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Cyclone Ditwah and India-Sri Lanka relations: playbook for diplomacy in the neighbourhood

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Milinda Moragoda

I vividly remember boarding the then INS Vikrant — formerly HMS Hercules — with my father during a special port call to Colombo in the 1970s. I was a young boy then, absorbed in a hobby of building model airplanes and ships, especially aircraft carriers. The encounter was unforgettable. It was my first time aboard a carrier — a steel giant that captured both my imagination and my awe.

INS Vikrant, along with INS Udaygiri, was already berthed in Colombo as cyclone Ditwah struck. INS Sukanya soon joined them to strengthen the operation.

So, the announcement that the newly built, fully indigenous INS Vikrant would make its maiden overseas visit to Sri Lanka for the International Fleet Review 2025 and the Sri Lanka Navy’s 75th anniversary celebrations stirred nostalgia. But, only afterward did I fully grasp how fortuitous and meaningful her arrival would prove to be.

Cyclone Ditwah struck Sri Lanka with devastating force, leaving hundreds dead and hundreds of thousands displaced, alongside widespread destruction to infrastructure and housing. This prompted the government to request international assistance. India responded within hours. Humanitarian relief operations under Operation Sagar Bandhu were swiftly mobilised.

By extraordinary circumstance, INS Vikrant, along with INS Udaygiri, was already berthed in Colombo. INS Sukanya soon joined them to strengthen the operation. This marked the third major instance in recent years in which India, guided by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Neighbourhood First policy, has stepped forward to support Sri Lanka: First, during the Covid-19 pandemic through the Vaccine Maitri initiative; next, during the economic collapse of 2022, when India extended more than $4 billion in financial assistance; and, now again in 2025, through rapid disaster relief.

On this occasion, an aircraft carrier group — traditionally associated with warfighting or geopolitical signalling — became a platform for humanitarian action, supporting the delivery of emergency supplies, medical assistance, logistical support, and search-and-rescue operations.

These initiatives in Sri Lanka offer India an increasingly relevant model for neighbourhood diplomacy in an emerging multipolar world. The Indo–Lanka relationship has evolved beyond episodic gestures into a form of cooperation that is flexible, responsive, and multidimensional — capable of addressing humanitarian, economic, and strategic challenges simultaneously. The symbolism of INS Vikrant being present during one of Sri Lanka’s gravest moments cannot be overstated.

In global discourse, aircraft carriers are commonly portrayed as instruments of coercion or power projection. In Colombo, however, Vikrant reframed naval capability as an instrument of peace, humanitarian service, and confidence-building. This is soft power supported by hard power — expressed through empathy and pragmatism rather than intimidation.

Post Ditwah, Sri Lanka remains acutely vulnerable. While recovery efforts continue under the IMF programme following the 2022 economic collapse, a disaster of this scale risks reversing fragile stabilisation gains. India’s rapid response has provided critical support to Sri Lanka’s experienced disaster management and military teams, but sustained reconstruction will require broader international engagement, resource mobilisation and investment. India can consider leading a coordinated post-disaster reconstruction and recovery initiative for Sri Lanka, which might also serve as a prototype for future regional cooperation.

In this, Japan can be a natural partner. It is a long-standing development collaborator in Sri Lanka and a trusted strategic partner of India within the Indo-Pacific region. Coincidentally, the 4th India–Japan Forum convenes in New Delhi this weekend, bringing together officials, scholars, and policy thinkers from both countries. Sri Lanka’s rebuilding could become a pilot project demonstrating how India and Japan might work together in the emerging multipolar order- combining strategic coordination with complementary development strengths.

Successive governments and the wider public have expressed profound gratitude for India’s steadfast support during moments of national adversity. The events of the past week have once again underscored the value of a neighbour that responds not with hesitation, calculation, or rhetoric, but with swift and concrete action. As INS Vikrant – symbol of a confident and self-reliant India — transformed from a warship into a humanitarian lifeline, it also signalled the emergence of a new paradigm in regional leadership. If Sri Lanka becomes the testing ground for an India–Japan collaborative model of reconstruction and resilience, it may well mark the opening of a more consequential chapter in Asian strategic cooperation — one shaped not by rivalry, but by responsibility.

(Milinda Moragoda is a former Sri Lankan cabinet minister and diplomat, and founder of the Sri Lankan strategic affairs think tank, Pathfinder Foundation, can be contacted via email@milinda.org -Courtesy Hindustan Times 2025.12.02)

By Milinda Moragoda



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President proposes; Speaker disposes

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Dr. Wickramaratne

AKD’s request to Harsha:

Speaker Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne has frustrated an attempt by Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance (CoPF) Dr. Harsha de Silva, MP, to intervene to settle the continuing dispute over the appointment of a new Auditor General.

Dr. De Silva yesterday told The Island he had recently written to all members of the Constitutional Council (CC) drawing their attention to the urgent need to address the issue at hand. The AG’s position remains vacant since 08 Dec, 2025. AG W.P.C. Wickremanayake retired in April and since then there have been a couple of Acting appointments. The CC has declined to endorse any of President Dissanayake’s nominees as the AG.

Asked whether he had taken up the issue with the CC following President Anura Kumara Dissanayake soliciting his support in this regard, MP de Silva said that he had written to CC members as agreed with the President.

The former UNPer and one-time State Minister said: “I did so, giving due respect to CC’s independence, underscoring the critical importance in them working with the President to resolve the crisis. I alluded to the need to have transparency in public financial management during this post-cyclone period where large amounts of funds are being transacted on multiple fronts, both domestic and foreign.”

Responding to another query, Dr. De Silva emphasised that he had clarified that the President must send the names of qualified and experienced persons to the CC for consideration. “However, these letters were returned to me by the Speaker, without being delivered to members of the CC. The Speaker didn’t give an explanation. Thus, except for members who are MPs who had been copied via email by my committee office, others never received my letter of concern. Even though I questioned, in Parliament, the basis of his refusal to forward my communication to the members of the CC of which he is Chairman, no answer was given.”

The CC consists of Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne, Speaker and Chairman of the 10-member body. Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, Prime Minister, Sajith Premadasa, Leader of the Opposition, Bimal Rathnayake, Aboobucker Athambawa, Ajith P. Perera, Sivagnanam Shritharan, and three civil society members namely Dr. Prathap Ramanujam, Dr. Dilkushi Anula Wijesundere and Dr. Dinesha Samararatne. None of the President’s nominees could obtain CC’s approval as all of them were rejected by the CC.

The present CC was introduced by the 21st Amendment to the Constitution which was endorsed on 31 October 2022.

Both the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) and the Transparency International Sri Lanka Chapter recently requested President Dissanayake, in writing, to propose a suitable person to the post of AG. The BASL, in another statement that dealt with the forthcoming vacancies in the CC due to three civil society members completing their terms, declared its concern over possible attempts by the President and the NPP government to fill the vacancies with rubber stamps.

The three civil society members will complete their terms on 18 January. In terms of Article 41E of the Constitution, the CC meets at least twice every month, and may meet as often as may be necessary. The Chairman presides at all meetings of the CC and in the absence of the Chairman, the Prime Minister, and in the absence of the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition presides at the meetings of the CC.

Asked whether the CC could be disrupted due to the end of civil society members’ terms, an authoritative official pointed out that in case new appointments were not made the current members could continue.

The Parliament has not so far called for applications to fill the forthcoming vacancies.

by Shamindra Ferdinando ✍️

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Sri Lanka loses Rs.7.5 bn due to coal tender irregularities: FSP

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Pubudu

The NPP government’s coal procurement process has once again come under scrutiny following allegations by the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) that substandard coal has been imported for power generation and that tender procedures were manipulated to favour a specific supplier.

Addressing the media after a party meeting in Maharagama on Saturday, FSP Education Secretary Pubudu Jagoda said a test report issued by the government laboratory at the Lakvijaya Power Plant had confirmed that the latest coal shipment unloaded in Sri Lanka did not meet the required quality standards. According to the report, the coal’s calorific value ranged between 5,600 and 5,800 kilocalories per kilo, below the 5,900–6,200 kCal/kg range specified in tender requirements.

Jagoda warned that lower calorific value coal would require higher volumes to generate the same amount of electricity, increasing costs significantly. Preliminary estimates, he said, indicated an additional financial burden of around Rs. 7,500 million, which might eventually be passed on to consumers through higher electricity tariffs.

The FSP also accused the government of tailoring procurement rules to benefit the Indian supplier, which has deposited bonds for long-term coal supply for the upcoming season. Jagoda alleged that tender conditions had been altered to accommodate the company, pointing to changes in coal reserve requirements. Under the 2021 Sri Lanka Coal Registration Document, suppliers were required to maintain a minimum reserve of one million metric tonnes with a gross calorific value of 5,900 kCal/kg. This threshold, he said, had been reduced to 100,000 metric tonnes in the 2025 document which is a 90% reduction raising serious concerns.

He further cited past allegations against the Indian company, including findings in a 2016 Auditor General’s report that the company violated procurement guidelines regarding a rice supply contract with Sathosa in 2014. Jagoda also referred to legal issues involving individuals linked to the company, and the suspension of a representative by the International Cricket Council in 2019 over match-fixing allegations.

Beyond company-specific concerns, Jagoda criticised what he described as systemic manipulation of the coal tender process. He questioned why the coal tender, typically called in February or March, was delayed until July, despite electricity being declared an essential service. He also alleged that the tender submission period had been progressively shortened from the internationally accepted six weeks to five weeks, and now reportedly to three giving an unfair advantage to suppliers with existing stock.

The Ministry of Energy has recently issued an amended tender to procure 4.5 million metric tonnes of coal for the Lanka Coal Company for the 2025/26 and 2026/27 periods, following the cancellation of an earlier tender.

Jagoda warned that delays and irregularities could lead to coal shortages, higher spot market purchases, increased electricity costs, and even power cuts if hydropower generation falls short. He called for urgent investigations into the procurement process, insisting that the burden of alleged mismanagement and corruption must not be transferred to the public.

by Chaminda Silva ✍️

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CID summons SJB MP for criticising education reforms

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Prasad

SJB Gampaha District MP Prasad Siriwardhana has been summoned to the CID today (12) for questioning in connection with a statement he made on a private television channel regarding education reforms.

He was earlier asked to report to the CID on 10 January to make a statement. However, as Siriwardhana had notified the authorities that he was unable to appear on that day, he was subsequently asked to come today.

Siriwardhana is one of the critics of the shortcomings of the education reforms introduced by the NPP government.

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