Features
Anti-corruption poster boy throws down gauntlet
![](http://island.lk/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Sports-Minister-Roshan-Ranasinghe.jpg)
Interview with Roshan Ranasinghe:
… vows to mobilise masses to oust corrupt govt. leaders
by Saman Indrajith
Roshan Ranasinghe needs no introduction. As the Minister of Sports, he plucked up the courage to take on the politically-backed powerful cricket Mafia with international links, only to be hounded out of his ministerial post. The dark forces responsible for his ouster from the Cabinet may have thought they would be able to silence him, but he has proved that he is made of sterner stuff. He has emerged stronger, and is working hard to mobilise the public against the corrupt government leaders and their cronies.
Ranasinghe has launched an anti-corruption movement with a political goal—the Stop Corruption, Build Motherland (SCBM) alliance––and invited all those who want Sri Lanka to be rid of corruption to sink their political differences and join forces to achieve national progress.
What made Ranasinghe to pit himself against the cricket Mafia and what are his future plans? The Island met him recently. Excerpts of our freewheeling interview with him:
Q: Tell us about your background?
I am Ranasinghe Arachchige Roshan Anuruddha. My father’s family, hailing from the South, settled down in Nugawela, Kandy. My paternal grandfather had a home in Harispaththuwa and my paternal grandmother was from Kumbukgete, Kurunegala. My father was the only child in his family. My mother’s father was from Weligama. As such, I have roots in four districts!
Both my maternal and paternal families were staunch UNP supporters. They backed D. S. Senanayake and his vision. My father was close to the late Mr. Gamini Dissanayake. As a result of his politics, we lost our house. My mother had the courage to start life anew from scratch. She worked hard to improve our situation. My sister became a doctor and my two brothers took to accountancy. As soon as I completed my GCE A/L, I wanted to go to Japan.
My brothers were in France at that time. They advised me to visit them first and obtain a resident visa there. In France, I pursued my education, but I couldn’t complete it because I was determined to fulfill my dream of going to Japan. Initially, I went to Japan with a tourist visa. I travelled to many places in Japan and observed the situation in each place. Later, I went to Japan again on a student visa, and studied and worked part-time. I obtained a Diploma in Business Administration and Automobiles. I believe I learned more from Japanese society than from the theories taught in class. That education has served me well in my career as a businessman in several countries and also stood me in good stead in my political activities.
In 1996, my mother passed away, at the age of 49. I was 20 at the time, and her death was a great loss to me. After some time, I met a Sri Lankan girl in Japan. Our friendship developed into a relationship, and she is now my wife. We got married in 1999. Her name is Prashanthi Dinusha Ranasinghe, and she is a lawyer. She has been my strongest support, helping me build my businesses and supporting me in my political endeavours. I have attended four schools: Rajangana Maha Vidyalaya because our businesses were in Rajanganaya, Vidyartha College Kandy, Thambuttegama Central College, and Polonnaruwa Royal College.
Q: What kind of business are you engaged in?
I established my businesses in Japan, the UK, Mozambique, South Africa, and Sri Lanka. In these five countries, I import and sell vehicles, automobile spare parts, and high-end wrist-watches.
Q: When did you take to active politics?
I began my political career in 2009 after receiving invitations from both Ranil Wickremesinghe and Mahinda Rajapaksa. Upon receiving Wickremesinghe’s invitation, I expressed my willingness to contest from Polonnaruwa. He assured me of that opportunity. Later, I received another invitation from Mahinda Rajapaksa. I informed him that I had already given my word to Wickremesinghe and would contest from Polonnaruwa.
Subsequently, Wickremesinghe informed me that Earl Gunasekera did not want me to contest from Polonnaruwa and suggested I contest from Laggala instead. I insisted that I be allowed to contest from Polonnaruwa, and informed Wickremesinghe of Rajapaksa’s offer to contest under the UPFA ticket from the same district. Wickremesinghe wished me good luck, and I joined the UPFA as a district organizer for Polonnaruwa. Other candidates in the same team were electoral organizers who had already secured 40,000 preferential votes, while I had none. Some encouraged me, while others discouraged me.
I was elected with the highest number of preferential votes in the district. Maithripala Sirisena was the district leader, and I respected his leadership while focusing on my responsibilities. Over the next three years, I received no assistance from the party to develop the district. Basil Rajapaksa informed me that he couldn’t allocate funds due to opposition from Maithripala Sirisena. But with the assistance of well-wishers and friends, I did everything possible to serve the people of Polonnaruwa. We constructed roads, generated employment opportunities for the unemployed, and introduced technology to Polonnaruwa.
Q: What made the relationship between you and Maithripala Sirisena turn sour?
When Maithripala Sirisena left the SLFP, he carried with him all the grassroots organizations of the party in Polonnaruwa. Siripala Gamlath and Chandrasiri Sooriyiarachchi remained silent. I was tasked with organizing the presidential campaign in the Polonnaruwa District, which presented one of the biggest challenges I’ve ever faced as a district leader. I was pitted against heavyweight Maithripala Sirisena in that district. However, I enabled the party to perform better in Polonnaruwa than in the Hambantota District. Rajapaksa, as the presidential candidate, secured over 70 percent of the total district votes in his home district, Hambantota, but due to our efforts, Sirisena could poll only 55% of the votes in his home district, Polonnaruwa.
After his victory, Sirisena invited me for talks and had others file a case against me in the High Court of Polonnaruwa, accusing me of attempted murder. As the case is pending, I won’t discuss it further.
During our talks, Sirisena asked whether I would join him and go to heaven or remained loyal to Mahinda Rajapaksa and go to hell. He suggested that if I joined him, the case against me would be dropped, and he would instruct all grassroots party leaders to work with me. However, I told him that there were policy differences that prevented me from joining him.
In the 2018 local government elections, I was put in charge of the SLPP’s Polonnaruwa District campaign. It pitted myself against President Sirisena. Despite his executive powers and support from the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, the people voted for us. We defeated both the UNP and the SLFP.
Q: Don’t you think the Rajapaksas used you and let you down?
I have remained undefeated in elections, and after the SLPP’s victory at the 2020 general election, Mahinda Rajapaksa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa came to Polonnaruwa and said that I would be given a Cabinet portfolio so that I could launch some development projects in the district. However, I was given a State Minister post. I was tasked with helping young entrepreneurs. While I was progressing in that project, I was shifted to the Provincial Councils and Local Government State Ministry.
During the pandemic, I worked with all 330 councils. When the farmers’ crisis came up, I was appointed Mahaweli State Minister. Likewise, I was given three different state ministries within that short period of time. When the fertiliser crisis cropped up, I resigned not only from the ministerial posts but also from the Pohottuwa District leadership. Thereafter, I remained an independent MP. We witnessed massive opposition against those who remained in ministerial posts of the Pohottuwa government.
Then came the Aragalaya protests. President Wickremesinghe invited me to accept responsibilities to work with him and offered four powerful ministries – Sports, Youth Affairs, Mahaweli, and Irrigation. None of those ministries had funds at the time I accepted them. I had been handling the affairs of these ministries successfully when I was shown the door for trying to rid cricket administration of corruption.
Q: Some sports bodies faced bans under your watch. Why?
Rugby was already facing a ban when I assumed duties as the Sports Minister. There was a problem between the Rugby Chairman and the Asian Council. The latter did not recognize the former, so they banned Sri Lankan Rugby. The Chairman was adamant about staying in his post. I requested him to resign for the sake of the country because the Asian Council was ready to lift the ban if he stepped down.
I had to appoint an interim body to control the game. The Chairman then went to courts, where he later expressed his willingness to resign. With his resignation, the Asian Council lifted the ban.
Q: What about the ban on the Football Association?
The football administration is a metaphor for corruption. FIFA had been asking for reforms to the Football Association’s constitution since 2014. Their main demand was to remove football administration from the current national sports law and grant it autonomy. As their demands were not met, FIFA banned Sri Lanka.
I met FIFA General Secretary Fatma Samoura and explained the situation. They agreed to change their stance to allow the football governing body to operate within the framework of national sports laws. They gave us four years to implement this. They wanted us to make it mandatory for football officials to retire at the age of 70. I myself would retire from politics when I reach 65 years. We must let the youth come up.
Q: Your efforts to cleanse the cricket administration backfired. How would you look back at what happened?
Regarding cricket control, the entire nation knows the truth. The ICC ban on Sri Lanka cricket was orchestrated. It was officials who got the ban imposed, and it was they who got it lifted.
I have no problem with J. Sha. He is a citizen of another country. Sha was used as a shield by Sri Lanka Cricket officials, who were exposed for corruption by the Auditor General. He was misused. I was against it. When I assumed the office, I told those officials that I would not mind what happened in the past and they must be ready to work without any such deals hereafter. In that context, we won a one-day series against Australia, a test series against Pakistan, and we won the Asian Cup. Thereafter, those officials got close to the President, and had me ousted. Sri Lanka’s cricket has been the loser.
Q: You say you are a campaigner against corruption. We have had several Bodhisatvas recently in this country. Aren’t you playing the role of messiah against corruption to further self-interest in politics? When you joined hands with the Rajapaksas, you knew they were corrupt. How would you reconcile your battle against corruption and your association with the Rajapaksas in the past?
I never whitewashed the Rajapaksas. I had no such need. I needed to start somewhere when I decided to take to politics and at that time the Rajapaksas had popular support. Even the JVP supported Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2005. I believe they did so with good intentions, just as I did. We thought that they would do something for the country.
Q: But you continued to back the Rajapaksas even after they were exposed for corruption and various other malpractices. You did not leave them in 2015, when some SLFP stalwarts decamp. What would you say to this?
In 2015, there were some issues, such as nepotism and corruption. But we had to remain there because the alternative to the Rajapaksas was a messy alliance forged by Sirisena and Wickremesinghe. We feared that a country would be plunged into anarchy. We hoped that the Rajapaksas would mend their ways by the end of the Yahapalana government, which was responsible for the Treasury bond scams and failure to prevent the Easter Sunday terror attacks.
While we were planning to bring Gotabaya to power, nobody thought that he would promote family rule. But when we realized that we had made a mistake, we distanced ourselves from the government.
What we need is a righteous leader instead of a person who promotes family bandyism, protects corrupt officials, and indulges in corruption. We have become a bankrupt nation. We are against corruption. Talking about rebuilding this nation without putting an end to corruption is only a pipedream.
Q: You have launched a political movement to eliminate corruption. How would you describe it?
We are forming an alliance under the theme, ‘Let’s put an end to corruption to build our nation.’
There is a pressing need for a formidable force against corruption. We cannot think of a better future unless we go all out to get rid of corruption.
I will give you one example: when I assumed the Ministry of Sports, it did not have money. The country was bankrupt, and the government’s allocation barely sufficed to pay salaries. We ran the Ministry with funds from sponsorships. Nevertheless, during my tenure, this country won the highest number of international medals. Under the watch of SB Dissanayake, the country secured 58 international medals and that was the time when the Sports Ministry had enough funds. I inherited the same Ministry full of crises, and stopped corruption, and the result was really impressive; the country bagged 170 medals in international games.
This shows that when corruption is eliminated, progress follows.
Q: How do you propose to battle corruption and enlist popular support for that endeavour?
We have formed an alliance against corruption and rebuilding the nation. There are many individuals against corruption across the political spectrum, including politicians representing Parliament, as well as those outside Parliament. Anyone who is against corruption and has not engaged in any corrupt activities, can join this alliance.
We have appointed a committee to identify the corrupt, starting with the MPs. Sri Lanka Cricket officials have been exposed by the Auditor General for their corrupt deals, but there are still some MPs who unashamedly support those corrupt elements. They have direct links with the corrupt.
Under the anti-corruption committee, there will be sub-committees tasked with ascertaining the views of the public about corruption and how to battle it.We have a retired Supreme Court Judge, a retired High Court Judge, three lawyers, doctors, engineers, economists, and auditors on the steering committee. They work on a voluntary basis. I will not name them for obvious reasons.
Q: Does it mean that this committee will name the clean politicians and will label the rest as corrupt? How practical is that?
The committee will clear the names, and after that, we will extend invitations. It is up to each of those MPs with clear profiles to either join us or not.
Q: Aren’t you planning to turn the anti-corruption movement into a political force?
To eliminate corruption, we need state power, which we can achieve only by winning elections. We will have to form a party so that people against corruption can vote for it and make a contribution towards ridding the country of corruption.
There is no alternative. This country is in crisis. Our economy has collapsed. The crisis has not prevented the ruling party politicians from enriching themselves at the expense of the public. We must change this system and for that purpose we need power.
Q: The country already has about 80 political parties. Won’t the party you are planning to form end up being another name board?
The main parties are facing disintegration. The SLFP, the SLPP and the UNP are faction ridden. Sri Lankans have realized the need for a change. There is space for a new political force on a mission to eliminate corruption.
Q: Many have predicted that there would be a hung Parliament after the next general election. Supposing your party, which is to be formed, will obtain a substantial number of seats, will it join forces with one or some of the parties that you consider corrupt?
No, that will never happen. Never will we join hands with the corrupt. I believe that the existing political culture has to be changed. Even if we are in the Opposition, we must support a government when it does something right. We must do away with our traditional political approach where the Opposition is always expected to stand against whatever the government does, whether it is right or wrong.
SJB MP Imtiaz Bakeer Markar recently proposed that we allocate 25 percent of seats to young MPs. It is a good proposal, and I agreed with him. During the Sri Lanka Cricket issue, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa stood by me, and he did it for the sake of the country. We should appreciate his stance.
Q: Many youths have left the country, and some others are planning to migrate. This will adversely impact the country’s development efforts and future. What plans do your movement have to address this problem?
Most of those who are migrating are from the SME sector, which collapsed because of loans. We asked other nations to reschedule the loans we had taken. The government got local banks to reschedule the loans they had given to the government. But nothing was done to reschedule the loans obtained by the SMEs.
The government is not there to construct culverts and gutters. The government is there to protect people in crisis. Those in the SME sector spent their 24 hours thinking about how to pay back the loans. They have no time to think about how to develop their enterprises. Sri Lanka has received USD 400 million from the Asian Development Bank, USD 300 million from the World Bank, besides IMF assistance.
These funds must be utilized to develop entrepreneurs. Concessions should be given to entrepreneurs. Just because we ask, the youth would not stop leaving the country. We must unveil a plan to ensure a secure future for them. The youth are more conscious of their rights and freedoms and more averse to corruption than others. That is why they took to the streets. If we can convince them that the country will be rid of corruption and a viable programme is underway to develop the economy and improve the people’s lot, they will not leave this country. That is what we are striving to do.
Features
Global challenges, mechanisms, and strategic solutions
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Combating money laundering:
Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe has said combating money laundering and countering financing of terrorism will help improve the credibility of the financial system, increase FDIs, enhance access to international financial markets, promote good governance practices and strengthen national security. Accordingly, a Financial Intelligence Unit has been given the opportunity to conduct further investigations into suspected transactions and activities related to money laundering and financing of terrorism.
Money Laundering: A Global Menace
Money laundering is a pervasive global issue that threatens financial systems and undermines the integrity of economies. It involves disguising the origins of illicitly obtained funds to make them appear legitimate. Criminal networks, terrorist organizations, and corrupt officials frequently employ this technique, exploiting weaknesses in financial regulations and enforcement mechanisms. Today we examine the concept of money laundering, its mechanisms, and its impact, supported by notorious examples worldwide, highlighting the need for robust anti-money laundering (AML) frameworks.
Definition and Mechanisms
The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) defines money laundering as the process of concealing the illicit origins of funds through a series of transactions designed to obscure the money’s true source. The process typically involves three stages: placement, layering, and integration. Placement introduces illicit money into the financial system, often through cash-intensive businesses or smuggling. Layering involves complex transactions to obscure the trail, such as transferring funds through offshore accounts or shell companies. Finally, integration reintroduces the laundered funds into the legitimate economy as clean money.
The main methods of money laundering include:
Layering: This involves complex financial transactions designed to obscure the origin of the illicit funds. Layering can involve transferring money through various accounts, converting it into different currencies, or using shell companies. The goal is to make tracing the money difficult.
Placement: This is the initial stage where the illegal funds are introduced into the financial system. It often involves depositing large amounts of cash into banks, purchasing assets such as real estate, or using the funds for gambling or investments in legitimate businesses.
Integration: In this stage, the illicit money is integrated into the economy in a way that makes it appear legitimate. This could involve purchasing high-value goods, transferring money across borders, or setting up fake businesses to funnel money in and out.
Smurfing:This involves breaking up large amounts of illegal money into smaller, less suspicious amounts and depositing them in different accounts or financial institutions to avoid detection by regulators or authorities.
Use of Shell Companies:
Criminals create fake companies (shell companies) that don’t engage in any real business. These companies are used to hide the ownership of illegal funds, often moving them through multiple jurisdictions.
Trade-Based Money Laundering:
Criminals manipulate trade transactions, such as over- or under-invoicing, to disguise the movement of money. They may falsely report the value or quantity of goods to justify payments or receive excessive payments from foreign entities.
Cryptocurrency Laundering:
With the rise of digital currencies, criminals use cryptocurrencies to facilitate money laundering, often through exchanges or by using privacy-focused coins to obscure the transaction trail.
Real Estate Laundering:
Criminals buy high-value real estate and then sell it, using the profits to launder the illegal funds. This may involve inflating property values or flipping properties for a higher price.
Casino Laundering:
Money launderers may use casinos to launder funds. They could gamble with illicit funds and then cash out with a “clean” check or claim winnings, making the money appear legitimate.
Terrorist Financing:
Though not exactly money laundering, terrorists sometimes use similar methods to move money around, often utilizing donations, front organizations, or international financial networks.
Preventing money laundering involves stringent regulatory controls, such as Know Your Customer (KYC) procedures, anti-money laundering (AML) checks, and monitoring for suspicious transactions.
Notorious Examples of Money Laundering
The Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) Scandal
The BCCI scandal of the 1980s and early 1990s remains one of the most infamous cases of global money laundering. BCCI was accused of laundering billions of dollars for drug cartels, terrorists, and corrupt officials across multiple countries. The Colombo branch of BCCI was acquired by Seylan Bank and restructured it with the help of the CBSL.
Danske Bank Case
Danske Bank, Denmark’s largest financial institution, became embroiled in a money laundering scandal in 2018. Investigations revealed that its Estonian branch had facilitated the laundering of approximately €200 billion, involving funds from Russia and other former Soviet states.
Panama Papers
The Panama Papers leak in 2016 exposed how Mossack Fonseca, a Panamanian law firm, helped individuals and entities worldwide evade taxes and launder money through offshore shell companies. Notable figures implicated included politicians, celebrities, and business magnates.
The MDB Scandal
Malaysia Development Berhad (MDB) fund was established to promote economic development. However, investigations revealed that billions of dollars were misappropriated and laundered through luxury purchases, real estate investments, and shell companies. High-profile individuals, including Malaysian officials and international bankers, were implicated.
The HSBC Case
HSBC, one of the world’s largest banks, faced allegations in 2012 for facilitating money laundering by drug cartels in Mexico. The bank’s inadequate AML controls allowed billions of dollars in illicit funds to pass through its accounts, resulting in a $1.9 billion settlement with U.S. authorities.
Impact and Challenges
Money laundering has far-reaching consequences. It erodes trust in financial systems, fuels corruption, and enables organized crime and terrorism. Moreover, it creates economic distortions by misallocating resources and undermining fair competition. Countries with weak AML frameworks often become attractive destinations for illicit financial flows, further exacerbating economic inequality.
However, combating money laundering presents significant challenges. These include the complexity of tracking cross-border transactions, the rise of cryptocurrencies, and the use of sophisticated techniques by criminals to evade detection. While international bodies such as FATF and national governments have implemented stricter regulations, enforcement remains inconsistent.
Mechanisms to Prevent Money Laundering: Existing Measures and Proposed Controls
Money laundering poses a significant threat to global financial systems and economic stability. Preventing this illicit activity requires a combination of robust regulatory frameworks, international cooperation, and technological innovation. We examine existing mechanisms for combating money laundering, evaluates their effectiveness, and hope to propose enhanced controls and remedies to address emerging challenges.
Existing Mechanisms to Prevent Money Laundering
1. Regulatory Frameworks
Governments worldwide have established laws and regulations to combat money laundering. Key frameworks include:
Anti-Money Laundering (AML) Laws:
Laws such as the US Bank Secrecy Act (BSA) and the European Union’s Anti-Money Laundering Directives (AMLD) mandate financial institutions to implement controls for detecting and reporting suspicious activities.
Know Your Customer (KYC) Policies:
Financial institutions are required to verify the identities of their clients, ensuring transparency in transactions and reducing the risk of illicit activities.
Suspicious Activity Reports (SARs):
Institutions must file SARs with relevant authorities when they identify transactions that may involve money laundering.
2. International Cooperation
Money laundering often involves cross-border transactions, necessitating international collaboration. Organizations like the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) set global standards for AML measures and facilitate cooperation among member states. Additionally, mutual legal assistance treaties (MLATs) enable countries to share information and coordinate investigations.
3. Technology and Data Analytics
Advancements in technology have bolstered AML efforts. Artificial Intelligence (AI) and machine learning (ML) are used to detect anomalies in transaction patterns. Blockchain technology also enhances transparency by providing immutable records of financial transactions.
4. Financial Intelligence Units (FIUs)
FIUs, such as the US Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN), analyze financial data to identify and investigate money laundering activities. These agencies act as intermediaries between financial institutions and law enforcement.
Effectiveness and Limitations of Existing Mechanisms
While existing mechanisms have had some success in curbing money laundering, challenges persist:
Evasion Tactics:
Criminals continually devise sophisticated methods, such as trade-based money laundering and virtual asset exploitation, to bypass controls.
Regulatory Gaps:
Variations in AML standards across jurisdictions create vulnerabilities, particularly in countries with weak regulatory frameworks.
Resource Constraints:
Many financial institutions and enforcement agencies lack the resources to implement advanced AML measures effectively.
Proposed Controls and Remedies
1. Strengthening International Cooperation
Enhanced collaboration among countries is essential to close regulatory gaps. Establishing a unified global AML framework, supported by real-time data sharing and joint task forces, can improve enforcement.
2. Leveraging Advanced Technologies
AI and Predictive Analytics:
Develop AI-driven tools capable of real-time transaction monitoring and predictive analysis to identify suspicious activities.
Blockchain Integration:
Promote the use of blockchain in financial systems to improve transparency and reduce opportunities for laundering.
3. Addressing Cryptocurrency Risks
Cryptocurrencies have become a preferred medium for laundering due to their pseudonymity.
4. Capacity Building and Training
Provide financial institutions and enforcement agencies with adequate resources and training to stay ahead of evolving laundering techniques. Awareness campaigns targeting high-risk sectors can also enhance compliance.
5. Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs)
Fostering collaboration between governments and private sector entities can improve AML efforts. PPPs enable the sharing of intelligence, resources, and best practices.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and ww.researcher.com)
Features
Reflections on solar energy development in Sri Lanka and current situation
![](http://island.lk/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/soll.jpg)
by Professor Emeritus,
I M Dharmadasa
Sheffield Hallam University, UK
This article summarises the history of solar energy development in Sri Lanka that I have been involved with, over the past 40 years and my thoughts on the present situation in the country. As an active solar energy conversion researcher in both academia and industry (British Petroleum Research in London), I have seen the maturity of this technology since the late 1980s and started to promote it in schools and community events in the United Kingdom.
I then extended this work to my native country, Sri Lanka, in 1991, by initiating a UK-DFID (UK Department of Foreign and International Development) funded and BC (British Council) managed Higher Education Link (HE-Link) programme. This is how I met all renewable energy promoters in Sri Lanka. This article brings back my memories from the work done in collaboration with various people, starting in the late 1980s.
During the six-year HE-Link programme, I worked with several universities (Peradeniya, Colombo, Kelaniya, Moratuwa and Ruhuna) and organised conferences, seminars and public lectures in schools and government ministries. There were only two or three small solar energy companies at that time, struggling to do business, and they all joined together to promote renewable energy initiatives in the country.
Among many interested academics, senior engineers like Dr. Ray Wijewardane joined all these events, and I met three notable entrepreneurs working in this field starting in 1985. They were Lalith Gunaratne, Pradip Jayawardane and Viran Perera. These three friends, who were brought up in Canada, visited Sri Lanka for a holiday after their marriages and decided to stay in Sri Lanka and start a solar energy business. Their starting work was a mobile solar water pump, but about 80% of the people who were not connected to the national grid asked for solar lighting rather than solar water pumping.
Sir Arthur C Clark also gave them a good helping hand and they started to install small solar home systems in rural areas. They also started to import solar cells and assemble SUNTEC 36 W solar modules in the country, but due to various barriers from outside, that project had to be terminated. There were numerous barriers within the country itself. I remember a newspaper article that appeared in Sri Lanka titled, “Solar Power Suitable for Lotus Eaters”. After all this fantastic work in the late 1980s, Lalith returned to Canada, Viren started an eco-tourist centre, and Pradip continued to work in the solar energy field.
Most of these entrepreneurs told me that the government authorities did not listen to them due to their vested interests. For this reason, I made the decision to promote renewables as a research scholar without any connection to a commercial company. This approach worked well, and I made two or three visits to Sri Lanka in some years delivering public lectures in ministries, universities and in schools. I also wrote numerous articles in the local press and completed many interviews on applications of renewable energy sources.
Solar home systems, at early stages, had about 50 W solar panels. These were combined with lead-acid batteries to store energy and provide 5-6 lights at night. This was also enough to power a black-and-white television for a few hours. Depending on the number of lights used, the cost of such a system varied between Rs 40,000 and Rs 60,000.
Meanwhile, the Ceylon Electricity Board also worked to expand the national grid under the country’s 100% electrification programme. As the national grid is available almost everywhere, the interest in small solar home systems gradually disappeared.
There were many people in the country involved in promoting renewables, and I was able to visit Sri Lanka every year to spend a few weeks at a time and work with numerous institutes.
I also personally met almost all Science & Technology Ministers, starting from Bernard Soysa, and some Power and Energy Ministers to introduce renewable energy projects. Although the government’s take-up was slow, the private sector developed very rapidly, starting many new companies for solar system installation.
Gradually, the main interest turned to the grid-tied larger solar systems installed on freely available rooftops. With the “Soorya Bala Sangramaya” programme introduced around 2016, solar roofs began to be connected to the grid via “Net Metering”, “Net Accounting”, and “Net Plus” methods. A few years ago, a 5 kW solar roof used to cost about Rs 14,00,000, but today, the cost has come down to about Rs 9,00,000. Each 5 kW solar roof installed in the country removes the need to burn 7.5 metric tons of imported coal, introducing numerous health and economic benefits to the nation, including reducing the country’s huge import bill.
I also collaborated with the ex-chairman of the Sri Lanka Sustainable Energy Authority (SLSEA), Prof. Krishan Deheragoda, to bring two 500 kW solar farms to the country, introducing larger solar farms. After promoting renewable energy over four decades, I am pleased to see numerous large solar energy systems beginning to appear in the country, including “Floating Solar Farms”.
The current government’s interest in indigenous, hydro, solar, wind, biomass and bio-gas energy, as well as the contributions from over 200 private solar energy companies to power Sri Lanka, is a very encouraging sign.
As a result of the six-year HE-Link programme SAREP (South Asia Renewable Energy Programme), the Solar Asia Conference series and the “Solar Village” project evolved. Solar Asia Conferences have taken place twice in Sri Lanka, once in Malaysia and once in India.
A pilot solar village started in 2008, and nine solar villages have been established in the country since. The concept of solar village is to empower rural communities by introducing a regular wealth creation method using solar energy and guiding them to develop themselves sustainably. This, in turn, contributes to reducing poverty and mitigating damaging climate change, benefits 80% of the Sri Lankan population who lives in villages, and paves the way for the prosperity of Sri Lanka. To attract external funding and rapidly replicate solar villages in Sri Lanka, a “Solar Village SDG” community interest company (CIC) was formed in November 2024.
According to the latest SLSEA statistics, Sri Lanka has 2000 MW of solar and 200 MW of wind installations. This is 2.2 GW and a good fraction of the total power production capacity (~5 GW) in the country.
The intermittent nature of solar and wind can currently be balanced using hydropower until the fast-developing green hydrogen technology is established in Sri Lanka. When solar power is at its maximum power production during the daytime, the hydropower can be reduced simply by controlling the flow of water without any technical difficulties. With the positive steps taken by the GOSL and the private sector, Sri Lanka could become a renewable energy island in the future, giving the country many health and economic benefits and attracting many tourists from around the globe.
To achieve this noble goal, every sector in the country should work together. The general public should understand the benefits of using renewables and install more systems in the country, perhaps via “Crowd Funding”.
It is now clear that ROI (Return on Investment) from a solar roof is greater than the interest earned by keeping the money in the bank. PV companies must improve their “after-sales service” to increase customer satisfaction and help their customers get the most from their investment by promptly rectifying any issues arising from these new technologies.
The CEB has a great responsibility to gradually improve the national grid by reducing energy leakages and replacing weak transformers and grid lines to move towards a smart grid, enabling the absorption of more indigenous solar and wind energy.
The Author, I. M. Dharmadasa, is an Emeritus Professor with 51 years of university service, over 40 years of active solar energy research, and over 35 years of renewable energy promotional work. He has supervised 30 Ph.D. students and published 254 scientific articles and two books in this field.
Features
Consider international offers on their merits
![](http://island.lk/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/President-Dissanayake-meeting-Chinese-President-Xi-Jinping.webp)
by Jehan Perera
Four months after coming to power, the NPP government is facing growing criticism from those in the opposition and also scepticism regarding its ability to make policies necessary to revive the country and its economy. The catchy stories in the media are invariably in relation to some mishap or shortcoming in the past of government leaders. Some of these relate to the inexperience of the new decisionmakers, many of them having spent their lives in academia rather than in politics or public administration. The criticisms that ring true to the masses of people relate to the economic difficulties they continue to experience in full force. Those who contributed to the economic catastrophe of 2022 by their own actions over the past decades have little credibility to criticise.
The promise of an uncorrupt government made at the presidential and general elections continues to keep popular support on the side of the government. There is a continuing belief that the government is sincere about keeping corruption under control and dealing with past abuses. But there is also disappointment that the promises the NPP made about renegotiating the IMF agreement and reducing its burden on the masses of people are not being realised in the short term. The gap between the rich and the poor continues to be very large with those who are owners of rice mills, hotels and stocks getting massive profits while those on fixed incomes and subsistence farmers eking out a living.
The basic problem for the government is that it inherited an economy that had been made to collapse by irresponsible governments of the past. The agreements that the previous government signed with the IMF and international bondholders reflected Sri Lanka’s weak bargaining position. This was why Sri Lanka only got a 20 percent reduction in its debt, whereas other countries got 50 percent reductions. The NPP government cannot extricate itself from the situation. The hope that a generous benefactor will extricate us from the difficult economic situation we are in underpins the unrealistic expectations that accompanied President Anura Kumara Dissanayake during his two state visits to India and China.
CAUTIONARY TALES
Nearly two centuries ago, in 1848, one of Britain’s 19th-century Prime Ministers, Lord Palmerston, declared “We have no eternal allies, and we have no perpetual enemies. Our interests are eternal and perpetual, and those interests is our duty to follow.” His speech was meant to explain and defend Britain’s foreign policy, emphasising that the country’s decisions were guided by its strategic interests rather than fixed loyalties to other nations or ideologies. It justified Britain’s controversial alliances and interventions, such as supporting liberal revolutions in Europe while maintaining colonial dominance elsewhere. This explains the inconsistent use of legal and moral standards by the international community that we see in the world today.
When Sri Lanka engages with other countries it is important that we keep Lord Parlmerston’s dictum in mind. Over the past three decades there has been a noticeable shift in the practices of countries that have claimed to believe in the rule of law and universal human rights. There was a long period after the end of the second world war when the powerful countries of the world that had emerged victors in that war gave leadership to liberal values of human rights, democracy and justice in their engagements in the international arena. Together they set up institutions such as the United Nations, international covenants on human rights and the International Court of Justice, among others. But today we see this liberal international order in tatters with happenings in countries such as Iraq, Libya, Syria, Ukraine and Palestine reflecting the predatory behaviour of the strong against the weak.
According to international scholars such as Prof Oliver Richmond of the UK, the Liberal International Order (LIO) is losing its grip as global power shifts toward an emerging Authoritarian International Order (AIO). In his writings, he highlights how the LIO’s failures to resolve key conflicts have exposed its weaknesses. The prolonged failures like the Cyprus peace talks and the breakdown of the Oslo Accords in Israel-Palestine have highlighted the limits of a system driven more by Western dominance than equitable solutions. The rise of powers like China and Russia, who openly prioritise state sovereignty and power over liberal values, marks the shift to a multipolar AIO in which every country tries to get the maximum advantage for itself even at the cost to others.
Prof. Richmond warns that neither the liberal or authoritarian international orders, as implemented, are equipped to deliver lasting peace, as both are driven by geopolitical interests rather than a commitment to justice or equality. He argues that human rights, development, pluralism and democracy as the outcome of peacemaking and political reform that the Liberal International Order once held out as its vision is more just and sustainable for ordinary people than the geopolitical balancing, and authoritarian conflict management which is now crudely pushed forward by the proponents of the Authoritarian International Order. Without a new approach that prioritises fairness and sustainability, the world risks further division and instability.
NOT GENEROSITY
Following upon the stately receptions accorded to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake in India and China, there is much anticipation that Sri Lanka is on the verge of receiving massive support from these countries that will give a turbo-boost to Sri Lanka’s development efforts. In the aftermath of India’s unprecedented economic support of USD 4 billion at the height of the economic crisis in 2022, the promise of as much as USD 10 billion in economic investment from China reported by the media offers much hope. India and China are two economic giants that are in Sri Lanka’s neighbourhood who could do much to transform the economy of Sri Lanka to reach take-off into self-sustaining and rapid economic development. This accompanies the shift of economic power in the world towards Asia at this time.
Both India and China are keen that Sri Lanka should be in their orbit or minimise its position in the other’s orbit. They each have strong rivalries and misgivings about each other, especially regarding security issues. They have had border disputes that led to military confrontations. The Authoritarian International Order that Prof Oliver Richmond has written about would influence their behaviour towards one another as well as towards third countries such as Sri Lanka. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake appears to have been aware of this problem when he visited India and China. In both countries he pledged that Sri Lanka would do nothing that would be injurious to their security interests.
Lord Palmerston’s old dictum that countries act on permanent interests rather than permanent friendships is important to bear in mind when foreign governments make inroads into third countries. Sri Lanka needs to protect its own interests rather than believe that foreign countries are going an extra step to help it due to shared political ideology, age-old friendships or common culture or religion. Sri Lanka, its leaders and citizens, need to look at each and every offer of foreign assistance in a realistic manner. Each offer should be assessed on its own merits and not as part of a larger package in which generosity is imagined to be the sole or main motivating factor of the foreign country.
For Sri Lanka to emerge stronger, it needs to evaluate every offer of foreign assistance with a clear-eyed focus on its own national interests, ensuring that the benefits align with the long-term well-being of its people. Pragmatism, and hard headed analysis, must guide the country’s engagement with the world. This would be best done in in a bipartisan manner at the highest level, without being distracted by partisan party politics and narrow political and personal self-interest which has been our failure over time with a few exceptions.
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