Features
Biography of E.A. Goonasinghe pioneer Trade Unionist and able Politician

Book review
Author: Dr. B.G.A Vidyathilaka
(632 Pages in Sinhala)
Published by Sarasavi (Pvt) Ltd,
First edition 2023
Absorbing and no-holds-barred- biography – a review by Jagath Savanadasa
This is a well researched and illuminating biography about the life, services and times of E.A. Goonasinghe the pioneer Trade Unionist and able \politician.The Labour and Trade Union movement in this country owes a debt of gratitude to its father figure E.A. Goonasinghe. He indeed gave life to it during a particularly difficult period when workers were subjected to harsh treatment by the employers. This was during early to near mid-20th century when the country was under British Colonial rule.
When one reads this book, one is exposed to the truth about working conditions during those turbulent years, in both public and private or mercantile sectors. Some of the tales about the strikes organised to alleviate the suffering of the mass of the employees groaning under the weight of injustice, pricks one’s conscience.It also raises the valid question why were British entities so unjust and why did they not improve working conditions of the employees?
It was during this early stage that the biography brings forth history of trade unionism and the arrival at the scene of a forceful and combative figure. It was he who led the suffering masses and helped to band themselves together to fight for justice and fair play.
The first part of the book is a virtual autobiography and its titled “My life and Labour”
Accordingly Goonasinghe has had his early education at St. Joseph College, Colombo and Dharmaraja College, Kandy. Even as a schoolboy he seemed to have been patriotic.And quite early in life Goonasinghe had been vehemently opposed to the Kandyan Treaty of 1815 which was an instrument of deception by the British. Goonasinghe had been an avid protestor at the centenary meeting of the above Treaty at the residence of well-known lawyer in Chilaw C.E.A. Corea.
The meeting led to the formation of an association named “The Young Lanka League”. While C.E.A. Corea was elected President of the league and Goonasinghe its Secretary.
Sinhala-Muslim riots of 1915
The Sinhala-Muslim riots of 1915 was a gruesome event which darkened the history of British rule of Ceylon.More than 100 men were killed during the riots which originated in Kandy and spread to various parts of the country.
The most unfortunate aspect of this grim episode was the misguided action of the British military who thought that the riots were instigated by the Buddhists leaders in Colombo. The British not only declared Marshal law but also arrested leading Buddhists like D.S. and F.R. Senanayake, Hewawitharana brothers, Sir D.B. Jayathilake, Piyadasa Sirisena, Aurthur V. Dias and also .A. E. Goonasinghe the main figure in this study.
Also during the course of the riots, Captain Pedris who had no hand in this grim affair was mistakenly shot dead. This was a grave error on the part of the British which led to serious repercussions on them.
The historic strikes.
The vivid biography also describes more than two dozen strikes in which Goonasinghe was deeply involved. These reflected Goonasighe’s will and strength in combatting ruthless forces in operation in the upper rungs of the Mercantile sector supported by the Police.The most serious of these were in the 1920’s. One such was the GOH strike, another the strike by the harbour unions, and the most devastating was the tram car unions strike.
It is interesting at this stage to look at the history of the last strike mentioned. A prominent Mercantile firm Whittal Boustead and Company Limited had owned and operated a network of Tram cars in the city. Older generations in Colombo will recall that it was a commendable “modus operandi” for travel within the city. The objective of the strike was to bring about better wages as well as persuading the company to improve working conditions of those who manned this important service.
It did lead to negotiations with the hierarchy of Whittals but they failed to grant the demands made by the Unions.More seriously the strikers had been challenged and provoked by the Maradana Police. The book observed that retaliatory violence led to the police shooting five people dead. Shocking accounts of this deadly action is revealed in the book. It had led to burning of the Maradana Police station completely.
The Final Outcome
The Book observes that the Inspector General of Police Hubert Dowbiggen had been condemned in no uncertain terms since he had acted in an arbitrary and ruthless manner which deepened the crisis.
An important agreement
The book notes that the penultimate stage of this unfortunate affair was the investigation conducted in order to examine the causes, effects and solution. But nothing followed and thus the final outcome of the inquiry was not known.
Of course, there was one worthy development and this was the final settlement arrived at between the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce and the three Trade unions involved which revealed a sympathetic attitude of the Ceylon Chamber Chairman towards the workers and it was helpful in solving the issues.
Goonasinghe’s political carrier
Besides being a noteworthy trade unionist. Goonasinghe had also had an eventful political career during that final phase of the British colonial rule.At first Goonsinghe became a member of the Colombo Municipal Council in the 1920’s. The election to the Council had been a tense affair with several well-known politicians joining the fray.
First Sinhala Mayor
Goonasinghe had the honour of being the first Sinhala Mayor of the capital City which shows that in those distant days ethnicity, religion, caste and such other factors had been decisive in politics.
Member of the State Council
In 1931 Goonasinghe was elected to the State Council and quickly rose to be a Minister.A point of special interest revealed in the biographical account is that he was elected to the State Council through the UNP.
Other Highlights
Curiously Goonsinghe’s Ministerial portfolio did not specify his duties and exact responsibilities. But it did reflect some interesting facts. Though Goonsinghe, throughout his life represented the interests of lower rungs of employees, he was not strictly a leftist. But a liberal thinker and a democrat.
The book also reveals verbal duels in the State Council against the likes of Dr. N.M. Perera the prominent Sama Samaja leader. He had never given in to them. However, Goonasinghe was elected a member of the first post Independent House of Representatives in 1948. And a cabinet Minister in the first government of D.S. Senanayake
Goonasinghe had the honour of representing the local Trade Unions at conferences overseas and one of which was in London where he had the opportunity to interact with leading personalities in the British Labour party.
Goonasinghe during the course of a notable and varied carrier had also being Ceylon’s ambassador to Indonesia and Burma respectively. This enabled Goonasinghe a devout Buddhist to visit renowned temples and other historic sites especially in Indonesia. He also had the opportunity to establish ties with President Sukarno of Indonesia.
Adult franchise for eligible Ceylonese
Goonasinghe during the course of which fought relentless battle was to gain voting rights to eligible Ceylonese.
Death of D.S Senanayake Ceylon’s first Prime Minister and the father of the nation
Ceylon’s first Prime Minister D.S. Senannayake aslo called the father of the nation died suddenly in 1952 after falling from the horse he was riding. In a graphic description of the aftermath of his death the biography recounts the stirring address made by Goonasinghe in the parliament.
Goonasinghe recalled that D.S. and F.R. Senanayake the two brothers had laid the foundation for the independence of this nation from Colonial Bondage. Goonasinghe had added that D.S. did not have a degree from Oxford or Cambridge universities. But he was nourished by the ancient culture of this land and he became one of the greatest political leaders of the world.
Following the prime Minister’s death there was no tussle to succeed him. But the book highlights how an attempt was made by Sir. John Kothalawala to be the Prime Minister. But this was thwarted when a number of Parliamentarians who objected to it forwarded a petition to the Governor General.
The Book which is full of exhilarating history of this country notes how P. De. S. Kularathna an eminent educationist failed in his attempt to enter parliament through a misjudgement about voters of Maradana.
Was it a love-hate relationship?
Around the same time Goonasinghe was active in public life the field of Sinhala journalism was dominated by a great nationalist of the time Piyadasa Sirisena. Sirisena who was Publisher and Editor Sinhala Jathiya newspaper.
The Biography quotes Sinhala Jathiya’s comments on Goonasinghe’s role in public life. The Book also published many cartoons that appeared in Sinhala Jathiya from time to time. This writer feels that this newspaper’s portrayal of Goonasinghe seems to show two sides, both love and hate.
But readers may feel that this is a part of objective journalism.Sirisena was a great believer in democracy and also had rightist inclinations.This biography is a voyage of discovery. And readers should be grateful to Dr. Vidyathillake for his vital account on Trade Unionism and its pioneer.
Jagath Savanadasa is one of most senior Chamber of Commerce officials in the country with a career span of more than half a century. He has also published books on history and other trade related research works.He is currently the Secretary General/CEO of the Business Chamber of Commerce which was established in year 2000. This essay however is written in his personal capacity
Features
Coping with Batalanda’s emergence to centre stage

by Jehan Perera
The Batalanda Commission report which goes into details of what happened during the JVP insurrection of 1987-89 has become the centre of public attention. The controversy has long been a point of contention and a reminder of the country’s troubled past and entrenched divisions that still exist. The events that occurred at Batalanda during the violent suppression of the JVP-led insurgency, remain a raw wound, as seen in the sudden resurfacing of the issue. The scars of violence and war still run deep. At a time when the country is grappling with pressing challenges ranging from economic recovery to social stability, there is a need to keep in focus the broader goal of unity for long-term peace and prosperity. But the ghosts of the past need also to be put to rest without continuing to haunt the present and future.
Grisly accounts of what transpired at Batalanda now fill the social media even in the Tamil media, though Tamils were not specifically targeted at that time. There was then a ceasefire between the government and LTTE. The Indo-Lanka Accord had just been signed and the LTTE were fighting the Indian peacekeeping army. The videos that are now circulating on social media would show the Tamil people that they were not the only ones at the receiving end of counter-terrorist measures. The Sinhalese were in danger then, as it was a rebellion of Sinhalese against the state. Sinhalese youth had to be especially careful.
It appears that former president Ranil Wickremesinghe was caught unprepared by the questions from a team from Al Jazeera television. The answers he gave, in which he downplayed the significance of the Batalanda Commission report have been viewed differently, depending on the perspective of the observer. He has also made a statement in which he has rejected the report. The report, which demands introspection, referred to events that had taken place 37 years earlier. But the ghosts of the past have returned. After the issue has come to the fore, there are many relatives and acquaintances of the victims from different backgrounds who are demanding justice and offering to come forward to give evidence of what they had witnessed. They need closure after so many years.
MORE POLARISATION
The public reaction to the airing of the Al Jazeera television programme is a reminder that atrocities that have taken place cannot be easily buried. The government has tabled the Batalanda Commission report in parliament and hold a two-day debate on it. The two days were to be consecutive but now the government has decided to space them out over two months. There is reason to be concerned about what transpires in the debate. The atrocities that took place during the JVP insurrection involved multiple parties. Batalanda was not the only interrogation site or the only torture chamber. There were many others. Former president Ranil Wickremesinghe was not the only prominent protagonist in the events that transpired at that time.
The atrocities of the late 1980s were not confined to one location, nor were they the responsibility of a single individual or group. The JVP engaged in many atrocities and human rights violations. In addition to members of the former government and military who engaged in counter-terrorism operations there were also other groups that engaged both in self-defence and mayhem. These included members of left political parties who were targeted by the JVP and who formed their own para-military groups. Some of the leaders went on to become ministers in succeeding governments and even represented Sri Lanka at international human rights forums. Even members of the present government will not be able to escape the fallout of the debate over the Batalanda Commission report.
If the debate becomes a battleground for assigning blame rather than seeking solutions, it could have far-reaching consequences for Sri Lanka’s social and political stability. Economic recovery, governance reform, and development require stability and cooperation. The present storm caused by the Batalanda Commission report, and the prospects for increased polarisation and hatred do not bode well for the country. Rather than engaging in potentially divisive debates that could lead to further entrenchment of opposing narratives, Sri Lanka would be better served by a structured and impartial approach to truth-seeking and reconciliation.
NATIONAL HEALING
Earlier this month at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, the government rejected the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights assertion that the external evidence gathering unit would continue to collect evidence on human rights violations in Sri Lanka. This evidence gathering unit has a mandate to collect information on a wide range of human rights violations including intimidation and killings of journalists but with a focus on the human rights violations and war crimes during the course of the LTTE war and especially at its end. The government’s position has been that it is determined to deal with human rights challenges including reconciliation through domestic processes.
Addressing the High-Level Segment of the 58th Regular Session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva in February this year, Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath said: “The contours of a truth and reconciliation framework, will be further discussed with the broadest possible cross section of stakeholders, before operationalisation to ensure a process that has the trust of all Sri Lankans. Our aim is to make the domestic mechanisms credible and sound within the constitutional framework. This will include strengthening the work towards a truth and reconciliation commission empowered to investigate acts of violence caused by racism and religious extremism that give rise to tensions within Sri Lankan society.”
The concept of a truth and reconciliation commission was first broached in 2015 by then prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s government. In 2019 after winning the presidential elections, former president Gotabaya Rajapaksa too saw merit in the idea, but neither of these two leaders had the commitment to ensure that the process was completed. Promoting reconciliation in Sri Lanka among divergent political actors with violent political pasts requires a multi-faceted approach that blends political, social, and psychological strategies.
Given the country’s complex history of armed conflict, ethnic tensions, and political polarisation, the process must be carefully designed to build trust, address grievances, and create a shared vision for the future. A truth and reconciliation process as outlined in Geneva by the government, which has teeth in it for both punishment and amnesty, can give the country the time and space in which to uncover the painful truths and the path to national healing.
Features
Challenging hierarchy? Student grievance mechanisms at state universities

Our universities are characterized by hierarchies. They manifest in formal and informal ways, reinforcing power asymmetries based on class, ethnicity and gender, and placing inordinate authority in those with higher status. In medicine, a ‘hidden curriculum’ orients undergraduates to hierarchies from their early days in training, placing professors over lecturers, ‘clinical’ over ‘non-clinical’ teachers, consultants over medical officers, and so on. While hierarchies are needed at universities (and hospitals) to streamline decision-making, dysfunctional hierarchies create unhealthy learning environments and a culture of fear that discourages students from asking questions and voicing concerns. They also legitimize mistreatment, humiliation, bullying, and other abuses of power. A few months ago, when I invited a medical student to participate in a session on ragging and harassment for incoming students, she asked me (quoted with permission), “What’s the point of doing a programme like that if ragging happens in official level by teachers with everyone knowing, Madam?” Her question led me to explore the avenues available at state universities for undergraduates to counter abuses of power by teachers and university administrations.
What can undergrads do?
The University Grants Commission (UGC) and all state universities have established mechanisms for reporting complaints of ragging and sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). The UGC’s online portal entertains complaints on “all forms of ragging; sexual harassment; sexual or gender based violence; threats and intimidation; bullying; and harassment.” Complaint procedures for ragging and SGBV are described in detail on the websites of each university, as well as the websites of some faculties. Students may also take any complaints directly to the Dean, student counsellors, academic advisors/mentors, and teachers. In addition, many faculties have portals to submit online complaints on ragging and harassment, while others rely on informal mechanisms, like complaint boxes, to protect anonymity. While these systems are used by students to some extent, rarely do they function as checks and balances against abuses of power by teachers and others at the pinnacle of the university hierarchy.
Anyone who works at a state university would know that students (and the university community more broadly) have very little confidence in existing complaint and grievance procedures. While the minority of incidents that get reported may make it to the inquiry stage, the complaints are often withdrawn under threat and intimidation from the authorities or simply brushed under the carpet. More recently, certain universities and faculties have worked towards establishing formal student grievance procedures outside the SGBV/ragging reporting systems.
Newer grievance mechanisms
Sabaragamuwa University appears to be the only university with a university-wide policy for grievance redressal. The protocol described in the standard operating procedure (SOP) requires that students submit their complaint in writing to the Dean or Deputy Senior Student Counsellor of the relevant faculty. On receiving a complaint, a Committee will be set up by the Dean/Deputy Senior Student Counsellor to conduct an inquiry. The Committee will comprise five senior staff members, including “two independent members (one representing another department, and one may represent the Gender Equity and Equality Cell of the Faculty where relevant)…” The SOP further states that “any student can oppose to have his/her mentor and/or any faculty member to be in the five-person team handling his/her issue.” However, this information is available only to the discerning student who is able to navigate the university’s complex website, hit the Centre for Quality Assurance tab, view the list of documents and click ‘best practices’.
Several faculties of medicine appear to have introduced grievance mechanisms. The Grievance Committee of the Faculty of Medicine, Colombo, considers complaints regarding “a decision or action that is perceived to adversely affect the grievant in her or his professional academic capacity.” The procedure requires that students submit the grievance in writing to the Dean. The Committee comprises “persons who are not current employees of the Faculty of Medicine” and the complainant may request the presence of a member of the Medical Students’ Welfare Society. The Faculty of Medicine, Ruhuna, implements a grievance policy that is more expansive in scope, covering concerns related to “organizational changes in the teaching and learning environment, decisions by academic staff members affecting individuals or groups of students, changes in the content or structure of academic programmes, changes in the nature and quality of teaching and assessment, supervision of students undertaking research projects, authorship and intellectual property, [and the] quality of student services and access to university facilities and resources.” While the policy notes that incidents related to harassment, discrimination and bullying, come under the jurisdiction of the university’s SGBV policy, it does not entertain complaints about examinations. The medical faculty of the University of Sri Jayewardenepura (SJP), has an online grievance system that investigates complaints related to “any physical, psychological, academic or any other problem related to the University life”. The system commits to maintaining confidentiality, pledging that “information will not be divulged to members outside the Student Grievances Committee without the student’s permission.”
Gaps in existing systems
The university-wide SGBV/ragging reporting system could be used to address harassment and intimidation of all kinds. Sadly, however, undergraduates appear to be unaware of these possibilities or reluctant to use them. It is unclear as to whether the newer grievance mechanisms at universities and faculties have managed to achieve the desired outcome. Are they used by students and do they lead to constructive changes in the learning environment or do they simply exist to tick the check box of quality assurance? None of the websites report on the number of cases investigated or the kinds of redressal measures taken. If these mechanisms are to be used by students, they must fulfill certain basic requirements.
First and foremost, all students and staff must be made aware of existing grievance mechanisms. Policies and procedures cannot simply be included under a tab buried in the faculty/university website, but need to be placed front and centre. Students should know what steps the institution will take to ensure confidentiality and how those who come forward, including witnesses, will be protected. They should be confident that swift action will be taken when any breaches of confidentiality occur. Inquiries need to be conducted without delay and complainants kept informed of the actions taken. All in all, universities and/or faculties must commit to ensuring integrity and fairness in the grievance process.
Second, the independence of inquiries must be guaranteed. Some universities/faculties have SOPs that require the inclusion of ‘independent’ members in grievance committees—members who are currently non-faculty, academics from other faculties and/or student representatives. Whether the inclusion of non-faculty members would be sufficient to safeguard independence is questionable in fields like medicine where there is a tendency to cover up professional misconduct at all levels. Permitting complainants to have a say in the makeup of the inquiry committee may help to increase confidence in the system. It may be advisable for inquiries to be handled by ombudspersons or others who do not have a stake in the outcome, rather than by academic staff who are part of the university hierarchy.
Third, grievance mechanisms must address the very real possibility of retaliation from university administrations and teachers. The TOR of the Faculty of Medicine, University of Ruhuna, states that the Committee must ensure “students do not suffer any victimization or discrimination as a result of raising complaints or grievances,” but provides no guidance on how this might be accomplished. Any grievance mechanism must address what recourse to action complainants (and witnesses) have in the event of retaliation. At present, there are no regulations in place to ensure that persons alleged of misconduct are not involved in examination procedures. Neither do universities provide any guarantee that complainants’ academic/employment prospects will not be compromised by coming forward. This is especially concerning in medicine where practical assessments of clinical skills and interview-based examinations (viva) are common, and those at higher rank are usually trainers at the postgraduate level.
Going forward
Student grievance mechanisms provide a structured process for students to voice concerns and seek redress when they feel they have been treated unfairly or unjustly by university staff or policies. The mechanisms currently in place at state universities appear to be weak and insufficient. The UGC could call for universities to participate in a consultative process aimed at developing a policy on handling student grievances in ways that promote fairness in academic matters, faculty conduct, and administration at state universities. While such a policy could foster supportive learning environments, build trust between university administrations and students, and protect students from bullying, intimidation and harassment, it must be accompanied by efforts to address and undo dysfunctional hierarchies within our universities.
(Ramya Kumar is attached to the Department of Community and Family Medicine, Faculty of Medicine, University of Jaffna.)
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
By Ramya Kumar
Features
Big scene for Suzi… at oktoberfest

The months literally keep flying and, before long, we will be celebrating Oktoberfest.
In our scene, Oktoberfest is looked forward to by many and the five-star venues, especially, create the ideal kind of atmosphere for the celebration of this event, held in late September and early October.
Suzi Croner, who was in town last month (February), is already contracted to do the Oktoberfest scene at a popular five-star venue, in the city.
She says she will be performing six consecutive nights, from 23rd to 28th September, along with a band from Germany.

Suzi’s scene in Switzerland
According to Suzi, the organisers have indicated that they are looking forward to welcoming around 1,500 Oktoberfest enthusiasts on all six days the festivities are held.
“I’m really looking forward to doing the needful, especially with a German band, and I know, for sure, it’s going to be awesome.”
In fact, Suzi, of the band Friends’ fame, and now based in Switzerland, indicated that she never expected to come to her land of birth for the second time, this year.
“After my trip to Sri Lanka, in February, I thought I would check things out again next year, but I’m so happy that I don’t have to wait that long to see my fans, music lovers and friends for the second time, in 2025.”
Suzi spent 11 amazing days in Sri Lanka, in February, performing six nights at a five-star venue in Colombo, in addition to doing the ‘Country & Western Nite’ scene, at the Ramada, and an unscheduled performance, as well.

Suzi Croner: Colombo here I come…in September
Her next much-looked-forward to event is ‘Country Night,’ Down Under.
It will be her second appearance at this ‘Country Night’ dance and music lovers, in Melbourne, in particular, are waiting eagerly to give Suzi a rousing welcome.
Suzi’s bubbly personality has made her a hit wherever she performs.
In her hometown of Spreitenbach, in Switzerland, she is a big draw-card at many local events.
Suzi was the frontline vocalist for the group Friends, decades ago, and this outfit, too, had a huge following in the local scene, with a fan club that had over 1,500 members.
The band was based abroad and travelled to Sri Lanka, during the festive season, to keep their fans entertained, and it was, invariably, a full house for all their performances in the scene here.
-
Foreign News3 days ago
Search continues in Dominican Republic for missing student Sudiksha Konanki
-
Features6 days ago
Richard de Zoysa at 67
-
News7 days ago
Alfred Duraiappa’s relative killed in Canada shooting
-
Features3 days ago
The Royal-Thomian and its Timeless Charm
-
Midweek Review7 days ago
Ranil in Head-to-Head controversy
-
Features6 days ago
SL Navy helping save kidneys
-
News4 days ago
DPMC unveils brand-new Bajaj three-wheeler
-
Features3 days ago
‘Thomia’: Richard Simon’s Masterpiece