Opinion
Cabbages and kings

By Tennekone Rusiripala
Among the many topics of interest doing the rounds, some are interesting revelations and others, repetitions and cliches. I chose to deal with a few, regarding recent developments, for the current write up.
Yugadanavi episode, a mid-night scandal
This reminds us of William Shakespeare’s A Midsummer Night’s Dream, where the Duke feels that his word should prevail as law.
People who come to power with thumping majorities think they are all powerful. Hence the springing of the Yugadanavi agreement and the fiasco following it. There are many facets to the dispute surrounding the Yugadanavi affair. Engineers of the Ceylon
Electricity Board (CEB) are up in arms on the line of Trade Union oppositions attributing National Interest. Certainly, Trade Unions are forerunners in instances of new policy enunciations. Their role in such falls within the scope of ‘unions are partners of social progress’. But in this instance their protest actions against the Yugadanavi devolved into other grievance areas such as the plan for restructuring the CEB administration. For those viewing the matter from outside, it appears that the CEB has to invariably introduce some urgent measures to reorganise its operations.
We may need to write several chapters to explain this state of affairs properly but it would suffice, for the current purpose, to state that the Treasury, state banks and the domestic debt position are all severely affected due to the operational maladies of the CEB over a long period of time. Therefore, the concerns of the CEB Engineers Union regarding the restructuring plan have to be fully explained before they engage in any protest campaigns. Otherwise their objectives and national interests may be subject to misinterpretation. Because there are many experiences of unions vociferously opposing reorganisation plans because of their rights and privileges, which they would like to safeguard at any cost to the nation or otherwise.
Then comes our representatives in parliament. Some oppose anything and everything. Certain others who oppose something to secure their precarious standing to prevent the fall of the Sword of Damocles hanging over their head, because of the situation they are facing for something very bad that could happen to some of them without the favour of the government. The Easter Sunday fracas is still hot!
Then there are others who truly want to defy anything that happens bypassing them. This agreement, according to the news, has been brewed, manipulated and entered into disregarding the existence of many, who are presumed important pillars in the government structure. They have chosen to oppose it knowing very well that it is as risky for them as it is for the government to overlook them. It is also possible that they are a part of a power struggle inside.
There is also a group hell-bent on provoking the elimination of appendages of the government by inciting them to oppose the agreement so that they will be stronger in the government once the victims leave.
The grand finale was the tabling of a copy of the Agreement, hitherto kept behind closed doors, by the JVP leader Anura Kumara in the Parliament during the budget debate.
But what transpired was not as dramatic as expected. Other than to pinpoint one major feature related to the agreement, that there is a non-disclosure clause, he failed to highlight any adverse terms or conditions embodied in the agreement that are harmful to the nation or national interest. This is not the first time that the government entered into agreements with international companies as investors on a 49 to 51 percent sharing basis. There cannot be anything so detrimental in that. But what is important is whether there are any conditions that go against the sovereign rights of the country or the broader public interest. The failure to highlight any of those leaves us with many unanswered questions.
Foreign Exchange crisis and Reserves position
Many critics from the opposition kept on hitting at the fact that the country’s foreign reserves have reached an unprecedented low. But here again they failed or ignored to spell out their alternate options except to reiterate their ex-boss’s view of suggesting to seek solace in the IMF. Mr. Wickremesinghe, as is well known, will have no qualms about the matter because of his inclinations towards the west. But there is no logic in trying that as the remedy of the last resort, when we can effect or attempt to effect some measures, with long term benefits, through possible inward domestic adjustments. If we can use our bilateral arrangements to sort out matters no one can find fault.
But the CBSL has to review the foreign remittances from those employed abroad by offering meaningful incentives to promote official inward remittances. An incentive will be effective and attractive only if it provides concessions out of the normal. There is no logic in pushing them to chase behind Rs. 8 or 10 more when the sharks outside are ever ready to offer about Rs 30 to 40 per USD. Laws and restrictions play a secondary role, as we are aware, orderliness has to be in place before anything else. In the modern world, people have many avenues for conducting transactions. It was a welcome move by the Governor to have explained the current requirement of converting foreign exchange balances in the accounts of local banks, which the commercial banks have been mishandling. The need to convert the balances apply only to export earnings and investment funds. Even in the case of export earnings there is leeway for the exporters to utilise the monies for their raw material for future productions.
We remember the time Dr. N.M Perera, as the Minister of Finance, introduced the Convertible Rupee Account system. If you bring in 100 net you are entitled to use 25 without any restrictions. This was a good scheme because it provided some relief to genuine foreign exchange earners.
Government Service
In this country any reference to certain areas, however justified or in whatever context, is deemed controversial. The recent reference to Public Sector employees, by the Finance Minister is one such example. There was a big furore following his reference. Some said it is a belittling of the Public Sector employees. This is real balderdash. The Public Sector of this country is badly in need of a complete revamping. Few dare to touch this or even talk about it. I am personally aware that topmost authorities are well aware of this but are scared to initiate any action. Let us follow Newton’s Third Law in this regard; ‘every action has an equal and opposite reaction’. Similarly for any thesis there will be an antithesis.
I once met a President to whom I mentioned that there is a crying need for a national wage policy because of certain serious irregularities in the wages and salaries structures in the country. I mentioned a few places where the wages and salaries were extremely disproportionate with the rest of the State Sector, although they too were SOEs (highly loss making). To my extreme delight and surprise this President complimented my view by mentioning a few other places that he knew to have this aberration. I requested him to initiate some action during his tenure, but to no avail.
Our Public Service is one of the most poorly paid sectors. It is also ipso facto a most poorly performing sector. If the country has to move forward what is required is not to fatten this white elephant any more but to make full use of it, looking after their welfare as well as improving their performance. I for one hail and appreciate the concerns expressed by the Finance Minister about this need and look forward to immediate drastic action in this regard. I trust that the government would seriously address the national wage policy issue and bring some uniformity to the salary structures of all Public Sector bodies, without any distinction as to whether they make profits or not.
Investments and BOI
We noted an ongoing fracas in the BOI, the institution that is created to monitor, promote and develop investments (FDI) in the country. The entire Board of Directors tendered their resignations but we also heard that the resignations were not accepted.
This sends out many adverse signals. For a country like ours, struggling to attract foreign investments, to come out of an economic crisis, the resignation threat of the BOI bosses conveys a negative message to prospective investors. They must be thinking, ‘why the hell should we dump our funds into a country where, leave alone anything else, even the body corporate set up to promote investments is not stable?’
Secondly, the refusal to accept their resignations and requesting them to continue in their posts indicates that from the government’s point of view their performance is OK but from the point of view of the BOI bosses the Government does not reciprocate their service.
We do not know why the government wants them to continue but their performance record is far from satisfactory. The BOI is one place which has miserably failed in the basics to revamp the country’s economy. Their failure became obvious during the pandemic, through lapses in agricultural production, transport systems and distribution mechanisms, non-availability of large scale well organised agricultural products, producers causing havoc, adverse effects on livelihoods, inflationary trends and basically putting in jeopardy the food security of the whole country. There is a wide spectrum and a multifaceted scope which the BOI never addressed, with the future of the country in mind. I have witnessed many times investors being turned away or discouraged due to the want of land for development. Despite repeated requests being made, in this regard, the BOI has failed, to date, to develop a Land Bank, a database of land available for development. Once at a meeting several years ago, when I heard a prospective foreign investor being told that the BOI was unable to fulfil his land requirement, I had to jump in and challenge the sitting authorities,”Give me one week, I will give you thousands of acres of land suitable for development activities within a 50-mile radius from Colombo.”
We have a Land Reform Commission owning tens of thousands of acres of land idling for several decades, the exact locations of which are not clear even to some of the officials. It is an invaluable national treasure. If developed properly, we need not import any agricultural products. The issue is that investors will have to go through a broker who will find land for them. The BOI was deaf and blind to these ground realities. The problem with them is that they are not sensible and practical people, with their feet on the ground. Recruiting many specialists will have hardly any effect. You can never develop this country without addressing the resource base, specially our priceless wealth in land.
Instead of focusing only on highly sophisticated areas, let there be new thinking and approach to study, examine and implement development programmes in keeping with our culture, environment and future human trends.
To make a long story short, the President’s announcement of looking into the prospects of harnessing and developing the higher education system with private sector investments, is a welcome move to address many of our present day as well as future needs. But he will need the services of some who are down-to-earth to successfully implement such a programme. Otherwise the same fate that befell the fertiliser issue will befall the issue of developing the higher education system.
Opinion
Raiding wild elephants and barking village dogs – I

The ‘Lanka Leader’ Sinhala language YouTube channel of May 27, 2025 published a news item under a headline which may be translated as follows:
“Public umbrage at General Daya Ratnayake for insulting the Mahanayake Theras”
According to the YouTube channel, the retired Army Commander General Daya Ratnayake participated in a religious programme conducted by a somewhat controversial, maverick Catholic preacher known as Brother Charles Thomas at the Padeniya Purana Raja Maha Viharaya on May 17, 2025. The Lanka Leader reported that members of the general public expressed displeasure at what the former Commander of the Army happened to say while speaking on the said occasion. Many of its readers, the Lanka Leader claimed, had also taken exception to General Ratnayake’s alleged comment, which was deemed insulting to the Mahanayake Theras. But, isn’t it the truth that, by making the observation in question, this upright patriotic war hero was, in reality, belling the cat? That is my opinion, for what it is worth.
Incidentally, the Padeniya Purana Rajamaha Viharaya, the strategic venue chosen for Charles Thomas’s controversial act, is among the most ancient Buddhist Viharas of that type. Rajamaha Viharayas are large complexes of buildings containing monastic residences plus places of worship, places of learning for bhikkhus and preaching halls where the laity assemble for listening to bana sermons and for other Buddhist practices. They are akin to Christian cathedrals and grand mosques in Islam.
Rajamaha Viharayas are therefore of great historic, religious and symbolic significance for Sinhalese Buddhists. The currently disputed Tissa Rajamaha Viharaya in Kankesanthurai near Jaffna was originally built by King Devanampiya Tissa in the 3rd century BCE; during his reign Buddhism was introduced to this country by Arhant Mahinda Thera. The king built this Viharaya to mark the place in Jambukola (Chapter XIX of Mahavamsa) or Jaffna today, where Arhant Mahinda’s sister Sangamitta Theri landed with the Bodhi Sapling from the Bodhi Tree at Gaya under which Siddhartha Gautama attained Enlightenment.
The origin of Padeniya Purana Rajamaha Viharaya also goes back to the same epoch in the early Anuradhapura period of Lankan history (377 BCE-1017 CE). It has survived well over 20 centuries of alternating glory, destruction and reconstruction. What remains today is as it was reconstructed by Meegastenne Adikaram during the reign of King Kirti Sri Rajasinghe (1747-1782 CE); it was under the sponsorship of that monarch that the rite of upasampada or higher ordination (which had disappeared earlier due to the depredations caused by Portuguese invaders) was re-introduced by Upali Thera, who was brought from Siam (Thailand) in 1753.
A simple ceremony was planned in 2023 to mark the 270th anniversary of the arrival of Upali Thera from Siam/Thailand in 1753 with the participation of some Thai monks to be held at the specific place in Trincomalee where Upali Thera landed with his companions. But this was more or less scuttled under the government of president Ranil Wickremasinghe for reasons easy to guess. That was an instance of the genocidal cultural asphyxiation of the Buddha Sasanaya that started during the Yaha[palanaya of 2015-19 period. Regrettably, the Mahanayakes failed to take notice and denounce it. The Padeniya Purana Rajamaha Viharaya belongs to the same Siyam Nikaya (monastic order) established by the Siamese Upali Thera under royal patronage and comes under the control of the present Mahanayake Thera of its Malwatte Chapter.
After this necessary digression, let’s get back to our topic. Charles Thomas has been often accused of engaging in appealingly disguised unethical proselytism on the pretext of promoting interfaith goodwill between Christians/Catholics and Buddhists. Ven Katumuluwe Sumanaratana Thera, who is the chief incumbent of this historic Rajamaha Viharaya located in the Kurunegala District is also the Adhikarana (Judicial) Sangha Nayake of the Devamedi Hatpattuwa under the Siyam Maha Nikaya.
He reportedly invited Charles Thomas to the Viharaya and provided facilities for him to stage his popular Sihinaya (Dream) programme, and organised the controversial event despite the Most Venerable Mahanayake Thera of the Malwatte Chapter of the Siyam Nikaya in Kandy having earlier (actually more than a month before) issued him a formal letter restraining him from holding the disputed programme. (All the information about Charles Thomas’s programme included in this essay, I have derived from various social media sources including the Lanka Leader YouTube channel already mentioned.)
I checked out three other Sri Lankan social media websites that use English as their medium about this particular episode involving Charles Thomas. All three seemed sympathetic towards Charles Thomas unlike the Sinhala language Lanka Leader (mentioned above) which covered the news without any bias towards or against any party or person. The first of the three English language YouTube channels, THE LEADER (May 17, 2025), reported: “The government has ordered a halt to a programme by Fr. Charles Thomas scheduled for today (17) at Padeniya Purana Vihara … The Deputy Minister of Buddha Sasana and Religious Affairs issued a directive to the assistant commissioner general of Buddhist affairs (sic) ….”
The second website of the same description that I checked out was ‘Sri Lanka Mirror’ (May 17, 2025), which reported: ‘The Ministry of Buddhasasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs has issued a letter over a program organized by Br. Charles Thomas … The letter notes that the Deputy Minister has taken steps to cancel the program following complaints from various parties, citing strong displeasure expressed by the local Buddhist community.”
The last English language YouTube channel I visited was Colombo Post (May 20, 2025), which describes the chief monk of the Padeniya Purana Viharaya as the ‘Chief Sangha Nayaka of the Devamedi Hathpaththu’. According to its report, ‘the incumbent of the Viharaya Katumuluwe Sumanaratne Thero has been suspended due to the holding of Brother Charles Thomas’s Sihinaya programme at the Padeniya Rajamaha Viharaya.’
These reports left me confused and unconvinced about Charles Thomas’ real designation and his religious mission, as well as about what actually happened or was allowed to happen at the particular Rajamaha Viharaya involving that variously described character. The Sinhala medium Lanka Leader account of the episode, on which I am mainly based for this essay seemed to me to offer the most reliable account. The other three English language YouTube channels might be among the plethora of such ephemeral websites launched at short notice to beef up the current blitzkrieg of subversive disinformation against the unitary Sri Lankan state and its age-old Buddha Sasanaya or the foundational Buddhist religious establishment, which is very tolerant and accommodative towards adherents of non-Buddhist faiths. The two (unitary Sri Lanka and Buddha Sasanaya) are organically connected like a tree and its bark. The one will not survive without the other. The interdependence of unitary Lanka and Buddha Sasanaya is a historical fact, which poses no threat to any other ethnic or religious community.
The civilised world today is facing violent forms of extremist religious totalitarianism of apocalyptic proportions as never before, surreptitiously weaponized by certain hegemonic global superpowers in pursuit of their mutually hostile agendas. In Sri Lanka, Buddhism provides a protective umbrella of humanism and humaneness from that menace for all its diverse ethnicities and religious identities without any discrimination.
What did General Ratnayake say that people found so defamatory of the Mahanayakes? During his speech on the occasion mentioned, presumably as an invited guest, the retired military officer was reported to have said, ‘When wild elephants raid villages, dogs bark; but they eat up the crops unperturbed’. That is as close a literal rendering as I can manage, but it doesn’t convey what the speaker really meant, to people not very familiar with the Sinhala language or with Sri Lankans’, especially Sinhalese Buddhists’ (often tragic) love-hate relationship with elephants in their natural habitat. These elephants raid adjacent human settlements for food. The Sinhala term, ‘Vana Ali’ which I have translated as ‘wild elephants’ is an elephant friendly euphemism meaning ‘forest dwelling elephants’ as distinct from the domesticated ones that are nowadays almost exclusively used for ceremonial purposes.
The celebrated war hero’s clever remark seems to have stirred up a hornets’ nest of angry objections from some well-intentioned but ill-informed individuals who tend to embrace foes as friends through their inexcusable ignorance and naivety, like the Viharadhipati in this case. (But the monk’s apparent audacity in ignoring the Mahanayake Thera’s advice suggests that he could well be enticed by filthy lucre). The intelligent ones in the audience wouldn’t have missed the point that the retired general was trying to make, if they had been listening to him attentively. (Sorry. I am anticipating things here.)
by Rohana R. Wasala ✍️
To be concluded
Opinion
Funding of higher education in Sri Lanka

(A response to Prof. Shamala Kumar’s article, “Public funding of higher education: Seeking private funds to fill the gap?” in The Island of 10 June 2025)
* Acknowledging the Funding Crisis and Equity Gap
Prof. Kumar rightly draws attention to the precipitous decline in state funding for higher education in Sri Lanka from 4.25% of GDP in the 1960s to a mere 1.5% in 2022, and the consequential disparities in revenue-raising capacities, with the University of Colombo generating approximately 20% of its budget independently, while regional universities such as the University of Jaffna and Wayamba University operate with less than 2% (Kumar, 2025). This fiscal contraction worsens structural inequities and hampers the mission of regional institutions. Ashraf et al. (2012) state that the system resource approach to organisational effectiveness highlights that an institution’s ability to secure and use resources is crucial for its success. Without strategic investment and resource redistribution, less-resourced universities will continue to lag behind, perpetuating systemic inequities.
However, in this context, it is important to recognise that looking for alternative revenue sources, like increasing the number of foreign students and forming public-private partnerships, is not just a concession to the market; it is a strategic necessity.
These methods can help universities diversify their funding sources, improve their resilience, and lessen their dependence on decreasing public funds. Also, attracting international students and private investment can provide essential resources for infrastructure, faculty development, and research, which supports the broader mission of higher education (British Council, 2024).
* Institutional Constraints Over Full Marketisation: The Imperative of Governance Reform
The expectation that public universities transition to full self-funding is neither feasible nor equitable in the absence of substantive governance reforms. Sri Lankan universities remain entangled in rigid administrative frameworks, including protracted approvals for signing MOUs with foreign universities, foreign-funded research and Treasury-mandated procurement protocols, which severely restrict strategic autonomy (Kumar, 2025). The process approach to organisational effectiveness highlights the need for efficient internal operations, trust, and communication as key factors for institutional success (Ashraf et al., 2012). Too much bureaucracy weakens these elements, limiting innovation and responsiveness.
To fully realise the benefits of recruiting foreign students and forming public-private partnerships, governance reforms must give universities the power to negotiate, carry out, and manage these initiatives effectively. Without these reforms, even the best strategies might be slowed down by bureaucracy and inefficiency. This would limit their potential impact on institutional growth and equity.
Moreover, governance in higher education is complex. It involves coordination between government agencies, institutional leadership, and internal governance bodies (De Boer et al., 2015). Effective reform must strike a balance between institutional autonomy and transparent accountability mechanisms. Empirical research from Ethiopian public universities indicates that governance principles, including academic freedom, accountability, and transparency, are positively correlated with educational quality (Gebremariam et al., 2020). These findings suggest that enhancing autonomy and leadership capacity is critical to improving institutional performance in Sri Lanka.
* Reforming Quality Assurance in Sri Lankan Higher Education: A Unified Total Quality Management Framework for Public and Private Institutions
The prevailing quality assurance (QA) framework in Sri Lanka’s higher education sector, overseen predominantly by the University Grants Commission (UGC), has been critiqued for its compliance-driven, top-down approach. As Prof. Kumar insightfully notes, this system marginalises internal democratic bodies such as Faculty Boards and Senates, reducing QA to bureaucratic box-ticking exercises that stifle institutional creativity and contextual responsiveness. This model fails to foster a culture of continuous improvement and innovation, which is essential for elevating educational quality in a diverse and evolving landscape.
To overcome these limitations, it is necessary to adopt a Total Quality Management (TQM) approach tailored specifically for higher education (Yusuf, 2023). Unlike traditional compliance models, TQM emphasises continuous improvement, stakeholder engagement, and process optimisation. Frameworks like ISO 21001, which has been designed for educational organisations, highlight learner-centered practices, visionary leadership, and social responsibility, aligning quality management with the dynamic needs of institutions and their communities which also incorporates both Total Quality Management (TQM) principles and compliance requirements.
Institutional Autonomy with Collaborative National Oversight
A reimagined QA system would grant universities, both public and private, the autonomy to implement TQM practices suited to their unique contexts. This autonomy fosters a culture of self- reflection and ongoing quality enhancement, empowering institutions to innovate while remaining accountable. Simultaneously, a national apex body would be established to collaboratively develop quality benchmarks with key stakeholders, including faculty, students, employers, and policymakers. This participatory governance model ensures that quality standards are relevant, transparent, and socially accountable, consistent with the strategic constituency model of organisational effectiveness.
To balance autonomy and accountability, a tiered accreditation system is proposed:
Under such a system, institutions that meet or exceed quality benchmarks would enjoy full autonomy to innovate and refine their quality management without excessive external interference whereas institutions that fall short would remain under a compliance-driven regime, receiving targeted support and oversight until they achieve the required standards (Russell Group, 2014). This, while motivating underperforming institutions to elevate their standards, will free high- performing institutions from being bound by the limitations of low-performing institutions in setting quality benchmarks. Therefore, the proposed graded approach would incentivise excellence while safeguarding minimum quality standards, recognising the diversity of institutional missions and capacities across Sri Lanka’s higher education sector.
* Ensuring a Level Playing Field: Integrating Private Providers
Market distortions often attributed to private-sector education largely stem from the absence of a unified, developmental QA framework. Incorporating private providers into the same TQM-based QA system as public universities ensures equitable quality assurance across the sector. Private institutions adopting TQM principles would align with ISO 21001 standards, embracing learner- centeredness, ethical conduct, and social responsibility.
As indicated before, a national apex body would oversee this unified QA framework, setting transparent benchmarks and monitoring performance across all institutions. The tiered accreditation system applies equally to private providers, fostering a competitive environment driven by quality and innovation rather than price or minimal compliance. This approach addresses concerns regarding misuse of autonomy in the private sector and guarantees equitable access, academic standards, and ethical fundraising practices.
Empirical Evidence and International Best Practices Empirical studies support the effectiveness of Total Quality Management (TQM) in higher education, particularly in improving institutional processes and stakeholder satisfaction. For instance, Gorontalo State University’s adoption of TQM practices has been linked to notable gains in accreditation, governance, research collaboration, and community outreach (Rahman et al., 2018). Globally, organisations such as the OECD encourage coherent national quality assurance systems, where both public and private institutions are subject to clear, development-oriented standards monitored by appropriate national authorities.
Capacity Building and Facilitative Governance
Effective TQM adoption requires capacity building in leadership, quality culture, and data management. The national apex body’s role should be facilitative, providing guidance, disseminating best practices, and supporting professional development, rather than functioning as a rigid regulator. This enables a sector-wide cultural shift from compliance to continuous improvement.
* Beyond Blaming “Neoliberalism”: Emphasising Implementation and Governance Culture
While Prof. Kumar warns that unchecked marketisation can weaken free undergraduate education and increase social inequalities (Kumar, 2025), it is important to understand that how well an organisation performs depends on the design and management of governance and policy, not just on economic ideology (Cameron, 1978; Ashraf et al., 2012).
The focus on internationalisation and industry collaboration should not be dismissed as purely ‘neoliberal.’ Rather, these strategies should be evaluated based on how they can promote the public good. When appropriately regulated, such efforts can enhance graduate employability, foster applied research aligned with national priorities, and enable Sri Lankan universities to participate more actively in global knowledge and technology production (British Council, 2024; Ashraf et al., 2012).
Governance reform must address not only structural autonomy but also the culture of governance. Research in Europe, including the UK, highlights that inclusive and participatory governance cultures, characterised by transparency, engagement, and proactive leadership, are essential for effective institutional management (Bergan and Pinheiro, 2021). These cultural aspects complement formal reforms in promoting institutional agility and innovation. Although operating within a state- controlled system, Tsinghua University has undertaken governance reforms that demonstrate evolving models of internal collaboration among faculty, administrators, and students (Wang and Liu, 2019). This underscores the potential benefits of empowering internal democratic bodies such as Councils, Senates, and Faculty Boards in the Sri Lankan university system.
* Governance as a Catalyst for Collaboration, Research Quality, and Innovation
Effective governance frameworks support collaboration across different fields and promote research excellence. These elements are vital for improving the quality of higher education (Lee et al., 2020). Public-private partnerships can create opportunities for joint research, technology sharing, and ecosystems that lead to innovation, benefiting both schools and businesses.
Universities with solid governance systems create environments that encourage academic freedom and independence. This approach promotes innovation and valuable research results. Therefore, reforming governance is crucial not only for fairness and quality control but also for Sri Lanka’s overall research and innovation goals.
* A Balanced, Action-Oriented Policy Framework.
Conclusions
Prof. Kumar’s critique of growing inequality due to unchecked market forces is relevant and significant. However, completely rejecting private involvement could result in continued resource shortages and hinder innovation. We need a complex and thoughtful approach. This approach should acknowledge the role of internationalisation and cooperation between public and private sectors. These aspects are vital for building institutional strength, generating knowledge, and supporting national progress. By using established models of organisational effectiveness (Cameron, 1978; Ashraf et al., 2012) and research on governance, this approach should combine governance reform, balanced revenue strategies, fair taxation, and a cohesive framework for quality assurance in development. Transitioning to a TQM-based, unified quality assurance system that encompasses both public and private higher education providers, supported by institutional autonomy and a stakeholder-driven national framework, presents a promising path forward for Sri Lanka. This model aligns with international best practices and addresses the current regime’s limitations by fostering innovation, contextual adaptation, and equitable quality enhancement. Ultimately, it creates a level playing field that elevates quality, equity, and innovation across the entire higher education sector. Only through such thorough reforms can Sri Lanka maintain its commitment to free education, promote innovation, and provide equitable, high-quality higher education for all.
References
* Ashraf, G., Abd Kadir, S., & others. (2012). A Review on the Models of Organizational Effectiveness: A Look at Cameron’s Model in Higher Education. International Education Studies, 5(2), 80-87.
* Bergan, S., & Pinheiro, R. (2021). Governance and Institutional Autonomy in Higher Education: The Role of Culture. European Journal of Higher Education, 11(3), 255-270.
* British Council. (2024). Growth of Sri Lanka’s private higher education sector.
* Cameron, K. S. (1978). Measuring Organizational Effectiveness in Institutions of Higher Education. Administrative Science Quarterly, 23(4), 604-632.
* De Boer, H., Enders, J., & Schimank, U. (2015). Higher Education Governance and Institutional Autonomy: A Multi-Level Perspective. Higher Education Policy, 28(3), 293-311.
* Gebremariam, M., et al. (2020). The Impact of Governance Principles on Quality of Education in Ethiopian Public Universities. Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management, 42(3), 234-250.
* Kumar, S. (2025). Public funding of higher education: Seeking private funds to fill the gap? The Island, June 10, 2025.
* Lee, S., et al. (2020). Governance and Research Collaboration in Higher Education. Studies in Higher Education, 45(5), 1021-1037.
* OECD. (2020). Quality Assurance in Higher Education: Trends and Challenges. OECD Publishing.
* Perera, H., & Fernando, R. (2021). Challenges in Quality Assurance Implementation in Sri Lankan Universities. Sri Lankan Journal of Educational Research, 13(1), 45-62.
* Rahman, A., et al. (2018). Implementation of Total Quality Management (TQM) in Efforts to Improve the Quality of Higher Education: Case Study at Gorontalo State University. Journal of Indonesian Community and Public Health, 1(2).
* Russell Group. (2014). Quality Assurance in UK Higher Education: A Tiered System Approach. Russell Group Paper.
* assurance.pdf
* Wang, H., & Liu, J. (2019). Multi-Model Governance Reform at Tsinghua University. Higher Education Policy, 32(4), 567-584.
* Yusuf, F. A. (2023). Total Quality Management (TQM) and Quality of Higher Education: A Meta-Analysis Study. International Journal of Instruction, 16(2), 161-178.
Opinion
Growth imperative:Sri Lanka’s path to prosperity

The World Bank’s latest projections deliver a sobering warning: Sri Lanka’s economy is set to grow at a sluggish 3.5% in 2025, slipping to 3.1% in 2026. For a nation still scarred by the 2022 economic crisis, such anaemic growth threatens prolonged hardship, failing to deliver the jobs, poverty reduction, or stability Sri Lankans need. Meanwhile, India, our regional neighbour, is projected to achieve robust growth of 6.3% to 6.8% over the same period. Sri Lanka must aim to match this momentum, targeting at least 6.5% growth to transform its economic future. This demands a national commitment to faster growth through a dynamic work culture, modernised labour policies, and a skilled, inclusive workforce. The time for half-measures is over—Sri Lanka must act boldly to ignite rapid economic progress.
The Cost of Stagnation
The World Bank’s forecast of 3.5% growth in 2025 and 3.1% in 2026 signals a dangerous trajectory. At this pace, Sri Lanka risks a vicious cycle of economic fragility, with insufficient investment to spur job creation, persistent unemployment, and stagnant wages. Youth unemployment, at 25% in 2024, could worsen, fuelling frustration and social unrest. Rural communities, reliant on agriculture and remittances, face declining incomes, exacerbating inequality and limiting access to healthcare and education. Women, who make up 35% of the workforce, are disproportionately affected, with many trapped in low-paying, informal jobs, perpetuating gender disparities. Small businesses, employing over 45% of the workforce, struggle under high costs and low demand, stifling entrepreneurship.
Macroeconomic challenges compound these issues. Low growth sustains Sri Lanka’s high public debt burden, estimated at 110% of GDP in 2024, limiting fiscal space for social programmes or infrastructure. Without faster growth, the nation remains vulnerable to external shocks, such as commodity price spikes or global recessions, and internal discontent could erode social cohesion. Sri Lanka’s potential—its strategic Indian Ocean location and educated population—will remain untapped unless bold action is taken. Rapid growth is not just an economic goal; it is a social and moral imperative to restore hope and opportunity for all Sri Lankans.
Productivity is the engine of faster growth. Sri Lanka’s workforce, while capable, is hindered by inefficiencies, outdated labour practices, and skill gaps. By focusing on three pillars—cultivating a dynamic work culture, reforming labour policies, and empowering a skilled workforce—Sri Lanka can unlock the productivity needed to break free from stagnation.
Cultivating a Dynamic Work Culture
A vibrant work culture is the foundation of faster growth. In Sri Lanka, inefficiencies persist across sectors. Public sector workers often face low accountability, with absenteeism and lack of performance metrics draining resources. In traditional industries like tea and garments, reliance on low-skill models stifles innovation. To drive rapid growth, Sri Lanka must foster a culture that values efficiency, initiative, and merit.
Leadership must set the example. Government and private sector leaders can launch campaigns like “Proudly Productive Sri Lanka” to promote productivity as a national priority. Spotlighting local heroes—tech entrepreneurs scaling startups, farmers adopting sustainable practices, or public servants streamlining services—can inspire change. Regional programmes, such as productivity workshops in Galle or Jaffna, can engage local communities. Private sector examples, like John Keells Holdings implementing performance-driven cultures, show how incentives can transform workplaces. Small businesses, critical to the economy, can benefit from recognition programmes, such as awards for innovative retailers or artisans, motivating others to improve efficiency.
Schools should teach adaptability, problem-solving, and a strong work ethic, preparing students for a global economy. Incentives, such as merit-based promotions in the public sector or performance bonuses in private firms, can drive effort while ensuring fairness. Rewarding high-performing teachers or healthcare workers could improve service delivery, boosting long-term productivity. By cultivating a work culture rooted in merit and results, Sri Lanka can pave the way for faster growth.
Reforming Labour Policies
Sri Lanka’s labour dynamics often undermine productivity. Trade unions, while vital for protecting worker rights, have historically wielded significant influence, often prioritising short-term gains over long-term economic health. Since the 1970s, union-led strikes have disrupted critical sectors like transport, healthcare, and education, costing Sri Lanka an estimated 1% of GDP in 2023 alone due to lost productivity and investor confidence. Public sector rigidity, including resistance to modernisation, further hampers efficiency. To achieve faster growth, Sri Lanka must reform its labour policies to balance worker protections with economic flexibility.
Collaboration is essential. The government can establish tripartite councils involving unions, businesses, and policymakers to design policies that align worker welfare with economic goals. Creating independent arbitration boards to resolve disputes before strikes escalate would minimise disruptions while respecting workers’ rights. Introducing flexible work arrangements, such as part-time or contract roles in tourism and IT, would attract global firms and create jobs for young Sri Lankans. Simplifying business regulations, such as reducing licensing delays from months to weeks and clarifying tax policies, would create a business-friendly environment, encouraging investment in high-growth sectors like technology and logistics. These Sri Lanka-specific reforms, grounded in local realities, would drive productivity without compromising fairness.
Empowering a Skilled, Inclusive Workforce
Skill shortages are a major barrier to Sri Lanka’s growth, as highlighted by the World Bank. Despite high literacy, many workers lack the technical and digital skills needed for high-value industries. To achieve faster growth, Sri Lanka must invest in human capital, ensuring its workforce is equipped for modern economic demands.
Vocational training programmes, tailored to sectors like IT, renewable energy, and advanced agriculture, are critical. Establishing coding academies in Colombo and Kandy, in partnership with private firms, could prepare thousands for tech jobs. Community training centres with affordable internet can teach digital skills like e-commerce and data analysis, empowering rural and urban workers alike. Special programmes for women, who face barriers in accessing technical training, can increase their participation in high-growth sectors, promoting gender equity. Funding these initiatives through public-private partnerships and international grants ensures scalability.
Retraining workers in traditional sectors is vital to diversify the economy. Garment workers could learn advanced manufacturing techniques, while farmers could adopt precision agriculture to boost yields. To combat brain drain, which sees skilled Sri Lankans leave for better prospects, the government could offer tax incentives for professionals starting businesses, ensuring merit-based opportunities. By building a skilled, inclusive workforce, Sri Lanka can drive the productivity needed for faster growth.
Strengthening the Economic Ecosystem
Faster growth requires a supportive ecosystem. Investing in infrastructure—digital networks, ports, and energy grids—is critical to enhance connectivity and productivity. Expanding 5G and data centres can position Sri Lanka as a hub for IT and business process outsourcing, creating thousands of jobs. Upgrading ports like Trincomalee and modernising rail networks can connect rural economies to urban markets, boosting trade. Solar and wind projects, leveraging Sri Lanka’s natural resources, would ensure reliable energy for high-growth industries while reducing import costs.
A national export strategy, focusing on value-added products like organic spices, high-quality cinnamon, or eco-tourism, can drive growth, as recommended by the Asian Development Bank. Targeting markets in Europe and the Middle East, where demand for sustainable products is rising, could increase foreign exchange earnings. Simplifying trade regulations and offering incentives for high-value sectors would attract investment, reinforcing a business-friendly environment. Transparent governance and merit-based policies in these initiatives promote fairness and build investor confidence.
Overcoming Barriers
Driving faster growth will face challenges. Shifting work culture takes time, and unions may resist labour reforms. Political populism and budget constraints could hinder investments in skills and infrastructure. Public campaigns linking productivity to higher wages and better living standards can build support. Engaging unions through dialogue ensures their concerns are addressed, fostering collaboration. Redirecting inefficient subsidies to education, training, and infrastructure, while seeking international grants, can address funding gaps. Transparent, merit-based implementation will maintain public trust and ensure equitable outcomes.
Seizing the Opportunity
The World Bank’s projections of 3.5% growth in 2025 and 3.1% in 2026 demand urgent action. Sri Lanka cannot afford stagnation. By fostering a dynamic work culture, modernising labour policies, empowering a skilled workforce, and strengthening the economic ecosystem, Sri Lanka can achieve the rapid growth needed to transform its future. This is about building a nation where every Sri Lankan has access to opportunity and prosperity. The 2022 crisis exposed the cost of inaction; the World Bank’s projections underscore the need for bold change. Let us act decisively to forge a prosperous future for generations to come
The writer is Professor of Marketing University of Surrey. Views expressed in this article are personal.
by Professor Chanaka Jayawardhena
Chanaka.j@gmail.com
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