Features
Govt. repression meets national and international opprobrium
By Jehan Perera
The pursuit of those who gave any measure of leadership to the public protest movement that peaked in July continues steadily. The most recent victim has been an award-winning actress who entered the presidential home when it was under occupation by public protestors. She had also been an active speaker at the public protests outside the presidential buildings. The hunting down of those who took part in the protests is an ugly feature of current governance that has evoked both national and international opprobrium. But the crackdown continues not because those in power are irrational but because they are rational in their self-interest. They are able to see the deterrence of future protests as key to their long stay in government. They also want to get back to the business of governing as soon as possible.
The appointment last week of 37 state and deputy ministers by the president will supplement the 21 cabinet ministers already holding office. Notably, many of them stand accused of engaging in corrupt actions and abuse of power. From their perspective, it is a remarkable comeback for them. Just three months ago, the protest movement was at its height, they were driven out of office. The former president was agreeable to an all-party government with no more than 15 ministers and for an interim period until elections were held. The number of ministers under the new dispensation is likely to be more than 60 and the great majority of them will be from the ruling party with the balance being defectors from other parties, making a mockery of an “all party government.”
Indeed, it appears that all major parties are acting in their self-interests, except for those in the protest movement. It is they who got caught up in the emotion of that time caused both by economic hardship and the prospect of quick change. They are now paying the price, one by one, for having thought of the national interest and demanded the ouster of corrupt political leaders and a system change. They made these demands despite the fact that the government held both legal power and military power in their hands. The government, on the other hand, is thinking of its own interest and in keeping its parliamentary majority intact by means of patronage politics. The appointment of the large contingent of ministers by the president is due to self-interested pressure from the ruling party. They include those who resigned from the government during the height of the Aragalaya and the defectors from other political parties breaching their own party discipline who have no moral right to accept ministerial positions.
CRIMINALISING PROTEST
With their continuing majority in parliament it is the ruling party that holds the reins. There have been fissures in their original 2/3 majority, but the breakaway groups have not coalesced into a parliamentary opposition with a majority to defeat the government. There is anticipation of more ministers to be appointed in the near future as many parliamentarians who have not yet been offered such position are aggrieved. Each of them costs a lot of money due to the plethora of privileges, including vehicles, housing and recruitment of personal assistants. This will be a significant drain on the national budget at a time when the government is hard pressed to reduce the budget deficit due to the fall in national income.
In the context of the continuing crackdown on those who participated in the protest movement, there is no visible mass opposition to the government any more. This has created an impression of political stability. The government has been effective in its efforts to quell the public protests. It has done this by using the full force of the law on those who have engaged in it. The main legal weapon in the government arsenal is the Prevention of Terrorism Act, which was brought as a temporary measure in 1979 to use against the burgeoning Tamil insurrection in the North. The government has used it against some of the protest leaders and disregarded both national and international protests by human rights groups and by the UN system itself. The PTA has not defined the meaning of terrorism and the government seems to have added unarmed protests in defining terrorism.
The criminalising of public protest by the government may explain why there is no sign of the protest movement coming to the fore again at this time even though the economic conditions of the masses of people continue to steadily deteriorate. The government’s targeting of protest leaders is likely to deter future public protests by unorganised and spontaneous public groups as occurred six months ago. As many as 4,000 persons connected to those protests and to the acts of violence during those protests are in government custody. This includes a significant number who participated in the protests without engaging in violence.
With those who gave leadership to the protest movement behind bars or out on bail after being charged, there is little possibility of public protests in the future on the scale that drove the previous president out of office and forced the resignation of the former government. The only check on the government at the present time is going to be international pressure. The advance draft statement of the UN Human Rights High Commissioner in Geneva gives an indication of the legal and economic sanctions that are possible. It will be difficult for the government to deflect the international pressure by either citing constitutional restrictions or the need to prioritise the revival of the economy.
INTERNATIONAL
SANCTIONS
The High Commissioner’s statement recommends that the international community should ‘cooperate in investigating and prosecuting perpetrators of international crimes committed by all parties in Sri Lanka through judicial proceedings in national jurisdictions, including under accepted principles of
extraterritorial or universal jurisdiction, through relevant international networks and in cooperation with victims and their representatives; explore further targeted sanctions such as asset freezes and travel bans against those credibly alleged to have perpetrated gross international human rights violations or serious humanitarian law violations, and support Sri Lanka in the investigation of economic crimes that impact on human rights and the tracing and recovery of stolen assets’.
An unexpected development is the possibility of a new resolution to be passed against Sri Lanka at the 51st session of the UN Human Rights Council later this month. The Sri Lanka government delegation to Geneva has been lobbying with African and Asian countries to prevent this resolution from being passed. Their plea is that Sri Lanka needs the understanding and support of the international community, and not its sanctions, if it is to meet the economic challenges that have plunged the majority of people into borderline or real poverty. However, it is reported that the UK and US, along with Germany and Canada, which are the main sponsors of this resolution have a majority of countries lined up to support the passage of the resolution.
The focus of the resolution is to help provide legal and other guidelines to countries that want to exercise universal jurisdiction permissible under their laws and try those against whom there is credible evidence. The draft resolution also recommends action against political leaders and state officials responsible for economic crimes that have adversely impacted on human rights in Sri Lanka. The international strategy appears to be to target key individuals guilty of violations rather than adopt sanctions that will impact negatively on the country as a whole. This can be seen in the US, which is sponsoring the resolution on Sri Lanka in Geneva, also pledging to support the government in negotiations with the IMF and allocating USD 60 million as support to farmers and for other welfare purposes.
In this context, where the country needs international assistance, the government is unlikely to be able to whip up nationalistic opposition against the UN resolution on this occasion as it did successfully in the past to win elections. Many would endorse holding to account those who have been responsible for the downfall of the economy and are now seeking to suppress dissent. Repression that delays development and prolongs the sufferings of the people often explodes at the end to the detriment of all. Unfortunately, political leaders though are well aware of it may wish to play the game to its end, stretching the margins, to the national detriment.
Features
Ranking public services with AI — A roadmap to reviving institutions like SriLankan Airlines
Efficacy measures an organisation’s capacity to achieve its mission and intended outcomes under planned or optimal conditions. It differs from efficiency, which focuses on achieving objectives with minimal resources, and effectiveness, which evaluates results in real-world conditions. Today, modern AI tools, using publicly available data, enable objective assessment of the efficacy of Sri Lanka’s government institutions.
Among key public bodies, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka emerges as the most efficacious, outperforming the Department of Inland Revenue, Sri Lanka Customs, the Election Commission, and Parliament. In the financial and regulatory sector, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) ranks highest, ahead of the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission, the Insurance Regulatory Commission, and the Sri Lanka Standards Institution.
Among state-owned enterprises, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) leads in efficacy, followed by Bank of Ceylon and People’s Bank. Other institutions assessed included the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation, the National Water Supply and Drainage Board, the Ceylon Electricity Board, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and the Sri Lanka Transport Board. At the lower end of the spectrum were Lanka Sathosa and Sri Lankan Airlines, highlighting a critical challenge for the national economy.
Sri Lankan Airlines, consistently ranked at the bottom, has long been a financial drain. Despite successive governments’ reform attempts, sustainable solutions remain elusive.
Globally, the most profitable airlines operate as highly integrated, technology-enabled ecosystems rather than as fragmented departments. Operations, finance, fleet management, route planning, engineering, marketing, and customer service are closely coordinated, sharing real-time data to maximise efficiency, safety, and profitability.
The challenge for Sri Lankan Airlines is structural. Its operations are fragmented, overly hierarchical, and poorly aligned. Simply replacing the CEO or senior leadership will not address these deep-seated weaknesses. What the airline needs is a cohesive, integrated organisational ecosystem that leverages technology for cross-functional planning and real-time decision-making.
The government must urgently consider restructuring Sri Lankan Airlines to encourage:
=Joint planning across operational divisions
=Data-driven, evidence-based decision-making
=Continuous cross-functional consultation
=Collaborative strategic decisions on route rationalisation, fleet renewal, partnerships, and cost management, rather than exclusive top-down mandates
Sustainable reform requires systemic change. Without modernised organisational structures, stronger accountability, and aligned incentives across divisions, financial recovery will remain out of reach. An integrated, performance-oriented model offers the most realistic path to operational efficiency and long-term viability.
Reforming loss-making institutions like Sri Lankan Airlines is not merely a matter of leadership change — it is a structural overhaul essential to ensuring these entities contribute productively to the national economy rather than remain perpetual burdens.
By Chula Goonasekera – Citizen Analyst
Features
Why Pi Day?
International Day of Mathematics falls tomorrow
The approximate value of Pi (π) is 3.14 in mathematics. Therefore, the day 14 March is celebrated as the Pi Day. In 2019, UNESCO proclaimed 14 March as the International Day of Mathematics.
Ancient Babylonians and Egyptians figured out that the circumference of a circle is slightly more than three times its diameter. But they could not come up with an exact value for this ratio although they knew that it is a constant. This constant was later named as π which is a letter in the Greek alphabet.
It was the Greek mathematician Archimedes (250 BC) who was able to find an upper bound and a lower bound for this constant. He drew a circle of diameter one unit and drew hexagons inside and outside the circle such that the sides of each hexagon touch the sides of the circle. In mathematics the circle passing through all vertices of a polygon is called a ‘circumcircle’ and the largest circle that fits inside a polygon tangent to all its sides is called an ‘incircle’. The total length of the smaller hexagon then becomes the lower bound of π and the length of the hexagon outside the circle is the upper bound. He realised that by increasing the number of sides of the polygon can make the bounds get closer to the value of Pi and increased the number of sides to 12,24,48 and 60. He argued that by increasing the number of sides will ultimately result in obtaining the original circle, thereby laying the foundation for the theory of limits. He ended up with the lower bound as 22/7 and the upper bound 223/71. He could not continue his research as his hometown Syracuse was invaded by Romans and was killed by one of the soldiers. His last words were ‘do not disturb my circles’, perhaps a reference to his continuing efforts to find the value of π to a greater accuracy.
Archimedes can be considered as the father of geometry. His contributions revolutionised geometry and his methods anticipated integral calculus. He invented the pulley and the hydraulic screw for drawing water from a well. He also discovered the law of hydrostatics. He formulated the law of levers which states that a smaller weight placed farther from a pivot can balance a much heavier weight closer to it. He famously said “Give me a lever long enough and a place to stand and I will move the earth”.
Mathematicians have found many expressions for π as a sum of infinite series that converge to its value. One such famous series is the Leibniz Series found in 1674 by the German mathematician Gottfried Leibniz, which is given below.
π = 4 ( 1 – 1/3 + 1/5 – 1/7 + 1/9 – ………….)
The Indian mathematical genius Ramanujan came up with a magnificent formula in 1910. The short form of the formula is as follows.
π = 9801/(1103 √8)
For practical applications an approximation is sufficient. Even NASA uses only the approximation 3.141592653589793 for its interplanetary navigation calculations.
It is not just an interesting and curious number. It is used for calculations in navigation, encryption, space exploration, video game development and even in medicine. As π is fundamental to spherical geometry, it is at the heart of positioning systems in GPS navigations. It also contributes significantly to cybersecurity. As it is an irrational number it is an excellent foundation for generating randomness required in encryption and securing communications. In the medical field, it helps to calculate blood flow rates and pressure differentials. In diagnostic tools such as CT scans and MRI, pi is an important component in mathematical algorithms and signal processing techniques.
This elegant, never-ending number demonstrates how mathematics transforms into practical applications that shape our world. The possibilities of what it can do are infinite as the number itself. It has become a symbol of beauty and complexity in mathematics. “It matters little who first arrives at an idea, rather what is significant is how far that idea can go.” said Sophie Germain.
Mathematics fans are intrigued by this irrational number and attempt to calculate it as far as they can. In March 2022, Emma Haruka Iwao of Japan calculated it to 100 trillion decimal places in Google Cloud. It had taken 157 days. The Guinness World Record for reciting the number from memory is held by Rajveer Meena of India for 70000 decimal places over 10 hours.
Happy Pi Day!
The author is a senior examiner of the International Baccalaureate in the UK and an educational consultant at the Overseas School of Colombo.
by R N A de Silva
Features
Sheer rise of Realpolitik making the world see the brink
The recent humanly costly torpedoing of an Iranian naval vessel in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone by a US submarine has raised a number of issues of great importance to international political discourse and law that call for elucidation. It is best that enlightened commentary is brought to bear in such discussions because at present misleading and uninformed speculation on questions arising from the incident are being aired by particularly jingoistic politicians of Sri Lanka’s South which could prove deleterious.
As matters stand, there seems to be no credible evidence that the Indian state was aware of the impending torpedoing of the Iranian vessel but these acerbic-tongued politicians of Sri Lanka’s South would have the local public believe that the tragedy was triggered with India’s connivance. Likewise, India is accused of ‘embroiling’ Sri Lanka in the incident on account of seemingly having prior knowledge of it and not warning Sri Lanka about the impending disaster.
It is plain that a process is once again afoot to raise anti-India hysteria in Sri Lanka. An obligation is cast on the Sri Lankan government to ensure that incendiary speculation of the above kind is defeated and India-Sri Lanka relations are prevented from being in any way harmed. Proactive measures are needed by the Sri Lankan government and well meaning quarters to ensure that public discourse in such matters have a factual and rational basis. ‘Knowledge gaps’ could prove hazardous.
Meanwhile, there could be no doubt that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty was violated by the US because the sinking of the Iranian vessel took place in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone. While there is no international decrying of the incident, and this is to be regretted, Sri Lanka’s helplessness and small player status would enable the US to ‘get away with it’.
Could anything be done by the international community to hold the US to account over the act of lawlessness in question? None is the answer at present. This is because in the current ‘Global Disorder’ major powers could commit the gravest international irregularities with impunity. As the threadbare cliché declares, ‘Might is Right’….. or so it seems.
Unfortunately, the UN could only merely verbally denounce any violations of International Law by the world’s foremost powers. It cannot use countervailing force against violators of the law, for example, on account of the divided nature of the UN Security Council, whose permanent members have shown incapability of seeing eye-to-eye on grave matters relating to International Law and order over the decades.
The foregoing considerations could force the conclusion on uncritical sections that Political Realism or Realpolitik has won out in the end. A basic premise of the school of thought known as Political Realism is that power or force wielded by states and international actors determine the shape, direction and substance of international relations. This school stands in marked contrast to political idealists who essentially proclaim that moral norms and values determine the nature of local and international politics.
While, British political scientist Thomas Hobbes, for instance, was a proponent of Political Realism, political idealism has its roots in the teachings of Socrates, Plato and latterly Friedrich Hegel of Germany, to name just few such notables.
On the face of it, therefore, there is no getting way from the conclusion that coercive force is the deciding factor in international politics. If this were not so, US President Donald Trump in collaboration with Israeli Rightist Premier Benjamin Natanyahu could not have wielded the ‘big stick’, so to speak, on Iran, killed its Supreme Head of State, terrorized the Iranian public and gone ‘scot-free’. That is, currently, the US’ impunity seems to be limitless.
Moreover, the evidence is that the Western bloc is reuniting in the face of Iran’s threats to stymie the flow of oil from West Asia to the rest of the world. The recent G7 summit witnessed a coming together of the foremost powers of the global North to ensure that the West does not suffer grave negative consequences from any future blocking of western oil supplies.
Meanwhile, Israel is having a ‘free run’ of the Middle East, so to speak, picking out perceived adversarial powers, such as Lebanon, and militarily neutralizing them; once again with impunity. On the other hand, Iran has been bringing under assault, with no questions asked, Gulf states that are seen as allying with the US and Israel. West Asia is facing a compounded crisis and International Law seems to be helplessly silent.
Wittingly or unwittingly, matters at the heart of International Law and peace are being obfuscated by some pro-Trump administration commentators meanwhile. For example, retired US Navy Captain Brent Sadler has cited Article 51 of the UN Charter, which provides for the right to self or collective self-defence of UN member states in the face of armed attacks, as justifying the US sinking of the Iranian vessel (See page 2 of The Island of March 10, 2026). But the Article makes it clear that such measures could be resorted to by UN members only ‘ if an armed attack occurs’ against them and under no other circumstances. But no such thing happened in the incident in question and the US acted under a sheer threat perception.
Clearly, the US has violated the Article through its action and has once again demonstrated its tendency to arbitrarily use military might. The general drift of Sadler’s thinking is that in the face of pressing national priorities, obligations of a state under International Law could be side-stepped. This is a sure recipe for international anarchy because in such a policy environment states could pursue their national interests, irrespective of their merits, disregarding in the process their obligations towards the international community.
Moreover, Article 51 repeatedly reiterates the authority of the UN Security Council and the obligation of those states that act in self-defence to report to the Council and be guided by it. Sadler, therefore, could be said to have cited the Article very selectively, whereas, right along member states’ commitments to the UNSC are stressed.
However, it is beyond doubt that international anarchy has strengthened its grip over the world. While the US set destabilizing precedents after the crumbling of the Cold War that paved the way for the current anarchic situation, Russia further aggravated these degenerative trends through its invasion of Ukraine. Stepping back from anarchy has thus emerged as the prime challenge for the world community.
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