and management of governance and policy, not just on economic ideology (Cameron, 1978; Ashraf et al., 2012).
The focus on internationalisation and industry collaboration should not be dismissed as purely ‘neoliberal.’ Rather, these strategies should be evaluated based on how they can promote the public good. When appropriately regulated, such efforts can enhance graduate employability, foster applied research aligned with national priorities, and enable Sri Lankan universities to participate more actively in global knowledge and technology production (British Council, 2024; Ashraf et al., 2012).
Governance reform must address not only structural autonomy but also the culture of governance. Research in Europe, including the UK, highlights that inclusive and participatory governance cultures, characterised by transparency, engagement, and proactive leadership, are essential for effective institutional management (Bergan and Pinheiro, 2021). These cultural aspects complement formal reforms in promoting institutional agility and innovation. Although operating within a state- controlled system, Tsinghua University has undertaken governance reforms that demonstrate evolving models of internal collaboration among faculty, administrators, and students (Wang and Liu, 2019). This underscores the potential benefits of empowering internal democratic bodies such as Councils, Senates, and Faculty Boards in the Sri Lankan university system.
* Governance as a Catalyst for Collaboration, Research Quality, and Innovation
Effective governance frameworks support collaboration across different fields and promote research excellence. These elements are vital for improving the quality of higher education (Lee et al., 2020). Public-private partnerships can create opportunities for joint research, technology sharing, and ecosystems that lead to innovation, benefiting both schools and businesses.
Universities with solid governance systems create environments that encourage academic freedom and independence. This approach promotes innovation and valuable research results. Therefore, reforming governance is crucial not only for fairness and quality control but also for Sri Lanka’s overall research and innovation goals.
* A Balanced, Action-Oriented Policy Framework.
Conclusions
Prof. Kumar’s critique of growing inequality due to unchecked market forces is relevant and significant. However, completely rejecting private involvement could result in continued resource shortages and hinder innovation. We need a complex and thoughtful approach. This approach should acknowledge the role of internationalisation and cooperation between public and private sectors. These aspects are vital for building institutional strength, generating knowledge, and supporting national progress. By using established models of organisational effectiveness (Cameron, 1978; Ashraf et al., 2012) and research on governance, this approach should combine governance reform, balanced revenue strategies, fair taxation, and a cohesive framework for quality assurance in development. Transitioning to a TQM-based, unified quality assurance system that encompasses both public and private higher education providers, supported by institutional autonomy and a stakeholder-driven national framework, presents a promising path forward for Sri Lanka. This model aligns with international best practices and addresses the current regime’s limitations by fostering innovation, contextual adaptation, and equitable quality enhancement. Ultimately, it creates a level playing field that elevates quality, equity, and innovation across the entire higher education sector. Only through such thorough reforms can Sri Lanka maintain its commitment to free education, promote innovation, and provide equitable, high-quality higher education for all.
References
* Ashraf, G., Abd Kadir, S., & others. (2012). A Review on the Models of Organizational Effectiveness: A Look at Cameron’s Model in Higher Education. International Education Studies, 5(2), 80-87.
* Bergan, S., & Pinheiro, R. (2021). Governance and Institutional Autonomy in Higher Education: The Role of Culture. European Journal of Higher Education, 11(3), 255-270.
* British Council. (2024). Growth of Sri Lanka’s private higher education sector.
* Cameron, K. S. (1978). Measuring Organizational Effectiveness in Institutions of Higher Education. Administrative Science Quarterly, 23(4), 604-632.
* De Boer, H., Enders, J., & Schimank, U. (2015). Higher Education Governance and Institutional Autonomy: A Multi-Level Perspective. Higher Education Policy, 28(3), 293-311.
* Gebremariam, M., et al. (2020). The Impact of Governance Principles on Quality of Education in Ethiopian Public Universities. Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management, 42(3), 234-250.
* Kumar, S. (2025). Public funding of higher education: Seeking private funds to fill the gap? The Island, June 10, 2025.
* Lee, S., et al. (2020). Governance and Research Collaboration in Higher Education. Studies in Higher Education, 45(5), 1021-1037.
* OECD. (2020). Quality Assurance in Higher Education: Trends and Challenges. OECD Publishing.
* Perera, H., & Fernando, R. (2021). Challenges in Quality Assurance Implementation in Sri Lankan Universities. Sri Lankan Journal of Educational Research, 13(1), 45-62.
* Rahman, A., et al. (2018). Implementation of Total Quality Management (TQM) in Efforts to Improve the Quality of Higher Education: Case Study at Gorontalo State University. Journal of Indonesian Community and Public Health, 1(2).
* Russell Group. (2014). Quality Assurance in UK Higher Education: A Tiered System Approach. Russell Group Paper.
* assurance.pdf
* Wang, H., & Liu, J. (2019). Multi-Model Governance Reform at Tsinghua University. Higher Education Policy, 32(4), 567-584.
* Yusuf, F. A. (2023). Total Quality Management (TQM) and Quality of Higher Education: A Meta-Analysis Study. International Journal of Instruction, 16(2), 161-178.
Opinion
Growth imperative:Sri Lanka’s path to prosperity

The World Bank’s latest projections deliver a sobering warning: Sri Lanka’s economy is set to grow at a sluggish 3.5% in 2025, slipping to 3.1% in 2026. For a nation still scarred by the 2022 economic crisis, such anaemic growth threatens prolonged hardship, failing to deliver the jobs, poverty reduction, or stability Sri Lankans need. Meanwhile, India, our regional neighbour, is projected to achieve robust growth of 6.3% to 6.8% over the same period. Sri Lanka must aim to match this momentum, targeting at least 6.5% growth to transform its economic future. This demands a national commitment to faster growth through a dynamic work culture, modernised labour policies, and a skilled, inclusive workforce. The time for half-measures is over—Sri Lanka must act boldly to ignite rapid economic progress.
The Cost of Stagnation
The World Bank’s forecast of 3.5% growth in 2025 and 3.1% in 2026 signals a dangerous trajectory. At this pace, Sri Lanka risks a vicious cycle of economic fragility, with insufficient investment to spur job creation, persistent unemployment, and stagnant wages. Youth unemployment, at 25% in 2024, could worsen, fuelling frustration and social unrest. Rural communities, reliant on agriculture and remittances, face declining incomes, exacerbating inequality and limiting access to healthcare and education. Women, who make up 35% of the workforce, are disproportionately affected, with many trapped in low-paying, informal jobs, perpetuating gender disparities. Small businesses, employing over 45% of the workforce, struggle under high costs and low demand, stifling entrepreneurship.
Macroeconomic challenges compound these issues. Low growth sustains Sri Lanka’s high public debt burden, estimated at 110% of GDP in 2024, limiting fiscal space for social programmes or infrastructure. Without faster growth, the nation remains vulnerable to external shocks, such as commodity price spikes or global recessions, and internal discontent could erode social cohesion. Sri Lanka’s potential—its strategic Indian Ocean location and educated population—will remain untapped unless bold action is taken. Rapid growth is not just an economic goal; it is a social and moral imperative to restore hope and opportunity for all Sri Lankans.
Productivity is the engine of faster growth. Sri Lanka’s workforce, while capable, is hindered by inefficiencies, outdated labour practices, and skill gaps. By focusing on three pillars—cultivating a dynamic work culture, reforming labour policies, and empowering a skilled workforce—Sri Lanka can unlock the productivity needed to break free from stagnation.
Cultivating a Dynamic Work Culture
A vibrant work culture is the foundation of faster growth. In Sri Lanka, inefficiencies persist across sectors. Public sector workers often face low accountability, with absenteeism and lack of performance metrics draining resources. In traditional industries like tea and garments, reliance on low-skill models stifles innovation. To drive rapid growth, Sri Lanka must foster a culture that values efficiency, initiative, and merit.
Leadership must set the example. Government and private sector leaders can launch campaigns like “Proudly Productive Sri Lanka” to promote productivity as a national priority. Spotlighting local heroes—tech entrepreneurs scaling startups, farmers adopting sustainable practices, or public servants streamlining services—can inspire change. Regional programmes, such as productivity workshops in Galle or Jaffna, can engage local communities. Private sector examples, like John Keells Holdings implementing performance-driven cultures, show how incentives can transform workplaces. Small businesses, critical to the economy, can benefit from recognition programmes, such as awards for innovative retailers or artisans, motivating others to improve efficiency.
Schools should teach adaptability, problem-solving, and a strong work ethic, preparing students for a global economy. Incentives, such as merit-based promotions in the public sector or performance bonuses in private firms, can drive effort while ensuring fairness. Rewarding high-performing teachers or healthcare workers could improve service delivery, boosting long-term productivity. By cultivating a work culture rooted in merit and results, Sri Lanka can pave the way for faster growth.
Reforming Labour Policies
Sri Lanka’s labour dynamics often undermine productivity. Trade unions, while vital for protecting worker rights, have historically wielded significant influence, often prioritising short-term gains over long-term economic health. Since the 1970s, union-led strikes have disrupted critical sectors like transport, healthcare, and education, costing Sri Lanka an estimated 1% of GDP in 2023 alone due to lost productivity and investor confidence. Public sector rigidity, including resistance to modernisation, further hampers efficiency. To achieve faster growth, Sri Lanka must reform its labour policies to balance worker protections with economic flexibility.
Collaboration is essential. The government can establish tripartite councils involving unions, businesses, and policymakers to design policies that align worker welfare with economic goals. Creating independent arbitration boards to resolve disputes before strikes escalate would minimise disruptions while respecting workers’ rights. Introducing flexible work arrangements, such as part-time or contract roles in tourism and IT, would attract global firms and create jobs for young Sri Lankans. Simplifying business regulations, such as reducing licensing delays from months to weeks and clarifying tax policies, would create a business-friendly environment, encouraging investment in high-growth sectors like technology and logistics. These Sri Lanka-specific reforms, grounded in local realities, would drive productivity without compromising fairness.
Empowering a Skilled, Inclusive Workforce
Skill shortages are a major barrier to Sri Lanka’s growth, as highlighted by the World Bank. Despite high literacy, many workers lack the technical and digital skills needed for high-value industries. To achieve faster growth, Sri Lanka must invest in human capital, ensuring its workforce is equipped for modern economic demands.
Vocational training programmes, tailored to sectors like IT, renewable energy, and advanced agriculture, are critical. Establishing coding academies in Colombo and Kandy, in partnership with private firms, could prepare thousands for tech jobs. Community training centres with affordable internet can teach digital skills like e-commerce and data analysis, empowering rural and urban workers alike. Special programmes for women, who face barriers in accessing technical training, can increase their participation in high-growth sectors, promoting gender equity. Funding these initiatives through public-private partnerships and international grants ensures scalability.
Retraining workers in traditional sectors is vital to diversify the economy. Garment workers could learn advanced manufacturing techniques, while farmers could adopt precision agriculture to boost yields. To combat brain drain, which sees skilled Sri Lankans leave for better prospects, the government could offer tax incentives for professionals starting businesses, ensuring merit-based opportunities. By building a skilled, inclusive workforce, Sri Lanka can drive the productivity needed for faster growth.
Strengthening the Economic Ecosystem
Faster growth requires a supportive ecosystem. Investing in infrastructure—digital networks, ports, and energy grids—is critical to enhance connectivity and productivity. Expanding 5G and data centres can position Sri Lanka as a hub for IT and business process outsourcing, creating thousands of jobs. Upgrading ports like Trincomalee and modernising rail networks can connect rural economies to urban markets, boosting trade. Solar and wind projects, leveraging Sri Lanka’s natural resources, would ensure reliable energy for high-growth industries while reducing import costs.
A national export strategy, focusing on value-added products like organic spices, high-quality cinnamon, or eco-tourism, can drive growth, as recommended by the Asian Development Bank. Targeting markets in Europe and the Middle East, where demand for sustainable products is rising, could increase foreign exchange earnings. Simplifying trade regulations and offering incentives for high-value sectors would attract investment, reinforcing a business-friendly environment. Transparent governance and merit-based policies in these initiatives promote fairness and build investor confidence.
Overcoming Barriers
Driving faster growth will face challenges. Shifting work culture takes time, and unions may resist labour reforms. Political populism and budget constraints could hinder investments in skills and infrastructure. Public campaigns linking productivity to higher wages and better living standards can build support. Engaging unions through dialogue ensures their concerns are addressed, fostering collaboration. Redirecting inefficient subsidies to education, training, and infrastructure, while seeking international grants, can address funding gaps. Transparent, merit-based implementation will maintain public trust and ensure equitable outcomes.
Seizing the Opportunity
The World Bank’s projections of 3.5% growth in 2025 and 3.1% in 2026 demand urgent action. Sri Lanka cannot afford stagnation. By fostering a dynamic work culture, modernising labour policies, empowering a skilled workforce, and strengthening the economic ecosystem, Sri Lanka can achieve the rapid growth needed to transform its future. This is about building a nation where every Sri Lankan has access to opportunity and prosperity. The 2022 crisis exposed the cost of inaction; the World Bank’s projections underscore the need for bold change. Let us act decisively to forge a prosperous future for generations to come
The writer is Professor of Marketing University of Surrey. Views expressed in this article are personal.
by Professor Chanaka Jayawardhena
Chanaka.j@gmail.com
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