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‘Coconut Development Authority the future pioneer of economic growth’ – CDA Chairman, Keerthi Sri Weerasinghe

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2021 records largest income from coconut exports in history

Public unaware it is an immune booster and an ideal source of high nutrition

Next goal: Coconut re-export zone, Hambantota

Coconut Development Authority Chairman, Keerthi Sri Weerasinghe claims that the largest income from coconut exports on record was achieved in 2021. A programme with an economic goal of USD 2.5 billion is already in the works.

Commenting on plans to reap economic benefits from coconut development, Weerasinghe admitted that Sri Lanka is faced with an economic crisis. “The Treasury is left with only USD 1.04 billion. We are forced to pay huge debt service payments. Consequently, we can’t retain dollars.” He reiterated that the Sri Lankan economy is currently experiencing negative growth. “We have no money for imports. Therefore we must strive for higher export revenue.” Weerasinghe pointed out that Sri Lanka can no longer depend solely on traditional methods for income generation. “This is exactly where we failed. Using only traditional methods has curtailed our revenue. We must increase our income tactically.”

He revealed that the estate sector has already amassed a considerable sum to this effect. According to him, the coconut industry alone brought in approximately USD 661 million last year. “It has hauled in approximately USD 850 million by November this year. It’s a 30 percent increase in export income.” In fact, 2021 records the largest income from coconut exports in history. Weerasinghe divulged that a plan to double it is in the works. He informed that the need has arisen to rouse the industrialist out of stagnation. “Industrialists are the ones who introduced the coconut industry and coconut-based products to the world. Such products became popular globally. The reason for this popularity is the numerous attributes of coconut.”

Weerasinghe pointed out that the reason for comparatively few COVID-19 casualties is due to the many attributes of coconut. “Locals, who are used to consuming a lot of coconut, are naturally disease tolerant due to the immunity-boosting nature of coconut.” He said that, although the locals are oblivious of such advantages, the rest of the world is not. Consequently, there is a huge demand for coconut. “Coconut contains lauric acid, Omega-3 and Omega-6. The only other substance that contains these constituents is breast milk, a known immunity booster.” He explained that coconut oil contains approximately 60 to 70 percent Medium chain triglycerides (MCTs), popular as ‘brain cell fuel’. As the term suggests, MCTs supports the brain’s nervous system. Its fast-absorbing nature allows it to be used as a quick energy source. “The body produces energy through processing glucose. But the energy produced by processing lipids is important for brain cells. There is a fundamental difference between the two types of energy produced by processing glucose and lipids.” In many countries, MCT dietary supplements are introduced to children to combat autism and Parkinson’s as MCTs are vital for the proper functioning of the nervous system. “Glucose

requires insulin to facilitate the absorption of energy produced through its processing. But MCTs are readily absorbed into the bloodstream.”

Weerasinghe explained that the deteriorating of food habits have resulted in many health complications. “It’s ideal for weight loss. For instance, it’s clinically proven that if 30 millilitres of MCT is consumed per day, you can lose an inch off your waist over a month. Consequently, there is a huge demand for MCTs.” Moreover, it’s the ideal treatment for heart disease and skin disorders. It also has immunity-boosting properties and has a high energy content. “MCTs are sold to countries such as the US in capsule form. But to take up similar ventures, we must improve our technology. Today MCT can be used as supplements along with tea, coffee and children’s food. In fact, MCTs are revolutionary.”

According to Weerasinghe, the future will offer Sri Lanka the opportunity to supply this demand, which so far Sri Lanka has failed to deliver. He confided that although Sri Lanka was able to increase coconut production from 2800 million coconuts last year to 3100 in 2021, it’s not sufficient to supply the demand. “We are losing the industry. In fact, since we can’t supply the demand our industrialists have been forced to open factories in countries like Indonesia and the Philippines. Not only is our technology transferred, but our industry is also forced to compete with those countries.” He pointed out that local industrialists are operating at half their capacity. “They get only 50 percent of their coconut requirement since we don’t produce enough. We could earn extra revenue while supplying this demand.”

A special export zone was established at Hambantota for this purpose. “It will provide a platform for industrialists to develop the industry and supply global demand by importing coconut to supply their demand.” He declared that after the industrial zone and the re-export zone commences operations it could bring in 2.5 billion by 2025. “Lands have already been earmarked for the purpose, with the collaborations of the Board of Investment. Twenty-five local industrialists have already expressed their interest. We are currently awaiting phytosanitary certification. Everything is a go. We just need the recommendation of the National Plant Quarantine Service and the Coconut Research Institute.” He further revealed that the project is independent of state finances, except to construct the office complex and laboratory. “Instead funds provided by private sector industrialists will be utilised. It’s an obvious source of income. And after the laboratory commences operations, it can cater to laboratory requirements of not only the coconut industry but could also provide laboratory facilities to the whole Southern Province. It will be capable of issuing quality assurance certificates for other cultivations as well.”

Weerasinghe revealed that the cost of the first phase of this two-phase project will be to the tune of SLR 10 billion. “Which will be born by industrialists, because this is a huge profit-generating industry. The only thing left for the state sector is to leave the industry to its own devices.” He reiterated that it is a strategic project. “It will be housed in the Hambantota Port and Sri Lanka Customs, Police, Coconut Research Institute (CRI) and the National Plant Quarantine Service will operate from within this zone. Not a single coconut imported for this purpose will enter the local market.” Weerasinghe claimed that he can guarantee that, although tea is currently the major export crop hauling in the biggest chunk of foreign exchange in Sri Lanka, coconut can generate USD 2.5 billion worth of foreign income by 2025. “If we can achieve this Sri Lanka will never have to face another economic recession.”

Weerasinghe opined that, when the world transcends traditional industry, it can branch off to other industries and produce finished goods instead of raw material. He is already in discussion with the world’s leading industrialists to this effect and is confident that the foreign exchange can be increased to five billion US dollars. “The market share of coconut-based products is USD 40 billion. With just five billion of that, we can bail out our economy.” Weerasinghe believes that the general population lacks an understanding of the Sri Lankan economic situation. “Particularly the state sector employees. Seventy-five percent of them are pessimistic. A majority of the Sri Lankan public would rather languish without work. This has to change. Our Authority worked five days a week without break, even during the lockdown period, to bring it to this level.”

Weerasinghe was able to encourage the Coconut Cultivation Board (CCB), CRI and industrialists. “Vested powers must be used not for one’s benefit, to fulfil personal vendettas, but to achieve economic advancement. The President clearly wants to do the right thing. The Finance Minister and Ministers Ramesh Pathirana and Arundika Fernando are proactively working towards the same goal.” Weerasinghe elaborated that the tourism industry has collapsed and the only way to resolve it is to generate income to supplement the loss. Weerasinghe, with the collaboration of all chairpersons, hope to develop a proactive methodology in this regard. “We must endeavour to strengthen the rupee.”

Commenting on the issue of coconut mites that plagued coconut cultivation in the recent past, Weerasinghe admitted that the industry has failed to bring the mite problem under control. As a result of the Authority’s discussions with the Brazilian Agriculture Department, they have expressed their willingness to assist the local coconut industry in the matter. “The problem is that coconut trees grow quite tall. As such, application of chemicals can prove very tricky, because of the farms and residential areas surrounding the plantations.” The CDA, in collaboration with the CRI and CCB, hopes to resolve the issue using drone technology.

But the mites are the least of the problems faced by the coconut industry. “Monkeys, macaques, giant squirrels, porcupines, elephants and free-ranging cattle contribute to one-third of crop destruction, jeopardising food security.” He pointed out that countries like the US have warranted culling to keep deer populations at bay. “If we are to develop the estate sector, crop destruction must be prevented at any cost.”

Weerasinghe revealed that the CDA assists small scale industries. “Capital is vital in entrepreneurship. The advantage of coconut-based businesses is that it requires little capital. Coconut husks alone fetch USD 300 million, coconut shells USD 200 million.” He revealed that entrepreneurs are issued dryer machines and other technologies and are eligible for interest-free loans. “They are given the opportunity to break into not only the local market but the global market as well. At the moment such businesses are doing considerably well.” On behalf of the CDA, he expressed willingness to assist anyone who is dedicated and is interested in breaking into the industry. The CDA has been providing coconut oil producers with dryers. “Copra develops mould during the drying process, which produces Aflatoxins. This is why the CDA issues dryers that can dehydrate coconuts in a matter of hours, instead of days.”

When asked how the CDA hopes to intervene to produce coconut oil devoid of Aflatoxins, Weerasinghe reproached media for disseminating false information regarding the subject. He added that the public’s awareness of the subject is also miserably inadequate. “Coconut oil is imported as crude oil, which is then refined into ‘refined, bleached and deodorised’ oil, known as RBD. These have zero Aflatoxins. However, locally produced oil may contain Aflatoxins.” He claimed that the objective of the CDA is to produce oil with zero Aflatoxins after refining. “RBD oil can be consumed without fear.” According to him, legislation that makes mandatory the indication of Aflatoxin levels on the packaging is in the works.

When asked whether the CDA has taken action to bring coconut prices under control, he declared that the CDA is vested with the authority to regulate the coconut supply. “Coconut is used for consumption, oil production and coconut-based business. Sri Lanka is unable to produce enough coconut to supply the combined demand of the three categories.” He elaborated that depending on the supply the CDA reduces or increases the import tax and quantity of oil imported to compensate for the demand. “Coconut prices go up only when this process is not streamlined. Consequently, it is very easy to control coconut prices. In fact, we will ensure that prices remain stable in the near future.”

When asked about the CDA’s plan to produce coconut milk, Weerasinghe expressed interest in tripling coconut milk production. “Coconut milk use has exceeded dairy use. Coconut milk has the ability to eliminate fungus, bacteria and parasites. Consequently, the demand for coconut milk has increased.” He said that the CDA is bent on popularising coconut milk production in order to prevent bacterial contamination when making coconut milk at home. “And also to develop the product as a business venture. When coconut milk is produced at the factory level, the coconut shell is not discarded. Shells are in high demand and this brings in a huge profit. Even waste coconut scrapings are in high demand.” As such, it would come as huge relief to Sri Lankan housewives that the CDA does not condone coconut scraping on a regular basis.



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A plural society requires plural governance

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The local government elections that took place last week saw a consolidation of the democratic system in the country.  The government followed the rules of elections to a greater extent than its recent predecessors some of whom continue to be active on the political stage.  Particularly noteworthy was the absence of the large-scale abuse of state resources, both media and financial, which had become normalised under successive governments in the past four decades.  Reports by independent election monitoring organisations made mention of this improvement in the country’s democratic culture.

In a world where democracy is under siege even in long-established democracies, Sri Lanka’s improvement in electoral integrity is cause for optimism. It also offers a reminder that democracy is always a work in progress, ever vulnerable to erosion and needs to be constantly fought for. The strengthening of faith in democracy as a result of these elections is encouraging.  The satisfaction expressed by the political parties that contested the elections is a sign that democracy in Sri Lanka is strong.  Most of them saw some improvement in their positions from which they took reassurance about their respective futures.

The local government elections also confirmed that the NPP and its core comprising the JVP are no longer at the fringes of the polity.  The NPP has established itself as a mainstream party with an all-island presence, and remarkably so to a greater extent than any other political party.  This was seen at the general elections, where the NPP won a majority of seats in 21 of the country’s 22 electoral districts. This was a feat no other political party has ever done. This is also a success that is challenging to replicate. At the present local government elections, the NPP was successful in retaining its all-island presence although not to the same degree.

Consolidating Support

Much attention has been given to the relative decline in the ruling party’s vote share from the 61 percent it secured in December’s general election to 43 percent in the local elections. This slippage has been interpreted by some as a sign of waning popularity. However, such a reading overlooks the broader trajectory of political change. Just three years ago, the NPP and its allied parties polled less than five percent nationally. That they now command over 40 percent of the vote represents a profound transformation in voter preferences and political culture. What is even more significant is the stability of this support base, which now surpasses that of any rival. The votes obtained by the NPP at these elections were double those of its nearest rival.

The electoral outcomes in the north and east, which were largely won by parties representing the Tamil and Muslim communities, is a warning signal that ethnic conflict lurks beneath the surface. The success of the minority parties signals the different needs and aspirations of the ethnic and religious minority electorates, and the need for the government to engage more fully with them.  Apart from the problems of poverty, lack of development, inadequate access to economic resources and antipathy to excessive corruption that people of the north and east share in common with those in other parts of the country, they also have special problems that other sections of the population do not have. These would include problems of military takeover of their lands, missing persons and persons incarcerated for long periods either without trial or convictions under the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (which permits confessions made to security forces to be made admissible for purposes of conviction) and the long time quest for self-rule in the areas of their predominance

The government’s failure to address these longstanding issues with urgency appears to have caused disaffection in electorate in the north and east. While structural change is necessarily complex and slow, delays can be misinterpreted as disinterest or disregard, especially by minorities already accustomed to marginalisation. The lack of visible progress on issues central to minority communities fosters a sense of exclusion and deepens political divides. Even so, it is worth noting that the NPP’s vote in the north and east was not insignificant. It came despite the NPP not tailoring its message to ethnic grievances. The NPP has presented a vision of national reform grounded in shared values of justice, accountability, development, and equality.

Translating electoral gains into meaningful governance will require more than slogans. The failure to swiftly address matters deemed to be important by the people of those areas appears to have cost the NPP votes amongst the ethnic and religious minorities, but even here it is necessary to keep matters in perspective.  The NPP came first in terms of seats won in two of the seven electoral districts of the north and east.  They came second in five others. The fact that the NPP continued to win significant support indicates that its approach of equity in development and equal rights for all has resonance. This was despite the Tamil and Muslim parties making appeals to the electorate on nationalist or ethnic grounds.

Slow Change

Whether in the north and east or outside it, the government is perceived to be slow in delivering on its promises.  In the context of the promise of system change, it can be appreciated that such a change will be resisted tooth and nail by those with vested interests in the continuation of the old system.  System change will invariably be resisted at multiple levels.  The problem is that the slow pace of change may be seen by ethnic and religious minorities as being due to the disregard of their interests.  However, the system change is coming slow not only in the north and east, but also in the entire country.

At the general election in December last year, the NPP won an unprecedented number of parliamentary seats in both the country as well as in the north and east.  But it has still to make use of its 2/3 majority to make the changes that its super majority permits it to do.  With control of 267 out of 339 local councils, but without outright majorities in most, it must now engage in coalition-building and consensus-seeking if it wishes to govern at the local level. This will be a challenge for a party whose identity has long been built on principled opposition to elite patronage, corruption and abuse of power rather than to governance. General Secretary of the JVP, Tilvin Silva, has signaled a reluctance to form alliances with discredited parties but has expressed openness to working with independent candidates who share the party’s values. This position can and should be extended, especially in the north and east, to include political formations that represent minority communities and have remained outside the tainted mainstream.

In a plural and multi-ethnic society like Sri Lanka, democratic legitimacy and effective governance requires coalition-building. By engaging with locally legitimate minority parties, especially in the north and east, the NPP can engage in principled governance without compromising its core values. This needs to be extended to the local government authorities in the rest of the country as well. As the 19th century English political philosopher John Stuart Mill observed, “The worth of a state in the long run is the worth of the individuals composing it,” and in plural societies, that worth can only be realised through inclusive decision-making.

by Jehan Perera

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Commercialising research in Sri Lanka – not really the healthiest thing for research

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Image credit University of Sydney

In the early 2000s, a colleague, returning to Sri Lanka after a decade in a research-heavy first world university, complained to me that ‘there is no research culture in Sri Lanka’. But what exactly does having a ‘research culture’ mean? Is a lot of funding enough? What else has stopped us from working towards a productive and meaningful research culture? A concerted effort has been made to improve the research culture of state universities, though there are debates about how healthy such practices are (there is not much consideration of the same in private ‘universities’ in Sri Lanka but that is a discussion for another time). So, in the 25 years since my colleague bemoaned our situation, what has been happening?

What is a ‘research culture’?

A good research culture would be one where we – academics and students – have the resources to engage productively in research. This would mean infrastructure, training, wholesome mentoring, and that abstract thing called headspace. In a previous Kuppi column, I explained at length some of the issues we face as researchers in Sri Lankan universities, including outdated administrative regulations, poor financial resources, and such aspects. My perspective is from the social sciences, and might be different to other disciplines. Still, I feel that there are at least a few major problems that we all face.

Number one: Money is important.

Take the example American universities. Harvard University, according to Harvard Magazine, “received $686.5 million in federally sponsored research grants” for the fiscal year of 2024 but suddenly find themselves in a bind because of such funds being held back. Research funds in these universities typically goes towards building and maintenance of research labs and institutions, costs of equipment, material and other resources and stipends for graduate and other research assistants, conferences, etc. Without such an infusion of money towards research, the USA would not have been able to attracts (and keeps) the talent and brains of other countries. Without a large amount of money dedicated for research, Sri Lankan state universities, too, will not have the research culture it yearns for. Given the country’s austere economic situation, in the last several years, research funds have come mainly from self-generated funds and treasury funds. Yet, even when research funds are available (they are usually inadequate), we still have some additional problems.

Number two: Unending spools of red tape

In Sri Lankan universities red tape is endless. An MoU with a foreign research institution takes at least a year. Financial regulations surrounding the award and spending of research grants is frustrating.

Here’s a personal anecdote. In 2018, I applied for a small research grant from my university. Several months later, I was told I had been awarded it. It comes to me in installments of not more than Rs 100,000. To receive this installment, I must submit a voucher and wait a few weeks until it passes through various offices and gains various approvals. For mysterious financial reasons, asking for reimbursements is discouraged. Obviously then, if I were working on a time-sensitive study or if I needed a larger amount of money for equipment or research material, I would not be able to use this grant. MY research assistants, transcribers, etc., must be willing to wait for their payments until I receive this advance. In 2022, when I received a second advance, the red tape was even tighter. I was asked to spend the funds and settle accounts – within three weeks. ‘Should I ask my research assistants to do the work and wait a few weeks or months for payment? Or should I ask them not to do work until I get the advance and then finish it within three weeks so I can settle this advance?’ I asked in frustration.

Colleagues, who regularly use university grants, frustratedly go along with it; others may opt to work with organisations outside the university. At a university meeting, a few years ago, set up specifically to discuss how young researchers could be encouraged to do research, a group of senior researchers ended the meeting with a list of administrative and financial problems that need to be resolved if we want to foster ‘a research culture’. These are still unresolved. Here is where academic unions can intervene, though they seem to be more focused on salaries, permits and school quotas. If research is part of an academic’s role and responsibility, a research-friendly academic environment is not a privilege, but a labour issue and also impinges on academic freedom to generate new knowledge.

Number three: Instrumentalist research – a global epidemic

The quality of research is a growing concern, in Sri Lanka and globally. The competitiveness of the global research environment has produced seriously problematic phenomena, such as siphoning funding to ‘trendy’ topics, the predatory publications, predatory conferences, journal paper mills, publications with fake data, etc. Plagiarism, ghost writing and the unethical use of AI products are additional contemporary problems. In Sri Lanka, too, we can observe researchers publishing very fast – doing short studies, trying to publish quickly by sending articles to predatory journals, sending the same article to multiple journals at the same time, etc. Universities want more conferences rather than better conferences. Many universities in Sri Lanka have mandated that their doctoral candidates must publish journal articles before their thesis submission. As a consequence, novice researchers frequently fall prey to predatory journals. Universities have also encouraged faculties or departments to establish journals, which frequently have sub-par peer review.

Alongside this are short-sighted institutional changes. University Business Liankage cells, for instance, were established as part of the last World Bank loan cycle to universities. They are expected to help ‘commercialise’ research and focuses on research that can produce patents, and things that can be sold. Such narrow vision means that the broad swathe of research that is undertaken in universities are unseen and ignored, especially in the humanities and social sciences. A much larger vision could have undertaken the promotion of research rather than commercialisation of it, which can then extend to other types of research.

This brings us to the issue of what types of research is seen as ‘relevant’ or ‘useful’. This is a question that has significant repercussions. In one sense, research is an elitist endeavour. We assume that the public should trust us that public funds assigned for research will be spent on worth-while projects. Yet, not all research has an outcome that shows its worth or timeliness in the short term. Some research may not be understood other than by specialists. Therefore, funds, or time spent on some research projects, are not valued, and might seem a waste, or a privilege, until and unless a need for that knowledge suddenly arises.

A short example suffices. Since the 1970s, research on the structures of Sinhala and Sri Lankan Tamil languages (sound patterns, sentence structures of the spoken versions, etc.) have been nearly at a standstill. The interest in these topics are less, and expertise in these areas were not prioritised in the last 30 years. After all, it is not an area that can produce lucrative patents or obvious contributions to the nation’s development. But with digital technology and AI upon us, the need for systematic knowledge of these languages is sorely evident – digital technologies must be able to work in local languages to become useful to whole populations. Without a knowledge of the structures and sounds of local languages – especially the spoken varieties – people who cannot use English cannot use those devices and platforms. While providing impetus to research such structures, this need also validates utilitarian research.

This then is the problem with espousing instrumental ideologies of research. World Bank policies encourage a tying up between research and the country’s development goals. However, in a country like ours, where state policies are tied to election manifestos, the result is a set of research outputs that are tied to election cycles. If in 2019, the priority was national security, in 2025, it can be ‘Clean Sri Lanka’. Prioritising research linked to short-sighted visions of national development gains us little in the longer-term. At the same time, applying for competitive research grants internationally, which may have research agendas that are not nationally relevant, is problematic. These are issues of research ethics as well.

Concluding thoughts

In moving towards a ‘good research culture’, Sri Lankan state universities have fallen into the trap of adopting some of the problematic trends that have swept through the first world. Yet, since we are behind the times anyway, it is possible for us to see the damaging consequences of those issues, and to adopt the more fruitful processes. A slower, considerate approach to research priorities would be useful for Sri Lanka at this point. It is also a time for collective action to build a better research environment, looking at new relationships and collaborations, and mentoring in caring ways.

(Dr. Kaushalya Perera teaches at the Department of English, University of Colombo)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

By Kaushalya Perera

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Melantha …in the spotlight

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Fun mode for Melantha Perera and Allwyn H. Stephen

Melantha Perera, who has been associated with many top bands in the past, due to his versatility as a musician, is now enjoying his solo career, as well … as a singer.

He was invited to perform at the first ever ‘Noon2Moon’ event, held in Dubai, at The Huddle, CityMax Hotel, on Saturday, 3rd May.

It was 15 hours of non-stop music, featuring several artistes, with Melantha (the only Sri Lankan on the show), doing two sets.

According to reports coming my way, ‘Noon2Moon’ turned out to be the party of the year, with guests staying back till well past 3.00 am, although it was a 12.00 noon to 3.00 am event.

Having Arabic food

Melantha says he enjoyed every minute he spent on stage as the crowd, made up mostly of Indians, loved the setup.

“I included a few Sinhala songs as there were some Sri Lankans, as well, in the scene.”

Allwyn H. Stephen, who is based in the UAE, was overjoyed with the success of ‘Noon2Moon’.

Says Allwyn: “The 1st ever Noon2Moon event in Dubai … yes, we delivered as promised. Thank you to the artistes for the fab entertainment, the staff of The Huddle UAE , the sound engineers, our sponsors, my supporters for sharing and supporting and, most importantly, all those who attended and stayed back till way past 3.00 am.”

Melantha:
Dubai and
then Oman

Allwyn, by the way, came into the showbiz scene, in a big way, when he featured artistes, live on social media, in a programme called TNGlive, during the Covid-19 pandemic.

After his performance in Dubai, Melantha went over to Oman and was involved in a workshop – ‘Workshop with Melantha Perera’, organised by Clifford De Silva, CEO of Music Connection.

The Workshop included guitar, keyboard and singing/vocal training, with hands-on guidance from the legendary Melantha Perera, as stated by the sponsors, Music Connection.

Back in Colombo, Melantha will team up with his band Black Jackets for their regular dates at the Hilton, on Fridays and Sundays, and on Tuesdays and Thursdays at Warehouse, Vauxhall Street.

Melantha also mentioned that Bright Light, Sri Lanka’s first musical band formed entirely by visually impaired youngsters, will give their maiden public performance on 7th June at the MJF Centre Auditorium in Katubadda, Moratuwa.

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