Opinion

Arun Siddharth the troublemaker

Published

1 month ago

2024/11/8

Thilina Walpola

Arun Siddharth

By Rohana R. Wasala

A feature article in The Island Financial Review of February 16, 2023 served as a formal event announcement for the inaugural function of a new NGO called the People’s Convention on Good Governance (PCGG) that was scheduled to be held nine days later (i.e., on February 25). Some 1,600 delegates were expected to attend the event. Those included the then President Ranil Wickremesinghe (parliament elected following the ouster of Gotabaya Rajapaksa about seven months previously), prime minister Dinesh Gunewardane, cabinet ministers, opposition leader Sajith Premadasa, ‘a few noteworthy parliamentarians’, leaders of all political parties, the diplomatic community, corporate leaders, professionals, university deans, civic leaders, youth leaders, ‘noteworthy personalities’, and a representative group of citizens who cannot ‘influence good governance other than by making correct choices’; local and international media institutions were to be invited to telecast the proceedings for a worldwide viewership.

The convention that was accordingly conducted on 25 Feb., 2023 was a massive operation. It naturally occurred to me then that the Sri Lankan government had a serious responsibility to ensure that the huge benefits to be accrued from the lavish funds collected by the NGO should reach all the adversely circumstanced Sri Lankan citizens for whom generous international donors made them available; otherwise, the money would end up in the wrong hands, as it usually happens in Sri Lanka. The benefits of the largesse should be distributed equitably among the deserving without discrimination or favouritism that is based on race, caste, religion or ethnicity; the NGO activists owe it to the suffering masses.

Arun Siddharth (birth name: Arulanandam Arun), convenor of the Jaffna Civil Society Centre, was among the 1600 or so invited participants at the PCGG event which was held at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH), Colombo (on 25 Feb., 2023, as already mentioned). He had come with a delegation of about fifty Tamil men and women from Jaffna who had been persecuted by the LTTE.

Arun Siddharth took part in a panel discussion on ethnicity conducted by this new NGO, the PCGG. The positive implications of Arun’s participation in that important event for dispelling the dense clouds of disinformation and misinformation that constantly tarnish Sri Lanka’s international image as a sovereign nation cannot be exaggerated. Using the rare opportunity that came his way to share the stage with the big guns of the PCGG (such as Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu being, among other things, the founder head of the NGO known as the Centre for Policy Alternatives), Arun Siddharth advanced arguments with supportive evidence to convince the members of the convention, especially representatives of the international community, that there is no problem of ethnic disharmony or conflict between the Tamil minority and the Sinhalese majority in Sri Lanka to be resolved and that the real issue that affects the lives of sixty per cent of the Tamil population in the North is the severe caste discrimination and oppression that is allowed to continue under the ruling political elite of that part of the island.

That elite includes the retired supreme court judge turned politician C. V. Wigneshwaran, and M. A. Sumanthiran. Arun Siddharth called their bluff and incidentally exposed the sham of reconciliation politics fraudulently sustained by the powers that be out of ulterior motives. He thereby delivered a potentially dangerous blow on the lucrative NGO industry that thrives on uncalled-for reconciliation efforts.

Arun Siddharth’s vocal participation in the panel discussion on the alleged problem of ethnicity must have proved to be a complete surprise, as well as a disturbing eye-opener, to most of the distinguished participants, because he flatly denied that there was any ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka to be tackled. He supported his argument with incontrovertible proof based on personal experience.

His revelation was perhaps an unintended blow to the NGO which was primarily set up to address a non-existent need for ‘reconciliation’, to build bridges between the majority Buddhist Sinhalese and the majority Hindu Tamils. The truth is that there is no need to build new bridges between the ordinary Sinhalese and ordinary Tamils, who in their mutually compatible and naturally co-existing (Hindu and Buddhist) religious cultures, together form over eighty percent of the population that is very tolerant and accommodating towards other religious communities.

The bridges are already there, though somewhat damaged recently by certain meddlesome international do-gooders (an ephemeral tribe of civil servants accountable only to the existing governments of the countries that they represent, but not to the common suffering, but sovereign, Sri Lankan masses). In my opinion, Arun Siddharth has great potential power to permanently repair these recently broken bridges, and he is emerging as a unique new star in the ascendant in the northern political firmament.

He actualises a break with the past in several ways. He doesn’t want to be a regional politician, unlike his casteist and racist elite counterpart who, while living safely in the South (Colombo) among the peaceful Sinhalese, visit the North (Jaffna) to do communal politics among the innocent Tamils, peddling the useful myth that the Sinhalese are their sworn enemies. Arun works with the downtrodden majority (sixty percent) of Tamils in that region, the so-called low caste Tamils, as one of them.Though the fighting cadres of the LTTE were mainly recruited from his class, his family experienced violence at the hands of the LTTE, and he was opposed to that organisation and the separatist goal it espoused.

Now in his forties, Arun says he remained silenced (presumably by pro-separatist forces). According to him, his father edited a Tamil language newspaper in Colombo, and he was a Marxist. Arun himself seems to mix his politics with Marxist ideas. Arun Siddharth is bravely taking on ‘disgusting caste based Tamil elite politics’ while also criticising the long entrenched Tamil separatist ideology. Equally significantly, he rejects brazen Indian expansionism in Sri Lanka. It is obvious he enjoys enthusiastic reception both in the South and in the North, which appears to be more marked in the former.

After two unsuccessful alliances (probably initiated by him as a fact-finding strategy) made with the mainstream national parties of the SLFP and the UNP consecutively, Arun has joined the Mawbima Janatha Pakshaya (MJP) founded and led by former lawyer and entrepreneur Dilith Jayaweera, where he was admitted to the supreme council of the party as a member. Later he was appointed the MJP Jaffna District Organiser by Jayaweera.

The MJP is the main constituent of the new alliance named the Sarvajana Balaya (All People Power), which is fighting the upcoming general election under the ‘Medal’ symbol. Arun Siddharth is Sarvajana Balaya’s parliamentary candidate for the Jaffna district. About a month ago, he made an impassioned as well as well reasoned appeal in eloquent Sinhala and Tamil for understanding and support from the national electorate both in the North and the South. Incidentally, it should be mentioned that Udaya Gammanpila’s Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU) and Wimal Weerawansa’s Jathika Nidahas Peramuna (JNP) are also partners of the Sarvajana Balaya alliance.

Udaya Gammanpila is contesting for the Colombo district under the same symbol as Arun, i.e., the Medal. Weerawansa has decided to stay out of the contest, though obviously, the seasoned politician has no intention of leaving politics or the Sarvajana Balaya. It is also clear that whatever success the Medal achieves at the parliamentary election will ultimately contribute towards strengthening President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and his government, provided they are wise and humble enough to heed their constructive criticism and critical help.

Unfortunately however, Dilith Jayaweera’s inexplicable failure to cleanse lingering stains of his past association with the ruinous Rajapaksas and his questionable co-option of a character like Daham Sirisena, son of discredited former Yahapalana president Sirisena, will prove to be clear drawbacks unless remedied soon.

I for one have already proposed several times in the recent past that the main key to resolving Sri Lanka’s chronic as well as emergent political, economic, and social problems is the restoration of accustomed peaceful coexistence, cultural integration and solidarity between the Sinhalese and Tamil communities in the context of ineluctable realities of geopolitical pressures that have been and continue to be exerted on our island home for over two and a half millennia. Arun Siddharth from the North has much to contribute to restoring North South unity which is vital for Sri Lanka’s survival as a sovereign nation into the future.

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Opinion

Sally Hulugalle

Published

18 hours ago

2024/12/8

Thilina Walpola

Sally Hulugalle

Sally Hulugalle was a vibrant presence, and I am only sorry that I got to know her only over the last fifteen years or so. This was because her husband, Arjuna Hulugalle, who was distantly connected to my family through a Kurunegala link, got in touch with me in the aftermath of the war, for he was involved in various projects to help the people of the north.

I was able to get for his very worthy initiatives a lot of support, all on a small scale, from the Japanese government, through their hyper-active Deputy Ambassador, Mr Ishizuka, with whom I had bonded well from the time I took over the Peace Secretariat.

I would visit Arjuna at his house, and there I met his wife Sally, the daughter of a Civil Servant whose distinguished children included Barbara Sansoni. Sally was dedicated to social service, and was deeply concerned about the plight of women and children who suffered from neglect.

Having seen the appalling conditions at Mulleriyawa, where many women were incarcerated arbitrarily, given abuse of the Vagrants’ Ordinance, she set up NEST along with my old friend Kamini de Soysa. It worked at what is called the half way house for women meant to be released, but who rarely were, because they had nothing to go to. NEST gave them occupational therapy which provided a purpose in lives that were otherwise empty.

NEST also set up centres round the country which provided support to women and children in need. There were four of these when I first found out about them, though the one in Galle had to close. The other three, in Hendala and Dumbara and Kahatagasdigiliya, continue to provide yeoman service, the first two in houses belonging to NEST, the one in Dumbara having been set up after Sally received a cash prize from Norway for her work. Using what was given to her personally for those less fortunate was second nature to her.

Sally understood, in a way many of those in government responsible for those who fall through the net do not, the need for counseling, for listening to people in need, and for providing often very little things that made a substantial difference to their lives. She participated readily in the committees I set up when I was Adviser on Reconciliation to look into the plight of women and children, our recommendations extending to the rest of the country too, for I realized that government had not tried to coordinate the work of social service officials at divisional levels, and a few simple guidelines would have worked wonders.

But Mahinda Rajapaksa was not really interested in my advice and, though we had a thoughtful Ministry Secretary, Eric Illapayarachchi, he had to work with a neanderthal Minister who could not care less for the deprived. I could only think it sheer wickedness, that those in authority would not work swiftly to get rid of the Vagrants Ordinance, an archaic British law, which I was told was the only way prostitution could be stopped. That other women were swept into the net, and the way to stop prostitution was to make it illegal, not take in anyone on suspicion, were concepts beyond them.

I had another chance to make a difference when, as Chairman of the Tertiary and Vocational Education Commission, I set up a Health Sector Council. That did good work, under Dr Narme Wickremesinghe, but when I was sacked it, though it did much for nursing and pharmacology, lost interest in the counseling component of its brief, and Sally and her great friend Kusala Wettasinghe ceased to go to meetings. And since I lost my position on the National Education Commission, the efforts I had been making through the Sub-Committee on General Education to develop counseling in schools also came to naught.

But when I reflect on the failure of these efforts, I think too of the great work done by private initiatives, and how the intensity of Sally’s commitment has made such a difference to so many. This year, seeing the work of the centres at Hendala and at Kahatagasdigiliya, and the devotion of the staff to her memory, I was struck again by the way she transformed her passion for social welfare into practical support for so many. She will be greatly missed by hundreds outside the charmed circle in which she was born.

Rajiva Wijesinha

Opinion

Blueprint for economic empowerment in Sri Lanka’s gig economy

Published

4 days ago

2024/12/5

Sahan Weerasooriya

“Creating 300,000 Online Jobs:

By Dammike Kobbekaduwe,
FIPM (SL), Member-CIPM-SL, MBA(HRM)

Objectives of the Article

Assess

the viability and economic impact of creating 300,000 online jobs in Sri Lanka.

Present

a bankable business plan for investment support from financial institutions.

Outline

a detailed cost-benefit analysis, supported by viability ratios for funding eligibility.

Establish

a sustainable financial and operational model for building a skilled gig workforce.

Sri Lanka’s gig economy presents a compelling solution for youth employment, targeting 300,000 online jobs for young people, particularly those who completed GCE OL. With a goal of generating substantial monthly income streams, this project seeks to address the country’s economic challenges and stimulate growth through digital employment. While a monthly earning a realistic starting income of $300–$500 is achievable and scalable, infusing approximately $50 million monthly into the economy once the workforce reaches full capacity.

To ensure financial viability and attract investment, we conduct a comprehensive economic analysis. This document highlights key investment metrics, including viability ratios, projected cash flow, and a cost-benefit breakdown to support the proposal as a bankable doEconomic Analysis and Viability

This project’s financial feasibility and appeal for funding rely on assessing profitability and return potential. Calculations are based on the cost of infrastructure, worker setup costs, and recurring expenses.

1. Capital and Operational Costs

Capital Setup Per Worker

Laptop (16GB RAM):

LKR 300,000 (one-time purchase)

Data Plan:

LKR 8,000 per month

Electricity:

LKR 8,000 per month (solar option as a long-term cost-saving measure)

Annual Cost Per Worker

One-time Equipment Cost:

LKR 300,000

Recurring Monthly Costs:

LKR 192,000 (LKR 16,000 x 12)

Total Yearly Cost Per Worker

Year 1:

LKR 492,000

Year 2+ (Excluding Laptop):

LKR 192,000 per year

Total Initial Investment for 300,000 Workers

Laptops:

LKR 90 billion

Year 1 Recurring Costs:

LKR 57.6 billion

Initial Year Investment Requirement:

LKR 147.6 billion

2. Projected Revenue and Cash Injection

A monthly earning potential of $300–$500 per worker in Sri Lanka’s gig market (based on average entry-level online job earnings globally) provides realistic targets for cash generation.

Monthly Cash Injection at Full Capacity

Minimum Revenue Goal (300,000 workers at $300):

$90 million/month

Maximum Revenue Goal (300,000 workers at $500):

$150 million/month

Expected Economic Contribution:

$50 million/month as a sustainable average.

3. Viability Ratios and Business Metrics

To validate the project’s financial health, banks and investors can consider the following key metrics:

A. Return on Investment (ROI)

The ROI assesses the profitability relative to costs.

See FIG 1

For Year 1 (Initial setup + recurring costs):

Total Annual Revenue:

$90 million * 12 months * 300,000 = LKR 324 billion (at $300/month per worker) See FIG 2

Interpretation:

A 119.5% ROI suggests strong profitability, with returns significantly outpacing the initial investment within the first year, making it attractive for lenders and investors.

B. Break-even Point (BEP)

The BEP indicates when revenue will cover initial costs.

See FIG 3

For a $50 million monthly injection:

Interpretation: A break-even within three months reflects a rapid recovery period, underscoring the project’s viability. See FIG 4

C. Debt-Service Coverage Ratio (DSCR)

To ensure sufficient earnings to cover debt obligations, DSCR is critical for bank funding. See FIG 5

Assuming monthly operating income of LKR 3.24 billion and an estimated debt service of LKR 1.5 billion:

Interpretation:

With a DSCR above 2, the project is well-positioned for loan approval, demonstrating strong debt repayment capacity. See FIG 6

Implementation Plan for the National Gig Workforce

Phase 1: Training and Equipment Setup

Digital Literacy Programs:

Partner with local institutions to offer foundational training.

Laptop Financing:

Government-backed financing for laptops and solar installations for sustainable power solutions.

Phase 2: Skill Development and Placement

Skill Development Centers:

Partner with international e-learning platforms and host training boot camps.

Placement Programs:

Establish online job-matching platforms to connect workers with international clients.

Phase 3: Scaling and Economic Integration

Tax Incentives:

Offer tax breaks to local businesses hiring from the gig workforce.

Freelancer Support Network:

Create a national freelancer association for continued training and mentorship.

Resources Required For Workers:

Training:

Digital and language skills to enter global markets.

Equipment:

Laptops with financing options.

Connectivity:

Affordable data plans or subsidies.

For Stakeholders:

Government Initiatives:

Funding for training and incentives.

Private-Sector Partnerships: Skill development programs and job portals.

Financial Institutions: Loan products tailored for workers’ needs.

Conclusion

This plan offers a scalable solution to Sri Lanka’s unemployment crisis, particularly for young people with limited formal education. By creating 300,000 online jobs and targeting a monthly cash inflow of $50 million, the initiative supports economic resilience while empowering youth with valuable skills. A financial model based on solid viability ratios makes this project attractive to lenders, ensuring a rapid return on investment and sustainable growth.

References

International Labour Organization. (2023). The Gig Economy: Opportunities and Challenges for Youth Employment in Developing Economies. Available at: https://www.ilo.org/

Upwork. (2023). Freelancer Earnings and Trends Report. Available at: https://www.upwork.com/research

World Bank. (2022). Digital Jobs and Economic Growth:

A Guide for Developing Nations. Washington, DC: World Bank Publications.

Fiverr. (2023). Freelancer Earnings and Skill Development:

A Global Perspective. Available at: https://www.fiverr.com/research

Coursera. (2023). Skill Trends in the Digital Economy:

A Report on Online Education in Emerging Markets. Available at: https://www.coursera.com/research

Sri Lanka Department of Census and Statistics. (2023). Youth Unemployment and Educational Attainment: Annual Report.

Opinion

Hospitals and corruption

Published

4 days ago

2024/12/5

Sahan Weerasooriya

On December 2, in The Island Cassandra CRY saw the state of hospitals and corruption as separate issues, but I believe they are deeply interconnected. The dismal condition of hospitals is a direct consequence of systemic corruption. Over the past several decades, trade unions, driven by self-interest, have focused solely on advocating for their members’ rights, often at the expense of their responsibilities. This trend has affected not only hospitals but also other government and some private sector institutions.

Currently, the country is led by a political party that has heavily relied on its trade unions for promotion and political gain. Given this close relationship, restoring order should be relatively straightforward. A simple directive from the relevant ministers to their allied union leaders could be enough to initiate meaningful reforms.

S K Muthukumara