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Midweek Review

An unnecessary humiliation

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By Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha

I am glad the saga of forced cremations is now over, but I fear the way it was handled has left a lasting residue of bitterness. And its handling was extraordinarily sad, in that it also led to unnecessary humiliation for the Prime Minister. I don’t suppose anyone thinks of him as being in a position of great strength any longer, but that does not matter so long as he is treated with the respect that is his due. To find Ministers who owed everything to him contradicting him embarrassingly is harrowing.

It may seem odd my standing up for him, but that is something I have done consistently now for well over six years. I did come out against him at the 2015 Presidential election, but that was for reasons I recorded in a letter to him well before he called the election. And I have no doubt he now realizes how badly he treated me because of tales carried to him by those who have had no qualms about attacking him when they thought he was down. Wimal Weerawansa used to describe me as a creature of NGOs, when I was the most efficient at controlling those that were hostile to the Sri Lankan state even while I urged working together with those – and the principal UN officers – who were only trying to help.

Even worse, Sajin Vass Gunawardena would call me the TNA representative on the government team to negotiate with them, and effectively scuttled the compromises I reached with the TNA, to the resentment of their extremist elements. So that opportunity, to reach a political settlement that did not threaten anyone, was frittered away.

But while I have no regrets about not having supported him to be re-elected in 2015, for those neanderthal forces would have been stronger, I do regret the appalling behaviour of the government that followed. I tried to argue against the politics of retribution, but that was all the leading figures then could think of. That viciousness contributed to Mahinda Rajapaksa coming back in force, to lead the UPFA campaign in 2015 and then the SLPP one in 2018.

But he was humiliated in both those years, by Sirisena who pulled the rug out from under his feet (and his own too as he later discovered) when he betrayed the UPFA at the 2015 General Election; and later when Sirisena foolishly dissolved Parliament after having asked Mahinda to be Prime Minister and then turning away crossovers who would have given him a parliamentary majority. There were others too who were responsible for that ridiculous reaction, asking relatively decent Muslim MPs to come back with their thoroughly indecent leaders, but there is no point in going over that now. But Sirisena and those he came to rely on should have thought about safeguarding Mahinda after he accepted the post of Prime Minister.

That was unnecessary humiliation for someone who rid us of terrorism. So it was very necessary, to make it clear that he was still respected, that though he could not stand for President again he was made Prime Minister again when the opportunity arose. That set the seal on his political resurrection.

After that I have no doubt that he might want to retire soon. But the fact remains that he still understands politics, better I suspect than the current President though I, like many, thought Gotabhaya would be better at taking the hard decisions this country needs.

The latter hope has not been fulfilled. And it was thus very disappointing, when Mahinda noted that burials would be allowed, that those with nothing like his understanding of the world contradicted him and that the President did not make it clear that Mahinda’s word had to be respected. Though Mr Athaullah, the most balanced of the Muslim Ministers in the previous Rajapaksa government, said helpfully that both the President and the Prime Minister were ‘amenable’ to burials, there was no sign of this earlier.

When Covid first struck, the decision to enforce cremation for its victims was understandable since no one was quite sure whether burial could be dangerous. But with all expert opinion holding that this was not the case, it is a great pity that the government did not change the policy earlier. And that it did so only after concerted criticism from many of our good friends in the Organization of Islamic Countries seems to me as great a humiliation as was inflicted on the Prime Minister; not least because Imran Khan had actually thanked him for his pronouncement, so that it being countermanded looked even worse.

But once again, as I wrote in my book Declining Sri Lanka about the ridiculous behaviour of the Jayewardene government when it lurched from concession to concession, we have to worry about the manner in which another government reacts to crisis: grant under pressure what should have been acknowledged as a right, grant it so late that the beneficiaries would be amongst the most extreme, and grant it so gracelessly and grudgingly that distrust would inevitably continue.

That particular fiasco gives rise to two worries. The first is that the government will also react to what is going on in Geneva in the same fashion. For 10 years now it has been self-evident what the government should do, deal firmly with falsehoods but also concentrate on positive measures for all Sri Lankans including those who suffered most in the war – through restorative justice not retribution – but there are no signs of this happening. Whether the current problems will lead to a change in direction remains to be seen, and I have no doubt it will be necessary to look at this question again after the vote in Geneva.

But there is another consequence of the humiliation of the Prime Minister which could lead to more complications. Ever since Gotabaya Rajapaksa came to power, there has been much speculation about relations between him and Mahinda. I have not got involved in this because from long ago I believed the relationship between them was very good, and that they each respected the other.

Of course, they both had their view of what was necessary. I recall Mahinda telling me, when I urged him not to have an early election in 2010, that only Gota and I had said this. The implication was that we did not understand politics, unlike his other advisers. And then, after the electoral loss in 2015, Gota told me that he like me had advised Mahinda to have a Provincial Council election soon after the war victory, but Mahinda had preferred to take Basil’s advice, to wait till his development programme had won hearts and minds.

We all know what that resulted in, and I thought then that Gota was perhaps a more shrewd judge of politics than he was given credit for. And his thumping victory in 2019 seemed to substantiate this view, as did his first cabinet. And though I found the host of other Ministers disappointing, I subscribed to the view that these were Mahinda’s men, who had to be rewarded for their loyalty.

But after that I have no idea as to who is calling the shots. And since there is such incoherence, that scarcely matters. When Gota decided not to take steps immediately to get the country going again, which I had thought he would do given his previous achievements, and decided instead to mark time till a General Election, I began to worry. And then as the election had to be postponed, I worried more. And then when the new Cabinet was appointed, without the influx of fresh blood I had anticipated, I switched off.

But now it looks like what I can only characterize as concerted inaction is being accompanied by intense intrigue. Gota I think managed to rise above the controversy created by what seemed Wimal Weerawansa’s attempt to send Mahinda effectively into retirement. I expected no less given the affection I have no doubt still exists. But that is why the wanton insult to Mahinda worries me, because after that I suspect there will be more who will try to rise by pushing against him.

Meanwhile, there seem to be moves to punish political opponents, the rock on which the Yahapalanaya government came to grief. Of course, the leading lights of that government are still pretty much disliked, but the present government should understand that the people prefer prosperity to revenge. There is no sign of that coming, and no sign too of the vast amounts that were plundered being restored. Of course, getting what was stolen back will not cancel the fiscal deficit we are likely to face soon, but it will help.

More importantly it will help to restore confidence in politicians. The current view is that such recovery is avoided because the present bunch in power do not want a similar thing to happen to them. So, the general impression is that all governments are full of plunderers and there is no hope of justice let alone restitution of public property.

And if this is accompanied by punitive action with regard to the Easter Sunday bombs being directed to the politicians who failed to prevent it instead of the perpetrators, the public at large will be in despair. Those responsible for security who failed in their responsibilities have enough to answer for in other respects, and if they are compelled to make restitution for the financial losses the country suffered during their period in power, that will be punishment enough. Anything else will be seen as fulfilment of personal agendas, not the country’s requirement.



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Midweek Review

A message from Keith Noyahr at the launch of ‘Notes from the battlefield’

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Foreign Minister Ali Sabry, PC, flanked by Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, and Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative in Geneva, C. A. Chandraprema, at the 51 sessions of the ongoing Geneva sessions ( pic courtesy Foreign Ministry)

The 51 sessions of the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council is underway. Sri Lanka is again in the focus with Western powers and their lackeys targeting the war-winning Sri Lanka military.

Successive Sri Lankan governments, including the incumbent administration, failed to address core issues. Their failure to counter accusations that over 40,000 Tamil civilians died in the hands of the military is inexcusable. The Foreign and Defence Ministries, without further delay, should review Sri Lanka’s strategy or fall victim to unceasing Western machinations against the country for militarily crushing the LTTE, against their advice.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Lankadeepa journalist Ratnapala Gamage had been with the late General Rohan de S. Daluwatte, Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), in Sept. 2001 at the latter’s Colombo office when the one-time Army Commander (May 1996-Dec 1998) was informed of the killing of Vaithilingam Sornalingam alias ‘Colonel’ Shankar.

At the time of his death the 51-year-old former Air Canada employee commanded the ‘Air Wing’ and ‘Marine Division’ of the LTTE.

The 20-minute call interrupted the exclusive interview Gamage was having with the CDS as Daluwatte had to rush for a meeting which was also to be attended by the then President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga.

Ex-Lankadeepa journalist Gamage, now domiciled in Switzerland, dealt with the high profile ‘hit’ carried out by the LRRP (Long Range Reconnaissance Patrol) aka DPU (Deep Penetration Unit) in the eastern part of the Vanni region. The raid carried out so deep, within the LTTE-held territory, sent shock waves through not only the enemy’s rank and file but the Colombo-based diplomatic community as well. Gamage in his maiden book ‘Rana Bimaka Panhinda’ (Notes from the battlefield) discussed the war that was brought to a successful conclusion in May 2009, with the focus on his experiences and visits to operational areas. The launch of ‘Rana Bimaka Panhinda’ took place at the J.R. Jayewardene Centre on Sept 13 with the presence of Lankadeepa Editor Siri Ranasinghe. The gathering was told a Tamil translation of the book would be available later this year. Gamage had an opportunity to meet one of those intrepid men who participated in that particular operation on the Oddusuddan-Puthikudirippu road, east of Kandy-Jaffna A9 hi-way on the morning of Sept. 26, 2001. Gamage reveals his failed bid to convince one of those Long Rangers to give him one of the four pictures he had of the ‘hit’ on Shankar, one of Prabhakaran’s closest associates. Gamage explained as to why the soldier declined to give him a photograph. At the time the LRRP unit triggered the claymore mine that blasted the heavily guarded vehicle, the attackers had believed Velupillai Prabhakaran was on the move in it. Operations behind enemy lines that developed over the years involved elite men, including Muslim military personnel and ex-LTTE cadres. During the Eelam War IV, the Air Force, on more than one occasion, evacuated several teams of Long Rangers who had got trapped in enemy territory. Did such highly successful operations carried out behind enemy lines prompt Prabhakaran to return to the negotiating table in Feb 2002? The Norwegians finalized the one-sided Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) that included a clause specifically meant to halt all LRRP/DPU operations. Due to an oversight on the part of Gamage, the unprecedented crisis caused by the raid on a safe house at Athurugiriya Millennium City housing scheme, operated by those conducting operations behind enemy lines, didn’t receive the attention it deserved. The UNP government crippled the clandestine operation in spite of assurances given by no less a person than the then Army Commander Lt. Gen. Lionel Balagalle that LRRP/DPU didn’t target UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe.

Interestingly, Gamage wasn’t at the launch of his book. The ex-Lankadeepa defence correspondent addressed the gathering from his home at Aarburg, Switzerland at the onset of the event attended by several retired military officers. Retired Maj. Gen. Sanath Karunaratne, who led the defence of the Elephant Pass base way back in July 1991, in his then capacity as a Major, was among the guests at the launch. Gamage discussed the heroic defence of Elephant Pass base and the largest ever sea-borne operation ‘Balavegaya’ launched to save those trapped therein.

The beleaguered men of the sixth battalion of the Sinha Regiment (6SR) under Karunaratne’s command held the strategic base till seaborne ‘Balavegaya’ troops fought their way in from the Mullaitivu coast to break the siege. ‘Balavegaya’ involved 10,000 men and was considered the largest action undertaken before ‘Operation Riviresa’ (Oct-Dec 1995) that brought Jaffna and its suburbs under government control.

If not for the successful suicide attack on an advancing armour-plated LTTE bulldozer carried out by Lance Corporal Gamini Kularatne, the garrison could have probably fallen before the Army launched Operation ‘Balavegaya.’ Kularatne received Sri Lanka’s highest gallantry award ‘Parama Weera Vibhushana’ for the supreme sacrifice he made on the battlefield. Kularatne was the first recipient of the decoration.

Referring to the fall of Kokavil detachment south of Elephant Pass in June 1990, Gamage quite rightly blamed the military top brass for the shortcomings. The second recipient of the highest decoration was Captain Saliya Upul Aladeniya also of the Sinha Regiment. Aladeniya commanded besieged Kokavil detachment established for the protection of the Rupavahini transmission tower there. However, the LTTE attacks on isolated detachments along the A 9 road north of Vavuniya up to Elephant Pass should be examined against the backdrop of the then President, late Ranasinghe Premadasa’s foolish attempts to reach a consensus with the LTTE by even transferring truckloads of arms to it. In June 1990 the government lost control of the A 9 road north of Vavuniya up to Elephant Pass. That stretch of the road overland route remained inaccessible to the government until the Army systematically liberated it in the final phases of the war in January 2009.It would be pertinent to mention that though 6 SR valiantly held Elephant Pass base in 1991 with less than a battalion of troops, a Division plus troops couldn’t repulse multiple LTTE attacks on Yakachchi and Elephant Pass base in late April 2000. The 54 Division abandoned the base and retreated in all directions. The LTTE killed well over 1000 officers and men. The then Army Commander Lt. Gen. Balagalle made a vain attempt to portray the humiliating Elephant Pass defeat as a strategic withdrawal. Many fighting personnel also perished as they ran out of potable water after the LTTE destroyed their sole water source at Yakachchi

Keith Noyahr’s commendation among the well-wishers who couldn’t attend the book launch but chose to issue a recorded statement commending Gamage’s work was Keith Noyahr, the Deputy Editor of now defunct ‘The Nation. Noyahr recalled his close association with Gamage during the conflict and when he earlier worked at the Daily Mirror, the sister paper of Lankadeepa. Noyahr fled the country following his abduction and subsequent release in May 2008. The then Mahinda Rajapaksa administration was accused of targeting ‘The Nation’ journalist over his column ‘Military Matters’ that questioned the conduct of war-winning Army Commander the then Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka. Unidentified persons abducted Noyahr on the night of May 22, 2008 in the wake of a provocative piece titled ‘An Army is not its Commander’s private fiefdom’ on May 11, 2008. Noyahr wrote the column under the pseudonym ‘Senapathi. ’Fearing Noyahr’s fate would also befall him, Gamage quietly left the country with his only son in Dec, 2008. His wife died a few years earlier and in spite of political changes never returned to the country. The then joint Opposition comprising UNP-JVP-TNA-SLMC-CWC backing Fonseka at the 2010 presidential election must have been quite a shock for those who criticised Fonseka ‘s controversial strategies, that however brought about the unbelievable crushing of the LTTE in the battlefield, which many a pundit claimed was not within Sri Lanka’s military capability.

Gamage declared in his foreword, his close working relationship with the then Daily Mirror Editor Lalith Alahakoon (having joined The Island in June, 1987, the writer worked under Alahakoon who was the Night News Editor at that time) and his Deputy at the Daily Mirror Noyahr.

Acknowledging his weekly contribution to the Sunday Lankadeepa greatly enhanced his capacity, Gamage appreciated the opportunity and support extended by both Alahakoon and Noyahr for him to do a weekly article that dealt with ‘Military Matters. According to Gamage, it had been a joint effort by him and Noyahr. By the time, Noyahr was targeted ‘Military Matters’ was penned by Noyahr for ‘The Nation.’

Having joined Lankadeepa in late 1993, Gamage moved overseas as Fonseka’s Army was making headway on the Vanni east front. Close on the heels of Gamage’s departure on Dec 18, 2008, the 59 Division brought Mullaitivu, once considered impregnable, under its control. Mullaitivu had been under LTTE control since July 1996 after the LTTE massacred well over 1,000 officers and men in a devastating assault on that isolated base shook the country.

Gamage hadn’t been with the Lankadeepa to report the last phase of the combined security forces campaign that brought the LTTE to its knees.

Wijeweera’s execution

Gamage hadn’t even thought of joining the staff of the Lankadeepa at the time the UNP battled the second JVP inspired insurgency. The government brought the counter

insurgency campaign to an end in late 1989 early 1990 with the elimination of the JVP leadership.

Controversy surrounds the circumstances, the late Somawansa Amarasinghe escaped with the help of an Army officer. The rest, including the Marxist Party’s leader, Rohana Wijeweera were apprehended and summarily executed.

Gamage recalled him raising Wijeweera’s execution with the late Brigadier Janaka Perera (the much decorated officer was killed in an LTTE suicide attack in early Oct. 2008 at Anuradhapura as he came to address an election rally after having retired as a Major General) at his quarters within the then Army headquarters (the war winning Mahinda Rajapaksa government sold that land. The Yahapalana government (2015-2019), too, sold the adjoining land).

Brigadier Perera had been the head of one of the three teams that were assigned the task of eliminating Rohana Wijeweera. Then DIG Premadasa Udugampola (He passed away in January 2019), the late Maj. Gen. Lakshman Algama (killed in LTTE suicide blast in Dec 2001) and the then Colonel Janaka Perera had been in charge of the teams that eventually hunted down the JVP leadership. Gamage recounted his stimulating conversation with Perera while sipping wine. Gamage was there on the invitation of the officer to share a meal with him. The arrest of a JVPer in the Dehiowita area by an officer attached to Perera team, his interrogation that led to the capture of JVP politburo member Disanayake Mudiyansalage Nandasena alias D.M. Ananda who revealed Wujeweera’s hideout at Ulapone. Did Janaka Perera participate in the execution of the JVP leader? What was the assurance the celebrated the army officer gave Wijeweera soon after he placed a pistol at the JVP leader’s head? Where did Janaka Perera detain Wijeweera? Who accompanied the then Army Chief Cecil Waidyaratne when he visited Wijeweera? Gamage answered all these questions and also revealed why Janaka Perera accompanied the journalist to meet a soothsayer in Anuradhapura. This was years before Gnana Akka’s entry into the scene. Gamage’s reportage of LTTE leader Prabhakaran’s press conference in the Vanni on April 10, 2002 captures the attention of the readers. How a police intelligence officer infiltrated the LTTE defences on the pretext of being a journalist from Colombo assigned to cover the much-touted media briefing and unprecedented security measures that were in place therein to prevent an attempt on Prabhakaran’s life was certainly exciting. Gamage discussed how the LTTE turned the media briefing to a propaganda exercise by non-stop screening of footage of their battlefield victories. The stunning attack on Pooneryn-Nagathivanthurai base established in the early 90s to intercept boat movements across the Jaffna lagoon spurred the LTTE. Those directly responsible for the failure weren’t punished though Army Chief Lt. Gen. Waidyaratne resigned after having accepted responsibility. The LTTE smashed the base in early Nov 1993.

A visit to Vanni

Among other issues addressed by Gamage, perhaps one of the most important was the deficiency in the infantry. The ex-Lankadeepa journalist underscored the extreme difficulties experienced by the Army for want of sufficient men under arms. Gamage dealt with the issue against the backdrop of a visit organized by the Army for a group of Colombo-based journalists, including photographers to visit Army lines in the Vanni during Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s presidency. Ravi Ladduwahetti had been on The Island editorial at that time and was among those were taken there. Veteran journalist Ladduwahetti who had served many English newspapers passed away last week. He was 64 years old. The then Divaina Defence correspondent late Sirimevan Kasthuriarachchi and former UNL photographer Siripala Halwala were also in that media team.

Kasthuriarachchi, whose brother, an officer of the Vijayaba Infantry Regiment (VIR) died in the July 1996 Mullaitivu battle, had covered the conflict extensively and was one of those who always joined such arranged visits.

Like many other journalists Gamage, too, experienced flying with bodies of military personnel killed in action, when he was returning to Colombo from Palaly. The writer experienced the same on more than one occasion over the years.

Gamage shared his experience in flying to Palaly after the LTTE brought down two Avros with heat-seeking missiles on consecutive days in late April 1995. Among those who perished in missile attacks were three Lake House journalists. Gamage was lucky to avoid a Sam 7 hit as in spite of speaking to the then Commander of the Air Force he couldn’t secure a seat on an ill-fated Avro that flew out from Ratmalana air base. Instead, the Commander had offered him the opportunity to board the flight at the Anuradhapura air base when the Avro touched down there. Perhaps the second Avro disaster could have been avoided if the Air Force didn’t take the risk of flying there the day after the mysterious destruction of an Avro while taking off from Palaly.

There had been several other books on the conflict since the eradication of the LTTE’s conventional military capability. The books authored by our Permanent Representative in Geneva C.A. Chadraprema (Gota’s War) and the late Subramaniam Sivakamy alias ‘Col’ Thamilini (‘Thiyunu Asipathaka Sevana Yata’/In the Shadow of a Sharp Sword) are must read. Sinhala translation of ‘Oru Koorvaalin Nizhalil’, life story of high ranking LTTE cadre, ‘Col’ Thamilini, took place at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute (SLFI) on May 13, 2016.Oru Koorvaalin Nizhalil’ was launched on March 19, 2016, in Kilinochchi, the one-time LTTE bastion.

Gamage’s coverage of UNP presidential candidate Gamini Dissanayake’s assassination should be examined taking into consideration his assessment that the LTTE did so to facilitate Kumaratunga’s victory. At the following presidential election in 1999, the LTTE tried to assassinate Kumaratunga to pave the way for Wickremsinghe to secure the presidency and in 2005 engineered polls boycott to help Mahinda Rajapaksa to win the presidential poll.

Gamage refrained from commenting on why the LTTE helped Mahinda Rajapaksa to win. Perhaps, the LTTE miscalculated Mahinda Rajapaksa’s capacity.

Chief of LTTE procurement ‘KP’ in his first interview with the media given to this writer in the ‘custody’ of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) declared the LTTE calculated they could take an irreversible upper hand in the battlefield within two years.

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Midweek Review

Brahmi on Potsherds in Anuradhapura

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#uதுකම් (#Duty):

By Laleen Jayamanne

Somewhere online, I found this simple but startling composite, multi-scripted, word-slogan of the aragalaya; (#duty#යුතුකම්). Written with letters (akshara), drawn from all three languages of the country, it appears to be by an anonymous artist during the earlier GOTAGOGAMA PHASE of the aragalaya. It’s a key word expressing an ethical sentiment addressing all Lankans at this moment of political and economic upheaval and momentous social transformation.

The longer I look at this strange word many thoughts flash through my mind, though I don’t know Thamil. The letters of the three languages sit close to each other in amity. No hint here that that ‘u’ could cut like a ‘kaduwa’ (sword), or that the Thamil letter might be tarred or that Sinhala is allied to the word sinhaya (lion). Rather, this linguistic sign, as I see it, suggests a desire at the heart of an ethical impulse of the aragalaya (the struggle), a desire for a multi-ethnic Sri Lanka, free of ethno-linguistic-religio-supremacist nationalist violence. But, the fact that the word itself is Sinhala points to the obvious, the taken for granted centrality of the Sinhala folk in the aragalaya. A Tamil letter has also been dutifully included. As for the presence of the English ‘u’, it goes without saying.

It’s just one little word-image, but silently it does speak volumes about non-violence, avihimsa, which has never been part of Lankan political vocabulary, until the Aragalaya made it so. Despite the Buddhist idea of non-violence, Gandhi’s political idea was never a part of Lankan politics in the way it was for Martin Luther King in defining the non-violent ethos of the American Civil Rights movement of the 1960s. Few know that Gandhi’s friend Tagore came to Ceylon in 1933 to open Sri Pali (modelled on Shantiniketan), and had spent time in Kandy completing Char Adhyay (Four Chapters) which was his poetic critique of the fascist turn in the Indian independence movement in Bengal. Young freedom fighters went on killing sprees while also

Words and Clay

“Ceramics is the memory of human kind,” Speaking Volumes: Pottery and Words. Paul Mathieu

Kumbha in Sanskrit means pitcher, jar, pot and Kumbha-karaka is a maker of pots. ‘Kumbal’ in Sinhala is also the caste name of potters. If we knew the etymology of the word it would conjure up a well-crafted pot rather than a low status caste, according to feudal Sinhala custom. A pot is useful, and also considered a symbol of the womb in some religious rituals as in the Kumbha-mela in India celebrating the life giving powers of Ganga nam ganga. I don’t know whether a pot carries this symbolic meaning in traditional Sinhala Buddhist culture and ritual as well. In addition to the every-day use-value, and extra-daily ritual-value of pottery, Paul Mathieu draws out the civilizational link between pottery and writing with its powerful abstract-value.

“The relationships between ceramics and text, pottery and words, are very old and very new. These relationships may not be too obvious at first, but it is my intent to show here that there is a very intimate connection between clay and language, ceramics and the written text, and that this symbiosis between the two cultural phenomena is very ancient and profoundly meaningful. Much has been made of the use of words and text in art and in contemporary culture, especially in new media technologies, but that has been true of ceramic objects since the very beginning of recorded history.

The earliest examples of ceramic objects related to language and writing are clay tokens from Mesopotamia dating from 8000 B.C. (see Schmandt-Besserat, Before Writing). These tokens were part of an accounting system used in exchange and commercial transactions.” Paul Mathieu

In Search of Lost Time

Closer to home, when reading several obituary tributes to the distinguished Lankan archaeologist, Siran Upendra Deraniyagala, in 2021, I learnt about his many remarkable achievements. Foremost among these is the unearthing, in the late 80s, in Anuradhapura, of potsherds inscribed with the Brahmi script. These were radiocarbon dated to about 4th or 5th Century BCE, confirmed by a team from Cambridge University and later corroborated by similar findings in Tamil Nadu. It is considered to be the earliest known script in South Asia. This dates the Brahmi script to about a century or two before Mahinda Thera, the son of Asoka, brought Buddhism to Sri Lanka, during the reign of Devanampiya Tissa, in 3rd Century BCE. While the epigraphs on the famous Asokan pillars across India are also inscribed in Brahmi, the form discovered in Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu are considered to be of a much earlier variant of the script. As such, linguists consider it to be the ancestor of several modern vernacular scripts in the region. This period is described as proto-history, the script pointing to a literate culture and trade links with both India and beyond in West Asia, prior to the arrival of Buddhism. With such a long history, proto-history and pre-history recorded also in the palaeo-archaeology of Paul Deraniyagala, Siran Deraniyagala’s father, we have been given a powerful vision of temporal-duration of this little Island home of ours, at the tip of the Indian subcontinent, initially geologically linked to it.

Brahmi Script and the Aragalaya

The early period of the Aragalaya felt like an auspicious moment to explore some aspects of the implications of the ‘earth shattering’ Deraniyagala discovery, beyond the highly specialised domain of archaeology. One hopes that the chauvinist fear (of finding evidence in the depths of the earth’s womb, which might dispel the myth of Sinhala-Buddhist ‘manifest destiny’), might be dispersing. Pottery with writing is on another level or stratum from the fossil record. It helps to calculate time and value in relation to the development of human culture, specifically, the expansion of its powers of abstraction. The creation of a heady variety of abstract visual lines on clay, corresponding to sounds and meanings, makes language and drawing tantalisingly close to each other. Writing is linear and formalised into sound and meaning; language. Whereas, ‘line-drawing’ appears to activate a vagrant line. Or to put it differently, a line drawn by an artist moves without a known destination; art. On one hand, an encoding of the line precisely, on the other, a freeing of the idea of the line, which carries us away into the unknown.

“Dr. must be the most influential archaeologist in Sri Lanka after Prof. Senarth Paranavitana. Introducing a new historical paradigm to the Sri Lankan past, undoubtedly, it was only he who presented a systematic – theoretical framework to the Sri Lankan past and tested a hypothesis through several decades until it developed into general acceptance. The results of the quest have been momentous.

If someone seriously examines his landmark publication of 1992, they will be able to find a road map to the future studies and pointers to raise new questions.” Thilanka Siriwardana, (Archaeology.lk)

Deraniyagala, SU, 1984, “A classificatory system for ceramics in Sri Lanka”. Ancient Ceylon 5, 109- 114.

Art and Ecologycal Consciousness

Maybe, some contemporary artists with an interest in science and ecological thinking might feel like glancing at the fossil collection of Paul Deraniyagala in our katuge (House of Bones or Museum!) and who knows where that might lead! There might be a lateral connection to be made between Siran Deraniyagala’s momentous archaeological discoveries in Anuradhapura, of potsherds with the Brahmi script inscribed on them, and that of his father’s archaeo-paleontology and physical anthropology! This may appear to be a fanciful idea, but it is the case that artists working in the new media, including musicians are now working with scientists, at places like MIT, Cornel University and elsewhere, to develop projects, in the broad area of ecological thinking, that require collaborative team work across disciplines and skills. Ecological thinking now also includes, what Felix Guattari the psycho-therapist called, ‘mental-ecology’. Such collaboration may give artists with an ecological bent some lateral ideas to think with about interrelations of script (as movement), language (as sound), ethnicity, material culture, custom, the human body, nature and technology as ‘second-nature’, in Sri Lanka’s pre-history and proto-history, as they might relate to contemporary concerns. Siran Deraniyagala’s dig at Anuradhapura was 30 feet below ground level and it is said that he only uncovered a fraction of what is thought to be there. Can we imagine (certainly not another myth of origin of the lion race of the Sinhala), other ways of understanding the interconnectedness of all life forms and minerals, ‘transversally’, rather than hierarchically on this ancient island situated so propitiously on east west trade routes?

Siran U Deraniyagala, The Prehistory of Sri Lanka; An Ecological Perspective, (Colombo: Dept. of Archaeology, Government of Sri Lanka, 1992).

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Midweek Review

Empire’s Enchantment

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on

By Lynn Ockersz

For the Isle’s local Sires,

On whom the reins of power,

Were bestowed with caution,

By a tactically retreating empire,

The umbilical tie with the latter,

Was never brought asunder,

For, the departing big power,

Wanted a faithful local agent,

And our Brown Sahib class,

With its zest for adulation,

Meets the empire’s wishes,

As is now clearly visible,

In the ‘Mother Country’s’ capital,

Where local servants of the empire,

Scramble to be counted as present,

At the funeral of their ex-empress,

Lest their shrill pleas for succour,

Are trashed by the prime powers,

Presiding over a skewed global order.

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