Midweek Review
An Amendment like no other!

At the time President J. R. Jayewardene, at the behest of India, enacted the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, the country was on fire. A massive blast at Maradana claimed the lives 30 civilians a few days before Parliament enacted the law. The then SLFP leader Sirimavo Bandaranaike, in a special statement, explained why the 13th Amendment shouldn’t be enacted, especially against the backdrop of the stand taken by five out of nine members of the Supreme Court, in respect of the relevant Bill. Close on the heels of Indian intervention here, the then proscribed Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) launched its second insurrection. The Supreme Court that was sharply divided on the 13th Amendment, however, allowed the law to be passed on the basis the Parliament, with a two-thirds majority, could do away with it.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) is being wooed by President Ranil Wickremesinghe, Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) leader Sajith Premadasa and Jathika Jana Balawegaya (JJB) leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake seeking its endorsement at the forthcoming Presidential Poll.
The ITAK, widely known as the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), has received repeated assurances as regards the full implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, enacted in late 1987. Wickremesinghe is yet to officially announce his candidature at the forthcoming Presidential Poll and two other main contenders – Premadasa and AKD, too, are keen to reach consensus with the ITAK as quickly as possible.
For them, ITAK’s endorsement is of crucial importance. The ITAK, consisting of 10 MPs, is widely believed to be divided over the polls strategy, particularly at a time the major candidates have declared commitment to the full implementation of the contentious piece of legislation.
The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) is now in two minds as to throw its weight behind Wickremesinghe or field a candidate of its own, and will have to state its position on the 13th Amendment without further delay.
The only political grouping to publicly declare its opposition to the 13th Amendment is the Sarvajana Balaya consisting of the National Freedom Front (NFF), Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU), Mawbima Janatha Party (MJP), Democratic Left Front (DLF), Communist Party (CP), Yuthukama, et al. That grouping is yet to officially announce its presidential candidate though there is widespread belief that MJP leader, entrepreneur Dilith Jayaweera, eyes the candidature.
Whatever the consequences, serious candidates will have to deal with the issue at hand, pragmatically. Fifteen years after the conclusion of the war, the 13th Amendment, that had been forced on Sri Lanka by India in line with the latter’s overall strategy meant to establish an administration in the merged North-East Province beholden to India, is the eye of the storm, so to speak.
It would be pertinent to mention that in addition to the 10 seats won by the ITAK, the Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP/two seats), Ahila Ilankai Thamil Congress (AITC/two seats), Thamil Makkal Thesiya Kuttani (TMTK/ one seat) and Thamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP/one seat) won altogether six seats.
The EPDP and TMVP are certain to back President Wickremesinghe’s candidature whereas there is uncertainty regarding the likely stand of TMTK and AITC. Former parliamentarian M.K. Sivajilingam’s recent declaration that he would contest the Presidential Poll unless Tamil political parties agreed on a common candidate, however, is unlikely to influence the Tamil electorate with his one man show.
Therefore, Tamil political parties, too, are under tremendous pressure to take an informed decision. TNA parliamentarian Mathiaparanan Abraham Sumanthiran, PC, publicly regretted the joint LTTE-TNA decision that caused Ranil Wickremesinghe’s defeat at the 2005 Presidential Poll. At the time the ITAK announced the polls boycott order, on behalf of the LTTE, it had 22 seats representing the Northern and Eastern electoral districts. Today, the ITAK is down to just 10 seats with serious differences of opinion causing overall deterioration of its standing among the Tamil community.
Unfortunately, major candidates, in their undue haste to reach agreement with the ITAK, appeared to have failed to conduct proper assessment of the ground situation.
Furious reaction

Lt. Gen (retd) Jagath
Lt. General (retd) Jagath Dias, the former Army Chief of Staff, insists that the country’s unitary status cannot be diluted, under any circumstances. Commenting on the recent political developments, the Gajaba Regiment veteran asserted that no political party exercised the power, whatsoever, to negotiate with the ITAK/TNA, or any other party, regarding the country’s unitary status.
An irate former General Officer Commanding (GoC) of the 57 Division, that had been tasked with liberating Kilinochchi, emphasized the responsibility on the part of all political parties to revisit the 13th Amendment as that piece of legislation in its entirety is illegal. “The issue is the 13th Amendment. Therefore, it should be repealed. Repealed without delay. Those who find fault with the granting of police and land powers, in terms of the 13th Amendment, are playing politics with the issue,” Lt. Gen. Dias said. “Shame on them. They should be ashamed of themselves for bending backwards to appease the ITAK/TNA that surrendered its own authority to the now defunct LTTE,” Dias declared.
Recalling the infamous Indian ‘parippu’ drop in June 1987 over Jaffna, Jagath Dias, who had been engaged in ‘Operation Liberation’ to regain control of the Vadamaratchchy region at the time, questioned the legality of the 13th Amendment, enacted under controversial circumstances. In fact, the first phase of ‘Operation Liberation’ had been completed with Dias, at Vasavilan, with his battalion.
The war veteran stressed that those who sought to woo the Tamil electorate, by granting them police and land powers, should at least bother to examine the origins of terrorism here and the enactment of the 13th Amendment.
The writer, too, firmly believe Lt. General Dias’s assertion that India launched its terrorism project here to create an environment conducive for the introduction of legislation aimed at meeting their objectives. Now, 15 years after the eradication of terrorism, Sri Lanka is still struggling to deal with a law that was enacted to appease those seeking a Federal system of government here.
Lt. Gen. Dias stressed that he questioned the rationale in retaining the 13th Amendment in the draft Constitution prepared during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s tenure as the President (2019 Nov-July 2022).
That draft Constitution proposed to do away with a separate Provincial Council election and to constitute Provincial Councils with those elected separately out of those who contest for Local Authorities which shall constitute 70% members and the balance 30% nominated proportionately, based on the votes obtained by parties at the Local Authority Elections. It was proposed that every elector should be entitled to vote to elect a Local Authority member to represent the ward he is residing and to elect a Provincial Council member to represent his Local Authority, from among the members contesting in his Local Authority area.
Having been a frontline combat officer with the famed Gajaba Regiment with Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Dias is one of the very few senior retired officers who threw his weight behind nationalistic groups, though he kept out of politics.
“If we are really serious about enacting a new Constitution, the country should do so. It should reflect the post-war ground situation. We eradicated the LTTE’s conventional power for once and for all. That is the reality. Tamil political parties should realize that. The major political parties shouldn’t pursue the same old agenda meant to woo the Tamil electorate. What all political parties represented in Parliament must, without fail ,understand is that the Constitution should reflect the post-war situation and without allowing minority groups to hold the country hostage to their parochial interests.”
Having served the Army for over 35 years, Dias retired in Dec 2015. He kept quite a low profile though, a couple of years ago, he declared support for a Sangha led grouping, the Coalition Against Partition of Sri Lanka campaigning against the 13th Amendment. Lt. Gen Dias served as its Convener.
“Let me explain what political parties shouldn’t do. There should be general consensus among them that the 13th Amendment cannot be utilized as a tool to win over the Northern electorate. They should be told of the situation in the post-LTTE scenario.”
Difficult path ahead
Political parties are seeking to advance their despicable agendas at war-winning Sri Lanka’s expense. The SLFP-led coalition that provided leadership during the war is no more. Instead, we have the SLPP, led by war-winning President Mahinda Rajapaksa, but trapped in Ranil Wickremesinghe’s machinations.
Wickremesinghe, who had been one of the architects of the one-sided 2002 Ceasefire Agreement (CFA), which was signed in secrecy with the LTTE that brought us closer to the brink of unprecedented catastrophe, seems confident of securing the TNA’s endorsement. The UNP leader obviously has the edge over both the SJB and JJB/JVP leaders as he had previously worked closely with the ITAK/TNA. What would the ITAK/TNA prefer, the full implementation of the 13th Amendment or a much wider devolution package, something that can be safely called 13+?
The JJB/JVP declaration in support of the 13th Amendment is certainly a triumph for the devolution lobby. Having waged a murderous campaign in the ’80s against, what the JVP then called expansionist Indian strategy here, the Marxist party, possibly spoilt by filthy lucre of the decadent West, has now donned business suits to globetrot and conveniently amended its policy, forgetting the needless blood it shed. Probably, the JJB/JVP has realized the extreme difficulty in advancing their political agenda and amended strategy in the run-up to the public protest campaign aka Aragalaya, launched in March 2022.
The acceptance of the 13th Amendment, as well as the post-Aragalaya relationship with India and the US, should be considered in line with the change in the JJB/JVP overall strategy to suit the times.
Did the Expert Committee, appointed by ousted President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in late 2020, to formulate a new draft Constitution, properly deal with the 13th Amendment? The group, headed by Romesh de Silva, PC, produced a draft Constitution, though there were divergent views on Provincial Council polls held in terms of the 13th Amendment. The Expert Committee proposed some far reaching changes to the existing system but still a section of the nationalist group opposed the move. General Dias is one of those critics who believed the 13th Amendment should be repealed. But, that seems implausible for obvious reasons.
Professor A. Sarveswaran, a member of Romesh de Silva’s Committee, is of the view that the structure, introduced by the 13th Amendment, should be retained. Others disagreed. Professor G.H. Peiris, Manohara de Silva PC and Samantha Ratwatte PC asserted that the 13th Amendment is prejudicial to the independence, sovereignty, unitary character, territorial integrity, and national security of the State. They favoured the repealing of the Provincial Councils, established under the 13th Amendment. The overwhelming majority of those who made representations before Romesh de Silva’s Committee supported a unitary state and were against the Provincial Council structure introduced by the 13th Amendment. But, in the run-up to the presidential poll, major parties/alliances seemed to be in favour of the Provincial Council polls. Sarvajana Balaya appeared to be the only group taking a different view.
The section of Romesh de Silva’s Committee report, that dealt with 13th Amendment is evidence that the issue at hand remained unresolvable in the foreseeable future. Manohara de Silva has explained how their proposals effected far reaching changes to the existing Provincial Council system but those opposed to the concept seemed hell-bent on getting rid of it.
Karu for 13A
With the Presidential Poll just a couple of months away, former Speaker Karu Jayasuriya, in his capacity as the Chairman of the National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ), has declared his support for SJB leader Premadasa’s anticipated promise to fully implement the 13th Amendment. The UK headquartered Global Tamil Forum (GTF) that has been engaged in a controversial reconciliatory moves with the backing of a section of Maha Sangha, too, supports the SJB leader’s move. Taking a common stand on the SJB’s leader’s declaration, the NMSJ and GTF are pushing for political parties represented in Parliament to build on the SJB leader’s declaration.
Premadasa, the first Opposition Leader to make such a declaration, is quite confident of the SJB campaign. Close on the heels of Premadasa’s Kilinochchi declaration and subsequent meeting with the ITAK/TNA leadership, rebel SLPPer and former External Affairs Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris was in Jaffna to promote Premadasa’s candidature. The former academic declared, in Jaffna, that unlike other leaders (an obvious reference to Wickremesinghe and AKD), Premadasa wouldn’t make empty promises.
The stand taken by the NMSJ and GTF matter, but whatever the political parties represented in Parliament and various other groups aligned with them say in respect of 13th Amendment, it would be pertinent to examine public sentiments.
Did the enactment of the 13th Amendment, in late 1987, make a difference in the lives of Tamil speaking people? That should be examined, taking into consideration that the LTTE shunned the Provincial Council system and the Tamil speaking people, living in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, had no qualms in overwhelmingly voting at the 2010 Presidential Poll for General Fonseka whose Army crushed the Tiger terrorists’ formidable conventional fighting capabilities in the battlefield itself in 2009. Had the Rajapaksas listened to the West and allowed the Tiger Supremo Prabhakaran and the rest of his inner circle to be rescued by the West we would still be wracked by their terror. The country should be ever grateful to the Rajapaksas for rescuing the country from terrorism, while bringing forth unprecedented development projects to the country at the same time, whatever their detractors, paid for by the West, say about them.
In spite of bombastic declarations by some Tamil politicians and Tamil Diaspora groups over the years, Tamil public participation at the Mullivaikkal commemorative event, in May, has apparently deteriorated with each passing year. Over the years, the public appeared to have realized that various interested parties played politics with the issues at hand and pre-poll talks on the 13th Amendment formed part of their agenda.
Premadasa earned the wrath of Sarvajana Balaya with former ministers Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila and Gevindu Cumaratunga mercilessly attacking the proposal. They warned of dire consequences in case the Provincial Councils were granted police and land powers. They shouldn’t forget that years ago, the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa, during his second term, declared his readiness to grant 13+. What did he really mean by it?
Midweek Review
How USAID influenced Sri Lanka

While the country was rapidly heading for an unprecedented political, economic and social crisis, then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in the first week of June 2021, received Director of the USAID Sri Lanka Office, Reed J. Aeschliman, at the Presidential Secretariat. Among those present were Deputy Chief of Mission at the US Embassy Martin Kelly, USAID Programme Director Chistopher Foley, Secretary to the President P.B. Jayasundera, Finance Secretary S.R. Attygalle and Director General of External Resources Department at the Finance Ministry Ajith Abeysekera. Following the meeting, the President’s Office announced that steps would be taken to accelerate development programmers funded by the USAID. Perhaps, the former President should inquire whether the USAID actually provided any assistance to the public sector during his presidency.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) never hesitated to provide funding for any project at any level as long as they aligned primarily with the overall US political and even sinister objectives. The beneficiaries ranged from Parliament to media organizations and even individuals.
In August 2024 the USAID partnered with Neon and Echelon Media to host the Shine 50 Awards at the Oak Room Ballroom, Cinnamon Grand. According to the organizers the event was meant to celebrate 50 young women making remarkable contributions across Sri Lanka.
Ambassador Julie J. Chung was there to recognize women aged 18 to 35 who were described as driving change in diverse fields, such as entrepreneurship, environmental advocacy, the arts, science, and technology. That was a minor thing by their standards or level of operations.
It would be pertinent to mention that USAID operations here should be examined taking into consideration developments in the wake of Maithripala Sirisena’s triumph at the 2015 January presidential election.
President Donald Trump has taken steps to neutralize USAID in line with an overall strategy meant to cut down on external spending. Those who had been receiving US funding on various pretexts are aghast over the unexpected development. However, Trump has suffered an initial setback due to the US District Judge Carl Nichols temporarily blocking the new administration from putting over 2,000 USAID employees on paid leave. Nichols agreed with two federal employee associations seeking a pause in the administration’s plans to put USAID employees on paid leave.
The Yahapalana government of Sirisena and Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe had a treacherous understanding with the US. Their operation began with the Yahapalana duo betraying the war-winning armed forces at the Geneva based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), in early Oct. 2015, where they helped move a war crimes resolution against one’s own country, possibly a world first.
While USAID spent as much as USD 7.9 mn (what a gravy train?) to teach Sri Lankan journalists how to avoid “binary-gendered language”, attracted public attention recently, far bigger issues have been conveniently ignored. In other words, the US promoted and encouraged the LGBTGQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer) project here. Do not forget that SLPP National List MP and Attorney-at-Law Premanath Dolawatta perhaps realising which way the wind was blowing, jumped on that band wagon and presented a Bill in support of LGBTQ people in Parliament in April 2023.
USAID intensified its operations here during Sirisena’s presidency. Having secured the executive presidency, with the backing of the UNP-TNA-JVP combine, Sirisena had no option but to go with Wickremesinghe’s agenda. The US orchestrated the Geneva betrayal with the support of the Yahapalana government and the TNA. Those who now represented the main Opposition SJB had been with the UNP and should be also held accountable for the great betrayal of our armed forces.
The UNP and Maithripala Sirisena’s SLFP fully cooperated on the high profile USAID project. Karu Jayasuriya, the incumbent head of the so-called National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ), as the then Speaker, should be able to explain the circumstances in which Parliament finalized an agreement with the USAID worth USD 13.7 mn (Rs 1.92 bn).
Perhaps the current Parliament can examine the outcome of the high-profile USAID project launched in late November 2016. Interestingly, USD 3 mn had been released in September 2016 before the official launch of the project.
Parliament announced the USAID project in the wake of Sri Lanka becoming the newest member of the United States’ House Democracy Partnership programme which purports to support peer-to-peer exchanges for partner legislatures around the world.
The signing of the agreement took place in Washington DC on Sept. 14, 2016. Speaker Jayasuriya and US Congressman Peter J. Roskam, Chairman of the House Democracy Partnership, signed on behalf of the Sri Lanka Parliament and the House Democracy Partnership, respectively.
Jayasuriya was accompanied by Deputy Minister of Power and Renewable Energy Ajith P. Perera, Deputy Minister of Parliament Reform and Mass Media Karu Paranavithane, State Minister for City Planning and Water Supply Dr. Sudarshini Fernandopulle, Secretary General of Parliament Dhammika Dasanayake and Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to the United States of America Prasad Kariyawasam.
The Parliament certainly owes an explanation as to the improvement made in terms of the three-year Strengthening Democratic Governance and Accountability Project (SDGAP) geared to improve strategic planning and communication within the government and Parliament, enhance public outreach, develop more effective policy reform and implementation processes, and increase political participation of women and underrepresented groups in Parliament and at a local level.
All know that Parliament deteriorated further during the operation of that particular USAID project. The launch of the SDGAP project took place after the UNP, led by Ranil Wickremesinghe, who also served as the Prime Minister, engineered the massive Treasury bond scams in Feb. 2015 and March 2016.
The people have a right to know how the USAID funds were spent and whether stated objectives were achieved, especially in light of former US Secretary of State John Kerry having crowed publicly about how they brought about undemocratic secret regime changes here and elsewhere after spending hundreds of millions of dollars. Having disclosed that the US spent USD 585 mn during that period for such operations Kerry perhaps unintentionally declared that Myanmar, Nigeria and Sri Lanka were the recipients of State Department funding for those clandestine projects.
Maryland-headquartered Development Alternatives, Inc. (DAI) implemented the project intended to reform the public sector in accordance with an agreement between Sri Lanka and the House Democracy Partnership of the US House of Representatives.
During the implementation of that USAID project, Speaker Jayasuriya retained retired controversial career diplomat Prasad Kariyawasam as his advisor. Kariyawasam, who had served as the Foreign Secretary after being Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Washington, was on the USAID payroll. Kariyawasam earned the wrath of the JO/SLPP and various other parties. They accused him of promoting US interests, both in and outside Parliament. Even as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Washington, he figured in a rather embarrassing press conference with TNA Parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran, where the latter asserted that there was a tripartite agreement on the setting up of a hybrid court to investigate accountability issues in Sri Lanka, meaning war crimes.
People have forgotten how the US backed retired General Sarath Fonseka’s candidature (Sirisena promoted him Field Marshal in 2015) at the 2010 presidential election. How the US and the UNP ensnared the Sinha Regiment war hero is still a mystery and the 2009/2010 US project that also involved the JVP didn’t do Fonseka any good.
Target political parties
Sri Lankans love freebees. Our politicians and officials are no exception. They are never satisfied. Karu Jayasuriya created history when he requested China to arrange MPs in Yahapalana Parliament to visit China. Of the 225 MPs, nearly 200 received free trip. Sri Lankan lawmakers also received nearly 240 laptops from China in August 2017. China gifted the laptops worth $ 293,000 on a request made by Speaker Jayasuriya. What our lawmakers did with those laptops to enhance their efficiency is nothing but a mystery.
By the time our MPs concluded group visits to China and Parliament installed laptops, the Yahapalana government finalized an agreement on Hambantota port with China. It gave a 99-year lease on the Hambantota port in 2017 for USD 1.2 bn which is an utterly controversial but irreversible agreement that jeopardized Indo-Lanka relations. As to what the Yahapalana government, which practiced anything but good governance, did with that money and more than USD 12 billion it borrowed at high interest from the international bond market for no apparent reason, is anybody’s guess; perhaps only thing it achieved was causing an unprecedented foreign exchange crisis that led to the unceremonious downfall of the succeeding SLPP government of Gatabaya Rajapaksa.
Our political parties never refused anything. Fully paid foreign trips are something our lawmakers cannot decline under any circumstances. That is the ugly truth.
In the midst of political, economic and social turmoil against the backdrop of the country being declared bankrupt, the Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus’ visit to New Zealand in July/August 2023 grabbed public attention.
So much so, Secretary General of Parliament Kushani Rohanadeera issued a brief statement to explain the position of the Parliament. Rohanadeera insisted that public funds weren’t utilized. The funding was provided by Sri Lanka’s development partners. The initiative launched two and half years ago, never received public funding and the visit was meant to gain experience from developed countries in the Commonwealth.
The group consisted of Dr. Sudarshini Fernandopulle (SLPP), Dr. Sitha Arambepola (SLPP), Rohini Kumari Wijeratne (SJB), Pavithradevi Vanniarachchi (SLPP), Geetha Samanmalee Kumarasinghe (SLPP), Thalatha Atukorale (SJB), Kokila Gunawardena (SLPP), Mudita Prishanthi (SLPP), Rajika Wickramasinghe (SLPP), Manjula Dissanayake (SLPP) and (Dr.) Harini Amarasuriya (JJB). Secretary General of Parliament Kushani Rohanadeera, Assistant Director (Administration) Indira Dissanayake and Media Manager of Parliament Nimmi Hathiyaldeniya accompanied the delegation. Having left the country on 24th July, the group concluded the visit on 3rd August.
The US provided the funding. The National Democratic Institute (NDI), with funding provided by the USAID, organized the tour undertaken by the Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus.
In addition to the USAID, the NDI works closely with the National Endowment for Democracy, the US Department of State and the Consortium for Elections and Political Process Strengthening (CEPPS). The above-mentioned organisations are well known around the world for sponsoring such initiatives, in line with furthering US interests.
The US fully sponsored another parliamentary delegation in Oct. 2023. Chairpersons of all Oversight Committees were invited, while denying patriotic Chairman of Oversight Committee on National Security Rear Admiral (retd.) Sarath Weerasekera, MP, the opportunity to join the delegation. That visit, too, had been organized by the NDI with the funding provided by USAID.
According to the US Embassy here they have provided more than US $2 billion (Rs. 598 billion) in assistance to Sri Lanka since 1956 (over a period of 68 years) to support Sri Lanka’s agriculture, education, health, environment, water, sanitation, infrastructure, governance, and business development and provide humanitarian assistance. Over the last seven decades, US support has helped modernize Sri Lanka’s diesel coaches, supported its thriposha supplemental nutrition programme, supported the development of electric vehicle charging stations., and empowered women entrepreneurs to drive economic growth, the Embassy has stressed.
Funding for BASL
The Bar Association of Sri Lanka is another major recipient of USAID funding. Over the years, USAID has become an indispensable partner for the BASL as the former generously provided the required funding.
The USAID is believed to be the main external sponsor of the BASL while from time to time BASL asked for sponsorship from the Colombo Port City as well as Perpetual Treasuries Limited (PTL), still suspended for perpetrating Treasury bond scams.
USAID financial backing had been so vital for the BASL, Ambassador Julie Chung attended the two-day National Law Conference (NLC) in March 2023 as the Guest of Honour. BASL invited Ambassador Chung in spite of continuing controversy over her direct alleged role in the overthrowing of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The BASL defended the decision on the basis of continuous USAID financial backing for several legal education programmes, conducted by the BASL, under the Effective & Efficient Justice (EEJ) Programme, and several other programmes.
Ambassador Chung addressed the final session of the National Law Conference held at the Grand Hotel Nuwara Eliya over a period of three days in the first week of June 2023. Less than a year later the shocking disclosure of BASL-JICA controversy over disbursement of funds received from the latter and the unceremonious resignation of BASL President Kaushalya Nawaratna, PC, in mid-September 2024 underscored the gravity of the situation. JICA handled the developments carefully as the bankrupt country learnt about corruption in a JICA-funded anti-corruption project.
The Bar Council, the apex body of the BASL unanimously asked Nawaratna to step down after it was proved that he failed to act with transparency in respect of the contract entered into by the BASL with JICA, dated Dec 11, 2023, and thereby violated the trust reposed in him as its President.
Although various NGOs receiving foreign funds had been an issue, the agreements the Parliament, BASL and the Justice Ministry had entered into with external sponsors never earned the public attention. Let me stress that in addition to USAID funding, various other parties such as China, India, EU and UNDP spent quiet lavishly for projects here. At one-time, Norway had been the leading foreign funds provider to various groups and organizations here. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had been among the recipients of Norwegian funding. The Tamil Rehabilitation Organization, an LTTE front, too, had received foreign funding while they caused death and destruction.
In Nov. 2023 the then dissident SLPP MP Gevindu Cumaratunga raised concerns in Parliament about external interventions in the judiciary. When the writer inquired about his move, the leader of the Yuthukama civil society organization said he did so without any malicious intent. Cumaratunga urged Parliament to provide required funds for judges of the Supreme Court and other courts to receive overseas training.
The MP warned against the judges receiving foreign training, courtesy USAID, against the backdrop of the US development assistance arm being accused of influencing the powers that be. Such criticism should be re-examined in the aftermath of the new US administration’s fierce attacks on USAID.
The first time National List MP also questioned the influence the USAID was having on the BASL. Cumaratunga also questioned the amount of money received by the BASL from the USAID annually.
The outspoken MP said that if the government felt the necessity to provide foreign expertise to judges at any level it should be at the expense of Sri Lankan taxpayers. This was raised in the wake of a group of Supreme Court judges receiving US training.
Referring to the happenings during the Yahapalana administration (2015-2019), MP Cumaratunga recalled the role played by former Lankan Ambassador to Washington and then Foreign Secretary Prasad Kariyawasam, who then served as the USAID paid advisor to the then Speaker Karu Jayasuriya. Referring to the role played by Kariyawasam in the finalization of ACSA (Access and Cross Servicing Agreement) in August 2017, MP Cumaratunga pointed out the then President Maithripala Sirisena is on record as having said that he was not really informed of what was going on.
However, Sri Lanka first entered into ACSA during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s first tenure as President over a decade before Cumaratunga entered Parliament, with the former’s blessings. Sri Lanka, however, should be eternally thankful to the US for providing critical intelligence support that enabled the Navy to hunt down floating LTTE arsenals on the high seas during the final phase of the conflict, Eelam War IV (2006-2009). That was the turning point in the war against the LTTE many considered invincible. (The writer was a beneficiary of US Defence Department programme in the 90s that enabled visits to countries where US maintained powerful forces, including Hawaii, home to all branches of US military). It could well have been a case of changing horses on seeing the writing on the wall, especially with New Delhi after being a perennial thorn on its back finally cosying up to Washington with dreams of joining the rich man’s club.
Sri Lanka needs to tighten controls. The Central Bank must take tangible measures to ensure stricter control of fund transfers even in the guise of being meant for religious work. Comprehensive examination of funds transfers would reveal that what has been achieved on the ground doesn’t correspond with massive sums of money received by organizations here.
Midweek Review
Reflections on the functions of language

The political economy of language teaching:
by Gamini Keerawella
(Based on a speech delivered at the BCIS Language Awards Ceremony 2023)
The Bandaranaike Center for International Studies (BCIS) has been offering language-teaching programmes alongside its International Relations courses for many years. Currently, BCIS offers over 10 languages, including Chinese, French, German, Hindi, Japanese, Korean, Spanish, Thai, as well as Sinhala and Tamil, making BCIS a truly international language hub. The Language Awards Ceremony is a key event in the BCIS annual calendar. We are honoured to have His Excellency Jean-François Pactet, the French Ambassador to Sri Lanka and the Maldives, as the Chief Guest. The BCIS extends its sincere gratitude to you for your unwavering support and invaluable assistance. Ms. Tharanga Jayaweera, who has been heading the Language and Cultural Affairs division at the BCIS for several years, organised this event to highlight the importance of language learning.
Language as a Means of Communication and Social Interaction
Language is fundamentally a tool for communication, serving as the primary medium through which individuals express thoughts, ideas, emotions, and information. It enables humans to interact, convey meaning, and build social connections across diverse contexts. This communicative function of language manifests in several ways. Language allows individuals to articulate their thoughts, share knowledge, and disseminate information. Whether through spoken or written form, it serves as the foundation for education, governance, and cultural transmission. In essence, communication remains the core function of language, shaping human experiences and interactions across time and space.
Beyond merely conveying facts, language enables interpersonal relationships by allowing individuals to express emotions, negotiate meanings, and engage in social bonding. Greetings, conversations, and storytelling all rely on language for effective interaction.
Language as the Medium of Knowledge Construction
Language is the primary medium through which knowledge is constructed. Human thought is fundamentally shaped by language, as it provides the structure for formulating and communicating ideas. While visual narratives and organised sounds also play significant roles in transmitting meaning, language remains central to the cognitive process of constructing knowledge. People think through concepts, and these concepts are formed, refined, and expressed through words and sentences. Without language, the formulation of complex ideas and the development of knowledge would be impossible. Knowledge itself is an ongoing process of understanding, interpreting, and engaging with the world. It is through language that individuals analyse their surroundings, articulate their experiences, and seek to influence and transform their reality. Every field of human inquiry—from science to philosophy, from history to politics—relies on language to develop, debate, and disseminate knowledge. Whether in spoken or written form, language provides the essential framework for reasoning, argumentation, and intellectual progress. Without it, the vast and intricate systems of knowledge that define human civilisation could not exist.
Language is depositary of knowledge
Knowledge formation is a dialectical process. We inherit it from the past, enrich it through our experiences, and transmit it to future generations. In this continuous cycle, language serves as the primary repository of knowledge, encapsulating the collective wisdom, history, and cultural identity of societies across generations. It functions not merely as a tool for communication but as a dynamic archive that preserves traditions, scientific advancements, philosophies, and worldviews. Through written and spoken forms, language encodes and transmits knowledge, ensuring continuity and evolution in human thought. Moreover, language shapes cognition and influences how individuals perceive and interpret reality. The terminology, idioms, and conceptual frameworks embedded within a language reflect the intellectual heritage and epistemological foundations of a civilisation. Indigenous languages, for instance, often contain intricate ecological and medicinal knowledge passed down orally over centuries, offering insights that may be lost if the language itself declines. In an era of globalisation and rapid technological advancement, the preservation and study of languages remain crucial for safeguarding diverse knowledge systems. Multilingualism enhances access to a broader spectrum of ideas, fostering cross-cultural dialogue and innovation. Thus, recognising language as a depositary of knowledge underscores the necessity of linguistic preservation, education, and research to sustain intellectual and cultural diversity.
Language is a main component of culture reproduction of society
Language is a fundamental pillar of cultural reproduction in society. It serves as the primary medium through which traditions, values, and collective knowledge are transmitted across generations. Through language, societies preserve their historical narratives, reinforce social norms, and sustain unique cultural identities. Oral traditions, literature, religious texts, and educational systems all rely on language to pass down beliefs and customs. Additionally, language shapes the way individuals perceive and interpret the world, influencing social interactions and group cohesion. As societies evolve, language adapts to reflect changing cultural landscapes while maintaining continuity with the past. Furthermore, language is deeply intertwined with national identity and political structures, often serving as a unifying force within communities. It also plays a crucial role in globalisation, where dominant languages can facilitate cross-cultural exchange but may also contribute to the erosion of linguistic diversity. Language is not merely a tool for communication; it is a living repository of cultural heritage that ensures the continuity and evolution of societal traditions.
Language as a Tool of Power: Domination and Subordination
I wish to pay another function of language – tool of power. Language is not merely a means of communication; it is a powerful instrument of control, influence, and hierarchy. Throughout history, language has been used to assert dominance, shape narratives, and reinforce structures of power. It serves as a vehicle for authority, legitimising the perspectives of those in control while marginalising or silencing others.
The strategic use of language enables individuals, institutions, and states to establish and maintain dominance. Political rhetoric, legal discourse, and media framing shape public perception and reinforce power dynamics. Those who master language can dictate terms of engagement, define legitimacy, and control the discourse surrounding critical issues. Colonial powers, for instance, imposed their languages on indigenous populations, erasing native tongues and asserting cultural supremacy. Conversely, language can be a tool of subjugation. Exclusionary language policies, linguistic discrimination, and the suppression of minority languages or vernaculars serve to disempower certain groups. Those who lack proficiency in dominant languages often find themselves excluded from political participation, economic opportunities, and social mobility. The imposition of standardised languages in education and governance can marginalise ‘other’ languages, reinforcing structural inequalities.
Language is a key trait of identity
Language is a fundamental trait of identity, shaping both individual and collective self-perception. It serves as a primary means of communication, preserving cultural heritage, transmitting values, and fostering a sense of belonging. The way people speak often reflects their history, geography, and social affiliations. On a personal level, language influences thought patterns, emotional expression, and cognitive development. At the societal level, language can unite/divide communities. In an era of globalisation, language continues to evolve, blending influences from different cultures while also facing challenges such as linguistic homogenisation and the decline of indigenous languages. Despite these shifts, language remains a powerful marker of identity, shaping how individuals and groups define themselves and interact with the world.
Language is an attribute of National identity in Nation state framework
Language is a fundamental attribute of national identity within the nation-state framework, serving as a key marker of cultural unity, historical continuity, and political sovereignty. It acts as a binding force that fosters a shared sense of belonging among citizens, distinguishing one national community from another. In the nation-state model, language often plays a central role in shaping national consciousness by enabling communication, preserving cultural heritage, and reinforcing collective memory. It is frequently institutionalised through state policies, including education, legal systems, and governance, to promote cohesion and maintain the integrity of the national identity. Moreover, language policies in nation-states reflect broader political and ideological objectives. Some states adopt a single national language to unify diverse populations, while others recognize multiple languages to accommodate linguistic pluralism. However, language can also become a site of contestation, particularly in multilingual societies where linguistic minorities seek recognition and inclusion. Thus, within the nation-state framework, language is not merely a tool for communication but a powerful symbol of national identity and political legitimacy shaping both domestic cohesion and international representation.
Window to other Civilizations
Learning a language is like opening a window to other civilizations, allowing us to explore their histories, traditions, and worldviews. It provides a deeper understanding of diverse cultures, fosters meaningful connections with people from different backgrounds, and enhances our appreciation of global perspectives. Through language, we gain access to literature, art, and philosophical ideas that shape societies, ultimately broadening our intellectual and emotional horizons.
Language is a Tool for Building Peace
Language plays a crucial role in shaping relationships, conveying ideas, and fostering understanding across cultures and societies. It is also a powerful tool for building peace. At the grassroots level, language is fundamental to fostering interpersonal communication and resolving conflicts. In multilingual societies, language plays a pivotal role in bridging divides, offering a platform for different language groups to express their concerns while encouraging inclusivity. By promoting linguistic diversity and multilingualism, communities can create spaces for mutual respect and understanding, reducing tensions that may arise from cultural differences. Language policies that promote inclusivity, such as recognising multiple official languages or encouraging bilingualism, contribute to social cohesion by reducing the marginalisation of linguistic minorities and promoting equality. Educational institutions can serve as vital spaces for teaching language skills and cultivating a culture of peace. By incorporating peace education into curricula, schools can help future generations develop the language skills needed to engage in constructive dialogue, resolve conflicts peacefully, and collaborate with others across cultures. Moreover, language education often emphasises the importance of empathy, respect, and understanding, laying the foundation for a peaceful society.
Language is not just a means of communication; it is a transformative tool for building peace at all levels of society. By promoting dialogue, fostering understanding, and bridging cultural divides, language has the power to prevent conflict and create harmonious relations in communities, nations, and the world. I sincerely hope you will embrace the role of Peace Ambassadors—an urgent need of our time.
Midweek Review
Heart Cleansing Versus Beach Cleaning

By Lynn Ockersz
From the top tables of the Isle,
Come drifting cooing language,
Coupling as two sides of the coin,
The in-thing of beach cleaning,
And the cleansing of the human heart,
Of all things criminal and debasing,
But these are basically different planes,
And couldn’t be spoken of in one breath,
For, sin and vice have been around,
Since the time of ‘Adam and Eve’,
And their murderous offspring,
And could not be easily shaken off,
Given the perversions of the heart,
While dirt and debris on the earth’s crust,
Are among life’s passing eye-sores,
Well within the realms of containment.
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