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Four takeaways from the UN Security Council resolution on Gaza

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By Uditha Devapriya

The recent UN Security Council resolution calling for a ceasefire in Gaza – from which the US, not surprisingly, abstained – marks a crossroads in the history of Israel and the future of Palestine. The resolution was motivated, among other developments, by Israel’s massive military build-up and its impending invasion of Rafah, a narrow stretch of land by the Gaza-Egypt border where more than a million Palestinians, driven from their homes by the IDF’s ruthless attacks, lie huddled, uncertain of what may happen to them.

The resolution followed another, proposed by the United States, vetoed by China and Russia, and criticised by much of the Global South, which denounced Hamas and placed more prominence on the return of Israeli hostages. Beijing and Moscow argued that it did not go far enough, while Washington argued that China and Russia were “playing politics with the ceasefire” and conniving to “isolate the US internationally ahead of the interests of the Palestinians in Gaza.” The US itself had vetoed three resolutions before, mostly on the basis that these “did not mention Israel’s right of self-defence.”

The latest resolution is important, in that sense, for four reasons. First, and most important, it indicates the US’s growing frustrations with the Israeli government. Since October last year the US has been valiantly – or pathetically, depending on how you see it – batting for its main ally in the Middle-East, only to see that ally become more isolated on the world stage. The lack of a constructive response from Israel – it is, after all, headed by the most right-wing regime the country has seen since its founding – and the unwillingness to respond to and engage with its critics has only upended its relations with the West.

The US’s decision to abstain, in fact, followed weeks and months of confrontations between Jerusalem and some of its staunchest Western allies, including the European Union. These confrontations have taken place in the backdrop of some of the most vocal demonstrations against the Israeli government in decades. These protests have been joined by some of the most strident Jewish critics of Israel as well. Such developments have shifted the narrative so much that it is no longer possible to equate criticisms of Israel with anti-Semitism. The West, belatedly as it may be, has come to terms with this.

Second, the resolution reflects a turnaround in the liberal mainstream’s attitude to Israel and what it is doing in Gaza. The most belligerent, hawkish government Jerusalem has seen in decades may invoke its right to self-defence at every opportunity it gets, but even the most passionate defenders of Israel are rethinking that stance and wondering whether it is in Israel’s interest to defend itself so aggressively, undermining the norms of international law. This is more or less the sentiment of the US Democratic Party’s most pro-Israel Senator, Chuck Schumer, who not only has advocated for elections in Israel but also questioned the tenability, and feasibility, of its military offensives.

To be sure, the likes of Schumer are not questioning Israel’s right to self-defence. But they are wondering whether Israel’s interests can ever be served by a blind commitment to military action. That commitment has not helped its case. Israel had very few friends in the Global South before October 7; since October 7 it has lost quite a number of friends in the Global North too. The Israeli government’s rabid response to these developments – which, basically, amounts to badmouthing the slightest critique of Israel that Western governments, including the UK, put out – has only alienated and isolated it further.

Third, artists and intellectuals, even those critical of anti-Semitism, have sounded the alarm of Israel’s disproportionate response to the October 7 attacks. The situation has changed so much that a Jewish director of a film about the Holocaust can get up on stage at the Oscars and decry the situation in Gaza, and get a standing ovation. This is in stark contrast to, say, the 1977 Oscars, where Vanessa Redgrave – who won an Oscar for her role in Julia, an out and out anti-fascist and anti-Nazi film – was booed when she denounced “Zionist hoodlums” in her acceptance speech. The Jewish screenwriter Paddy Chayefsky, by contrast, received a standing ovation when he criticised Redgrave in his speech.

Indeed, Hollywood’s shifting response to Israel and Palestine has been one of the more intriguing takeaways from the conflict in Gaza. During the Six-Day War in 1967 and the Yom Kippur War in 1973, Hollywood rallied almost unconditionally around Israel. The most liberal and the most radical actors, directors, and screenwriters spoke in its support, organising marches, protests, and funds. This is because it was possible, at that time, to view Israel as a beleaguered, besieged smaller power – even when the US was rushing in millions of dollars of economic and military aid, and even when its Prime Ministers were denying the rights of Palestinians and advocating for territorial expansion.

Such sentiments no longer hold today. In the 1960s the West’s sympathy for Israel more or less centred on the Shoah, the Holocaust. Today, even Holocaust survivors and their children are decrying what the Israeli government is doing, supposedly “in their name.” It goes without saying that very few in Hollywood are as dogmatically supportive of Israel and of whatever it does as it used to be. Jonathan Glazer’s speech at the Oscars, for instance, provoked a rather puerile letter from certain Jewish figures in Hollywood, but also compelled much support from far more authoritative Jewish artists, including Tony Kushner. No less than Steven Spielberg, the grand old man of Hollywood, issued a statement critical of both anti-Semitism and “the killing of innocent women and children in Gaza.”

Underlying all these developments is a fourth, in my view the most critical: that even in terms of military superiority, Israel has lost the plot. As Nilanthan Niruthan, director of the Centre for Law and Warfare (CLAW) in Colombo, Sri Lanka, pointed out four days after October 7, the Hamas attacks “demonstrated a major failure of intelligence, but more importantly, it displayed an even larger failure of imagination.” It showed that not even the most lavishly funded security installations can keep a discontented people, and political and terrorist outfits speaking on their behalf, at bay.

Israel’s response to this has been to ramp up its offensive in Gaza, to force civilians into the most inhospitable surroundings and corners. That has only got it into a tight spot: a spectacular military failure followed by a spectacular moral failure. The US learnt what a combination of these failures would lead to in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. Israel has not learnt that lesson, or if it has, has yet to indicate that it has.

The latest UNSC resolution, in that sense, is the most crucial crossroads in this conflict. As Stephen Walt puts it, the implications for the US are only too clear: “Instead of focusing on whether pressure on Israel would work,” he points out, “the real question to ask is simply whether it is in America’s strategic or moral interest to be actively complicit in a vast and worsening humanitarian tragedy.” He concludes on a rather terse note: “Even if the United States cannot stop it, it doesn’t have to help make it worse.”

Uditha Devapriya is a writer, researcher, and analyst based in Sri Lanka who contributes to a number of publications on topics such as history, art and culture, politics, and foreign policy. He can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.



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Politics of Enforced Disappearances in Sri Lanka

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Image courtesy UNHRC

In 2016, I participated in research focused on gathering information about reconciliation mechanisms in post-war Sri Lanka. During one of the interviews, a Tamil mother, from the Eastern part of the country, broke into tears as she shared her story. Her son had disappeared, and, according to some of the neighbours, he was apparently abducted by a paramilitary group. Her story goes as follows: After hearing the news, she began searching for her son and went to the police station to file a case. However, police refused to file the case and directed her to a military camp. In the military camp, she was directed to an officer, who took her to a room with scattered flesh and blood stains. Then the officer, pointing to the room has told the lady that, ‘This is your son’.

In another instance, in the same year, while we were working in Kurunegala, an elderly mother, wearing a white saree, approached us and shared her story. She held a stained envelope, and when she carefully took out a piece of paper, related to her son, she broke into tears. She handled the paper with such tenderness, as though it were a part of her son himself. Her son was abducted by a para military group in 1989 and never returned.

These two stories have remained deeply etched in my mind for several years, leaving a lasting impact. Now, with the release of the Batalanda Commission Report, which sheds light on the atrocities committed during a dark chapter of Sri Lanka’s history, coupled with the release of the movie ‘Rani’, there is renewed attention on enforced disappearances. These disappearances, which were once shrouded in silence and denial, are now gaining significant traction among the public. Thus, it is timely to discuss the stories of enforced disappearances and the political dynamics surrounding them.

The Effect

Enforced disappearance is often employed as a strategy of terror, deliberately designed to instil fear and insecurity within a society. The tactic goes beyond the direct impact on the immediate family members of the disappeared individuals. The psychological and emotional toll on these families is profound, as they are left with uncertainty, grief, and often a sense of helplessness. However, the effects of enforced disappearance extend far beyond these immediate circles. It creates a pervasive atmosphere of fear that affects entire communities, undermining trust and cohesion. The mere threat of disappearance looms over the population, causing widespread anxiety and eroding the sense of safety that is essential for the social fabric to thrive. The fear it engenders forces people into silence, discourages activism, and ultimately weakens the collective spirit of resistance against injustice.

Absence of the body

For years, the families and loved ones of the disappeared hold on to a fragile hope, clinging to the belief that their loved ones may still be alive. The absence of a physical body leaves room for uncertainty and unresolved grief, creating a painful paradox where the possibility of closure remains out of reach. Without the tangible proof of death—such as a body to bury or mourn over—the search continues, driven by the hope that one day they will find answers. This absence extends beyond just the physical body; it symbolizes the void left in the lives of the families, as they are left in a perpetual state of waiting, unable to fully mourn or heal. The constant uncertainty fuels a never-ending cycle of searching, questioning, and longing.

Making a spectacle of unidentified bodies

In 1989, as a small child, I found myself surrounded by an atmosphere that was both suffocating and frightening, filled with sights and sounds that I couldn’t fully comprehend at the time, but that would forever leave a mark on my memory. I can still vividly recall the smell of burning rubber that hung thick in the air, mixing with the acrid scent of smoke that lingered long after the flames had died down. The piles of tyres, set ablaze, were a regular feature of the streets where I lived. Yet, it wasn’t just the sight of the burning tyres that etched itself into my consciousness. As the flames raged on, the shadows of bodies emerged—neither completely visible nor entirely hidden.

Though my parents tried their best to shield me from the horror outside our home, I would sneak a peek whenever I thought no one was watching, desperate to understand the meaning behind what was unfolding before me. It was as though I knew something important was happening—something I couldn’t yet comprehend but could feel in the very air I breathed. I understood that the flames, the smoke, and the bodies all signified something far greater than I could put into words.

The burning piles of tyres—and, of course, bodies—which people spoke of in hushed tones, served as a chilling spectacle, conveying the threatening message the government sent to the public, especially targeting the young rebels and anyone who dared to challenge the state

Unable to seek justice

The absence of the body makes justice seem like a distant, unreachable concept. In cases of disappearance, where no physical evidence of the victim’s fate exists, the path to justice is often blocked. Without the body, there is no concrete proof of the crime, no tangible evidence that can be presented in court, and no clear sign that a crime was even committed. This leaves families and loved ones of the disappeared in a state of uncertainty, with no clear answers about what happened to their dear ones. As a result, families are forced to live in a limbo, where their grief is ignored and their calls for justice are silenced.

Undemocratic actions under a Democratic Government

Governments are meant to serve and protect the people who elect them, not to subject them to violence, fear, or oppression. Irrespective of the situation, no government, under any circumstances, has the right to make its citizens disappear. A government is a democratically elected body that holds its power and authority through the consent of the governed, with the explicit responsibility to safeguard the rights, freedoms, and lives of its citizens. When a government starts to take actions that involve the arbitrary killing or disappearance of its own people, it betrays the very principles it was founded upon.

The act of making people disappear and killing represents a fundamental breach of human rights and the rule of law. These are not actions that belong to a legitimate government that is accountable to its people. Instead, they signal a state that has become corrupt and tyrannical, where those in power are no longer bound by any ethical or legal standards. When the government becomes the perpetrator of violence against its own citizens, it destroys the trust between the state and the people, undermining the core foundation of democracy.

In such a scenario, the authority of law collapses. Courts become powerless, and law enforcement agencies are either complicit in the wrongdoing or rendered ineffective. This breakdown in legal authority does not just mean a failure to protect the rights of individuals; it signals the descent of society into anarchy. When the government wields power in such a violent and oppressive way, it erodes the social contract. When this relationship is violated through actions like disappearances, those in power essentially declare that they are above the law, which leads to a breakdown of social order. It no longer becomes a state that works for its people but rather a regime that rules through fear, repression, and violence.

by Dr. Anushka Kahandagamage

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Hazard warning lights at Lotus Tower

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Lotus Tower enveloped in mist

Much has been written about the use of Hazard Warning Lights at Lotus Tower (LT)

Now it looks as if the authorities have got the day and night in a ‘twist’.

During the day time LT is in darkness. What should be ‘on’ during the day are the High Intensity Strobe Lights. It is observed that the authorities switch them ‘on’ in the night instead!

According to the ICAO recommendations what should be ‘on’ in the night are the low intensity strobe lights. High intensity in the night as is now, can momentarily blind the pilots.

At this time of the year the island experiences afternoon thunder showers which make the LT and the natural horizon invisible. (See picture) in a phenomenon known as ‘white out’ caused by fog (low cloud), mist and rain. However, the LT is kept dark and not lit up and that could be dangerous to air traffic.

In short what is needed are white strobe lights 24/7 (day and night). High Intensity by day and Low Intensity at night. They are known as ‘attention getters’.

The red lights must be ‘on’ at sunset and ‘off’ by sunrise (as correctly carried out currently).

I am aware that the Organisation of Professional Associations (OPA) has written to the LT authorities at the request of the Association of Airline Pilots, Sri Lanka, about three months ago but strangely the OPA has not even received an acknowledgement!

GUWAN SEEYA

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Ninth Iftar celebration organised by Police Buddhist and Religious Affairs Association, Wellawatte

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Islam is a peaceful religion that guides people to fulfil the five pillars of Islam, namely, Kalima, Prayer, Sakkath, Fasting and Hajj and through them to attain the grace of God.

The fact that the Holy Quran, the sacred book of Muslims, was revealed on one of the odd nights of the month of Ramadan, makes people realize the special importance of the month of Ramadan.

Fasting, the Holy Quran states, “0 you who believe, fasting is prescribed for you as it was prescribed for those before you, that you may become pure.” (2.183)

Muslims observe the first fast in the early hours of the evening when the first crescent of the month of Ramadan is sighted. The special feature of Ramadan fasting is to wake up early in the morning, eat before the sunrise (Sahur) and then fast for 14 hours until the evening prayer (Mahrib), remember the Creator and worship Him five times a day, break the fast at the time of Iftar (Mahrib), eat food with dates and spend the 30 days of Ramadan.

Ramadan fasting increases fear and faith in Allah, and it is not equal for the wealthy to live luxuriously without realizing the poverty of the poor and the poor to die of poverty. Therefore, fasting has been emphasized as the fourth Pillar in Islam to make the rich aware of the nature of poverty and to make the rich aware of the nature of hunger and to give charity.

Ramadan fasting is a shield for Muslims. The main objectives of fasting are the virtues, characteristics, morality and spiritual attraction of a person.

When approaching fasting from a medical perspective, it is said that ‘a disease-free life is an inexhaustible wealth’, so the good deed of fasting provides great benefits to the body.

Generally, it is a universal law to give rest to all the machines that have power. That is, it allows the machines to continue to function well. Similarly, it is necessary to give rest to our bodies. The fasting of the month of Ramadan explains this very simply.

“Historically, fasting has been proven to be very safe for most people,” says Babar Basir, a cardiologist at Henry Ford Health in Detroit, USA. “Ramadan fasting is a form of intermittent fasting that can help you lose fat without losing muscle, improve insulin levels, burn fat, and increase human growth hormone,” he says.

All wealthy. Muslims are required to give 2’/2 percent of their annual income to the poor in charity. This is why Muslims give more charity in the form of money, food, and clothing during Ramadan.

Anas (Kali) reported that the Prophet (Sal) said, “The best charity is to feed a hungry person.” This shows how great an act it is to feed a hungry person.

Fasting during the holy month of Ramadan, one of the most sacred duties of Muslims, is Providing facilities for fasting and breaking it is also a pious act that brings benefits. In that way, the Sri Lanka Police, as a way of receiving the blessings of Allah, have organized the Police Iftar ceremony to break the fast for the fasting people.

The Police Iftar ceremony, which is organized annually by the Sri Lanka Police Buddhist and Religious Affairs Association for Muslim police officers serving in the Sri Lanka Police, will be held for the 9th time this year on the 24th at the invitation of the Acting Inspector General of Police Mr. Priyantha Weerasooriya and will be held at the Marine Grand Reception Hall in Wellawatte under the participation of the Hon. Minister of Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Mr. K.M. Ananda Wijepala. Muslim members of Parliament, Foreign Ambassadors of Islamic countries, High-ranking Police officers and Muslim Police officers, as well as members of the public, are also expected to attend the Iftar ceremony.

a.f. fUARD
Chief Inspector of Police
International Affairs
Criminal Investigation Department

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