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Amend the Constitution: end racism

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by Kumar David

Article 15 of the Indian Constitution states that the State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth and so on. The text-box in this piece is an abbreviation of this Article and had the Sr Lankan Constitution contained such a provision the Sinhala Only Act, the chapter on Buddhism, the Indian & Pakistani Citizenship Acts, caste-based prohibition on entering temples and such abhorrent provisions would, in theory, have been ultra vires. Unfortunately, however, such shameful provisions would actually have been lawful in Sri Lanka subject to a referendum after their parliamentary enactment. The disgraceful thing about this country is that such referenda would have been carried by thumping racist majorities.

Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar a polymath who headed the committee that drafted the Constitution of the Republic India was a Dalit (“untouchable” or Gandhi’s Harijans, the children of God) and made no bones about it. He was Law and Justice Minister in Nehru’s first Cabinet, an economist, social reformer and human-rights advocate. His early methodological affinity to Marxism is unsurprising. In the land of the Gautama who was born in Nepal, of Gandhi who spent two intellectually formative decades in South Africa and of Mother Teresa of Albanian descent, such things were possible. At home in Lanka those who protected people of another race or faith during riots, rape and arson had to be themselves shielded from miscreants of their own race and faith.

Democracy Stillborn by Rajan and Kirupaimalar Hoole traces the plight of Sri Lanka to the battles of the 1920s over the championship of labour by Ponnambalam Arunachalam. His ouster in 1921 from the Ceylon National Congress, led to the domination of estate capitalism and blended an anti-working-class stance in general with communalism and the disenfranchisement of plantation workers. The legal battle about the citizenship of plantation workers compromised the judiciary too. Habeas corpus affirmed in the Bracegirdle case of 1937 was undermined by the 1947 Public Security Ordinance permitting “murder in good faith.” With the complicity of the Tamil and Muslim elite, politics which was anti- labour at first, turned ethno-chauvinist surrendering Parliamentary political power to Sinhalese exclusivism. Organised labour, weakened by the exclusion of plantation workers, was finally crushed by the UNP government in the General Strike of 1980. The right of habeas corpus, rendered virtually extinct by the 1979 PTA, made way for the cruel joke of the 2007 ICCPR Act.

The Hooles diligently and painstakingly recount the legislative, juridical and administrative history of this country since 1901 and express hope for the survival in a “mangled” form at least, of the Separation of Powers and a revived judiciary with the courage to declare bad laws invalid. Indeed, all across the world extremist, racist and neofascist assaults are proliferating, hence the Hooles’ thesis may seem legitimate not only in domestic discourse but also internationally. However, when history repeats itself it does so to the strains of a different melody.

But let me make a personal remark first. I got to know Rajan more than 40 years ago when he was a final year student in my Electrical Power Systems class at the Peradeniya Engineering Faculty. A clever but grumpy fellow, methought, youth is only a passing ailment. I am not sure if he is talkative and jolly now.

Global Context

Global growth is slowing sharply and countries are falling into recession with consequences that are devastating for developing economies. As Central Banks simultaneously hike interest rates in response to inflation, the world is edging toward recession in 2023 and the emerging financial crises will do lasting harm in developing economies. Though Central banks are raising interest rates inflation will not come down. Furthermore, the political scenario of spreading global extremism voids usual recession-recovery expectations. The Biden Administration finds it a matter of existential necessity to a take stand against extremism (racism, “election deniers”, reinvigorated Trumpism, a fundamentalist anti-abortion surge versus feminist outrage and a primitivist majority in the Supreme Court). Therefore, the Administration is pumping money into consumer’s pockets; fiscal stimulation; a $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan, tax credits and rebates for energy-efficient vehicles and renewable electricity. Then there is the Ukraine war and political uncertainties such as the victory of neo-fascists in the Italian elections and the strengthening of the far-right in France, Poland Hungary, Denmark and elsewhere in Europe. Worry is justified.

Actually, what I am humming and hawing about is the Hooles’ hopes that a revived judiciary will have the courage to declare bad laws invalid. And when they suggest that talk of “revolution is discredited” they oversimplify the “mangled processes” maturing in the innards of global capitalism. Things now are different from the familiar post-war recession-recovery cycle. Global recession, a deep-recession or even a depression cannot be ruled out and complicate the aforesaid purely political picture. The processes are different this time and need to be fleshed out with their own empirical detail. Is a decade of global capitalist durability possible, or will it be a deeper recession than usual?

Comments on coverage

The authors are at their best in the scholarly presentation of how British juridical and colonial administrative practices challenged and eventually ended the denial of habus corpus and even contributed to the downfall of slavery in the Empire (pages 76-79). In Sri Lanka conversely since independence “governments have shown their repressive character by targeting the right of habeas corpus by legislative acts” and since 1978 by muzzling the judiciary. The historical scholarship of chapter two may prove to be the most informative section of the book for the lay reader unfamiliar with this history. The early chapters also expose the class bias and racial shakiness, if not worse, of the old “national leaders” DB Jayatilleke, DS Senanayake, James Peries, DR Wijewardene and SWRD Bandaranaike.

The book is a 730-page hagiography of Ponnambalam Arunachalam – I must hasten to add that I am not suggesting that loquacity is the outcome of matrimony. Many share the view that Arunachalam was the greatest Ceylonese political figure of the Twentieth Century. I will not dream of attempting to summarise the book’s argument in my 1,700-word column. Read it, you cannot afford not to, or you will miss a wealth of carefully researched detail. Chapter 11 on the Citizenship Act debates, convey a great deal of information about the intrinsic racism of Sinhala leaders and Tamil treachery (not only GG). While the book pays justifiable homage to Sarath Muttetuwegama I am surprised it makes no mention of two far more important leftists of the same period, Vijaya Kumaratunga and Vickrmabahu Karunaratna. The Hooles are strong on textual scholarship but alas have little grasp of left-politics.

An edited summary of chapter subheadings of the first part (up to page 480) of this 750+ page book is as follows and gives a flavour of its scope.

Champion of Labour (Arunachalam, Coup in the Ceylon National Congress, Tamil Mahajana Sabhai, Indian Labour Short-changed, Oligarchy of Planter-Politicians, Donoughmore and Status of Indian Labour, Formation of the Left, Blaming Indian Labour for Landlessness, Mooloya, Bandaranaike Cleanses Electoral Rolls, D.S. Senanayake, George E. de Silva, B.H. Aluwihare, Release of LSSP Detenus. Independence, Unions, Extending Colonial Repression, Undermining Working Class, Jayewardene and Keuneman, Ponnambalam and N.M. Perera, Naganathan and Nadesan, Jennings, Citizenship Act, Ponnambalam ditches Plantation Tamils, Chelvanayakam, Political Imperative to Shackle the Judiciary, the Ceylon Act: Invalid, Absurd and Impossible, Supreme Court clears the way for Disenfranchisement, Taming the Judiciary: Undermining Separation of Powers.

The second part of the book from about Independence right up to the present time are dealt with in equal detail in pages 480-649, I am not providing a summary because it is better known and for reasons of space. There are also nine useful Appendices, a Bibliography and an Index in the remaining 80 pages.

I am a believer in the maxim that brevity is the soul of wit. If one can possibly say it in 25 words why drag it on for 250? On this count I should not be an admirer of Hoole & Hool’s tome. But they can be forgiven the length because of their admirable coverage of socio-political and labour movement perspectives.

I will now explore some associated issues. There is for example a comment in a newspaper by Ranga Jayasuriya on Nov. 1, 2022 asking how come Britain has an Asian, Hindu Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak, and the US elected Barrack Obama, but no Lankan Tamil or Muslim came even close to reaching the pinnacle? Is it that in the early stages, Tamil politics was not a reaction to a Sinhala Buddhist majoritarian threat, but rather it was driven by Dravidian societal, caste and elitist imperatives? This of course is abundantly clear in the post-independence period where GG Ponnambalam’s reactionary Tamil Congress, and SJV’s quaint Federal Party and its successors, came to delineate the scope and nature of Tamil politics.

The aforementioned comment does not rub off on Arunachalam who “Kumari Jayawardena describes as far ahead of his colleagues in championing self-government and universal suffrage”. His vision was that of a Ceylon that would in about 20 years be a non-sectarian democracy along the lines of Switzerland. He noted “The slums of the poor, though not so bad as in the big cities of Europe, are nests of filth and disease. Children run about untaught, uncared for, their mortality running into hundreds per thousand.” Michael Roberts says in https://thuppahis.com/2022/12/04/caste-in-jaffna/ that M.M. Mahroof, a researcher into caste, makes the distinction “The Tamil system is based on a notion of pollution; the Sinhala is not. The former is supplemental to Hinduism the latter antithetical to Buddhism. Non-Govi castes are often wealthy and powerful, non-Vellala castes are not. Govi negation of others is subtle, Vellala negation of others is overt and offensive”. Was Arunachalam not a champion of the fight against caste prejudice in Tamil society of his day? Or is this an anachronistic question to ask?



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Easter truth can be the beginning

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Bimal Rathnayake

There has long been speculation that the Easter bombing of April 2019 had a relationship to Sri Lankan politics. The near simultaneous bombings of three Christian churches and three luxury hotels, with a death toll of 270 and over 500 injured, by Muslim suicide bombers made no sense in Sri Lanka where there has been no history of conflict between the two religions. But a political motivation was suspected on the basis of who would be the beneficiary of an otherwise senseless crime. The bombing immediately discredited the government in power at that time, saw the nomination of the opposition presidential candidate soon after, and paved the way for the crushing defeat of the government at the national elections that followed in a few months.

In Parliament last week, Leader of the House Bimal Ratnayake revealed a political strategy to create the conditions for the change of government that took place. His remarks corresponded to suspicions that the attack was not just a failure of intelligence, but the result of deliberate manipulation by those in the political sphere. What is new is that these suspicions are now being stated clearly and officially at the highest level of government. Minister Ratnayake said, “They started this in 2013 by creating and maintaining Sinhala and Muslim extremist groups through intelligence agencies. The culmination of this was similar to the Cambridge Analytica incident.”

The Cambridge Analytica scandal involved the unauthorised harvesting of personal data from millions of Facebook users to build psychological profiles and micro-target voters for political purposes. The data harvested by Cambridge Analytica was used primarily to influence the 2016 U.S. presidential election in favour of Donald Trump and the 2016 Brexit referendum in the UK. The company also allegedly worked on elections in Kenya, Nigeria, India, Trinidad and Tobago, and several other countries, using psychographic profiling and targeted digital ads to manipulate voter behaviour.

Cardinal’s Consistency

If the allegations about the Easter attacks prove true, they would constitute one of the most unprincipled examples of violence being used for political purposes in Sri Lanka’s post-war period. To use fear, death, and destruction to pave the way for a political return is totally unacceptable and without conscience. What makes the current moment different from earlier efforts to deal with such unacceptable actions is that there now appears to be political will. There is a sense that the present government is committed to follow through with investigations, even if the implications reach to the highest levels of power.

It is significant that the government has taken the controversial step of reappointing retired officers Shani Abeysekera and Ravi Seneviratne, both of whom were known to be top class police investigators who were removed from the investigation process by previous governments, to once again lead the investigations. They are both controversial in that they briefly joined the government side’s political stage during the last presidential election campaign. Minister Ratnayake justified their reappointment on the grounds that Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith made the request. It is in this context that the current government’s willingness to act gains it credibility with the Catholic community, which bore the brunt of the attacks.

The role of the Catholic Church and Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith in consistently pushing for accountability in the Easter Sunday case is commendable. From the outset, the Cardinal was a vocal advocate for justice for the victims of the bombing. His calls for transparency, a credible investigation, and the identification of those truly responsible have been persistent and unwavering. Over the years, previous government leaders made promises to find the culprits and masterminds in response to this pressure which the Cardinal publicly welcomed. But those assurances, like many others before them, did not materialise in the form of tangible outcomes.

Ending Impunity

Progress in the investigation of the Easter bombings comes at a time when the government has already made forward movement in pursuing economic accountability. High-profile arrests and legal actions against formerly powerful politicians for corruption are being carried out in a way never witnessed before. For many decades, impunity has been the practice in government at the highest levels. Economic crimes and political violence in which the protagonists were suspected to be of government-origin were pursued only half-heartedly in the past. Charges were often framed, suspects were taken into custody, but invariably the process broke down mid-way and the suspects were released. This time around those who have been charged have had their cases taken to court where they have been given exemplary sentences.

In the case of the Easter bombing, the testimony of survivors and the documentation of intelligence failures are now being brought back into the spotlight. Investigations into key actors, including the alleged role of former paramilitaries turned politicians like Pillayan show that this is no longer a nominal exercise. The challenge for the government is to ensure that this momentum does not wane. The legal and institutional frameworks need to be allowed to function without interference. No matter how politically sensitive, the Sri Lankan people need answers, and more importantly, justice.

Sri Lanka has suffered for decades from a culture of impunity that has bred cynicism and mistrust. The present government has taken early steps to reverse that trend. It is too early to say whether this will lead to full justice. There are indications that the government is sequencing its priorities: first, economic crimes and now political crimes like the Easter attacks; later, possibly, war crimes. The wounds of the war years are deep and divisive. Pursuing accountability for wartime abuses may demand more political capital than the government currently possesses or wishes to expend, and it is likely that such steps will be undertaken more cautiously—and later.

In the case of the Chemmani mass graves the government seems to be allowing the judicial investigations to proceed independently, unlike in the case of the Mannar and Matale mass graves by previous governments. Permitting the Chemmani probe to proceed signals that the era of blanket impunity might finally be drawing to a close and the integrity of Sri Lanka’s democratic institutions is being secured. If a crime like the Easter bombing, which has defied a satisfactory conclusion for over six years is successfully investigated and prosecuted, it may open the space for deeper scrutiny of the past, including the war years. It is up to the independent institutions, judiciary and civil society to push this process forward.

by Jehan Perera

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Reflections on Cuba, BRICS and geopolitics

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Cubans marching in Havana against the blockade and the State Sponsors of Terrorism designation in December 2024. (Handout picture)

I returned to the US, from Cuba, just a few hours before Donald Trump signed a memorandum on 30 June, 2025, tightening the long-standing US economic blockade against Cuba. The memorandum includes a statutory ban on US tourism to the neighbouring island.

Despite a long fascination for the island nation, I did not volunteer for the Venceremos Brigade to Cuba during my college years. Finally, my wish to see the legendary island of anti-imperialist revolution—the so-called ‘last bastion of socialism in the western hemisphere’—came true.

I enjoyed Cuba’s resplendent land and waters, the vibrancy of its music and dance, and the warm hospitality of its racially integrated people. I visited the impressive places and monuments of its colonial and modern history, receiving a wealth of interesting and intriguing information from my wonderful Cuban guides and other sources.

The history of Cuba is one of struggle and transformation. The original Taino people were extinct due to the Spanish conquest. The Revolution of 1898 brought liberation under scholar-poet Jose Marti, only to be followed by US neocolonial rule from 1902 to 1959. During the latter part of this period, the Batista dictatorship and his American business and Mafia connections dominated the island.

The armed struggle, culminating in the 1959 Revolution, led by Fidel Castro, Camilo Cienfuegos, Che Guevara and others, transformed the nation. The Cuban Communist Party, under Fidel Castro’s rule (1959-2008), implemented widespread confiscation and wealth redistribution. Throughout this period and up to date, the US has maintained occupation of Guantanamo Bay (the first US overseas military base) under a 1903 perpetual lease agreement, following the Spanish-American War.

Cuba’s Present Crisis

Unfortunately, what I encountered in my homestays and travel around the island was far from the thriving socialist society I had hoped to see. The once magnificent buildings in Havana and other cities are dilapidated and the streets strewn with litter. Lacking reliable public transportation, people stand on streets around the island patiently waiting to catch rides from any vehicle that will stop—among them, the still widely used pre-Revolution American cars and horse-drawn carriages.

The island is currently facing its worst economic crisis, since the 1959 revolution. Long and daily power cuts, scarce internet connection, food and medicine shortages, and high prices, are the realities of present-day Cuba. Some staple items like beans are nowhere to be found; rice production has declined and much is now imported. Sugar, too, has become an import in Cuba, which, until recently, was the leading sugar exporter in the world.

People cannot make ends meet with their meager incomes—a doctor’s monthly salary is approximately US$50. Even by conservative World Bank estimates, 72% of all Cubans live below the poverty line. Beggars seem to be everywhere, with the African community descendant from slavery being the most economically victimised.

Young professionals, products of the island’s renowned free education and healthcare systems, are emigrating to the US, Europe, and elsewhere, leaving mostly the elderly behind. Cuba reportedly lost some 13% of its 11 million population between 2020 and 2024, due largely to emigration. Financial remittances from emigrants are essential for their families’ survival at home.

In private, people complain bitterly about government mismanagement and corruption, expressing concern about the island’s future and people’s survival. Given state authoritarianism and repression, there is no independent media, visible organised resistance, or public demonstrations.

The Cuban government blames US sanctions and blockade, operative since the early 1960s, for the island’s economic strangulation. In contrast, the US and its Cuban-American supporters blame socialism for Cuba’s failures.

Notwithstanding claims to be a leader of the international Non-Aligned Movement, Cuba withstood the 1961 CIA-backed Cuban-American Bay of Pigs invasion and the 1962 Cuban missile crisis by aligning itself with the Soviet Union, eventually becoming its client state. The dismantling of the Soviet Union in 1992 and the recent Covid crisis have dealt severe blows to the Cuban economy and society. The decline in tourism, one of the most important sectors of the Cuban economy, will be further impacted by Donald Trump’s recent statutory ban on US tourism.

Is the opening of Cuba to neo-liberal capitalism—including global finance capital, the IMF, international intervention by the US (and its Cuban-American supporters awaiting return of land and business confiscated by the Cuban Revolution)—the solution to Cuba’s current economic crisis?

The Path Forward

Government mismanagement, corruption, repression and authoritarianism, economic collapse, agricultural decline, lack of employment, shortages of fuel and food, rising prices, powerlessness, despair and labour emigration characterise much of the world following neoliberal policies today. These countries also face the threats of international intervention, regime change, sanctions and blockades if they attempt to strike out on independent paths of economic and political development outside western-dominated neoliberalism.

Is BRICS the alternative to both authoritarian socialism and neoliberal capitalism, the path to resolving the crisis in Cuba and much of the world?

The Global South-led BRICS constitutes Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran, and the United Arab Emirates, as well as 10 partner countries, including Cuba, Belarus, Bolivia, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Nigeria, Thailand, Uganda, Uzbekistan, and Vietnam. Today, the BRICS countries together are estimated to account for 56% of world population, 44% of global GDP.

The BRICS alliance provides a much-needed platform to explore alternative mechanisms, like the New Development Bank and bilateral trade agreements, to reduce reliance on Western financial institutions, such as the IMF and currencies, specifically the US dollar. While BRICS rejects certain aspects of Western dominated geopolitics and hierarchical North-South relations, it upholds neoliberal economic principles: competition, free trade, open markets, export-led growth and globalisation, unfettered technological expansion.

BRICS aims to advance its members within the existing global capitalist order, rather than create a fundamental alternative to the capitalist paradigm which prioritizes profit-led growth before environmental sustainability and human well-being. As such, corporate hegemony, concentration of wealth by a global elite spanning the North and the South, as well technological and military domination, are not challenged. Neither does BRICS challenge political authoritarianism within its member countries or the possibility of the emergence of forms of authoritarian capitalism. Composed of countries unequal in size, economic and military power, BRICS may also easily reproduce unequal exchange and new forms of colonialism in south-south relations.

False Alternative

Although barely noticeable to a visitor, China is quietly replacing the former Soviet Union as Cuba’s benefactor, expanding its economic activities on the island. Since 2018, Cuba has joined China’s Belt and Road Initiative, the massive infrastructural project connecting some 150 countries around the world. While the US is tightening its trade blockade, China has become Cuba’s largest trading partner and the primary provider of technology for infrastructure, telecommunications, renewable energy sources, the tourism industry, and other important areas of Cuba’s development.

Some critics of US imperialism tend to see China as a benevolent alternative to US and western domination. There are claims that certain media outlets, promoting such perspectives, may be linked to a funding source, associated with China. Even if it is true, the political and military intentions of Chinese economic expansion can only be known in the future.

According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, China has increased its nuclear arsenal by 20% from an estimated 500 to over 600 warheads in 2025. According to US government sources, China has also established satellite intelligence infrastructure or ‘spy bases’ in Cuba that can target the United States commercial and military operations. Cuba, located only some 90 miles from the Florida coastline, could well be drawn into the geopolitical confrontation between the United States and China as it was during the Cold War between the US and the Soviet Union, the Cuban Missile Crisis being a case in point.

Even though the world is moving towards an inexorable market and technologically controlled reality, the rationality of this trajectory must be questioned. The need for balanced ecological and social frameworks upholding bioregionalism, local control of resources, food self-sufficiency need to be considered. Freedom of expression, right to dissent, and collective organising undermined by both neoliberal capitalism and socialist authoritarianism must be upheld. This requires the awakening of consciousness to create a human society founded on wisdom and generosity over competition and exploitation.

The words of the great nineteenth century Cuban patriot, Jose Marti (1853-1895) are still applicable to the transformation needed in both Cuba and the world:

“Happiness exists on earth, and it is won through prudent exercise of reason, knowledge of the harmony of the universe, and constant practice of generosity.”(Courtesy IDN in-depth News)

(Dr. Bandarage  has served on the faculties of Brandeis, Mount Holyoke and Georgetown  and is the author of books, including Colonialism in Sri Lanka; The Separatist Conflict in Sri Lanka, Sustainability and Well-Being: The Middle Path to Environment, Society and the Economy, Crisis in Sri Lanka and the World and numerous other publications on global political economy and related subjects. www.bandarage.com)

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Multi-faceted Sri Lankan celebrity … checking out land of birth

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With Mirage in Dubai as a guest artiste

I was sent a video of Noeline Honter doing the song ‘Beauty and the Beast’, with Maxi Rosairo, live on stage.

The clip, I was told, was from The Island Music Awards, held in the late ‘90s … probably 1994.

Believe me, their performance was simply awesome … the vocals, the voices, the passion, the expression, the enthusiasm. Yes, that is what singing is all about. And no lyric-stands, planted in front, for guidance.

Well, the good news I have for you is that Noeline Honter will be in our midst next month (August) and she will be seen in action at three events, in Colombo.

Noeline will be featured at Gatz, Cinnamon Life, on Sunday, 24th August, and again on 20th of September.

Her first date at Gatz will be with the group Terry & The Big Spenders, while her 20th September performance will be with Mirage.

Noeline will also be performing at the BMICH, on the 30th of August, at a concert, ‘Vibes of Yesterday.’

The show, which is in aid of the Apeksha Hospital, Maharagama, will also feature several other artistes. The band in attendance will be the ‘Expressions.’

Noeline indicated to us that she is very much looking forward to her date with Mirage.

Noeline’s first band … her very own Galaxy

“It will be really exciting as I’ve performed with this wonderful outfit several times, as a guest artiste, touring the Middle East and other parts of the world, and also joining them on stage at their regular gigs in Dubai.”

In Sri Lanka, Noeline was not only known for her singing, she was also immensely popular as a TV presenter … winning several awards in both categories – singing and TV presenter.

In addition, she had her own Academy of Training, and she continues with her English training, Down Under, conducting several training programmes online to students, in many countries.

Noeline’s contribution to the field of television news, in Australia, commenced in 2008, in the role of Executive Producer and Presenter of ‘Sri Lanka News weekly,’ a news programme telecast on Channel 31, in Melbourne.

This multi-faceted Sri Lankan celebrity now presents interview programmes on Channel 31, where she features a gamut of mainly Sri Lankan musicians, resident in Sri Lanka and around the world. This is a chat show with musical clips by the featured artistes.

Noeline had her own band in the scene here … Galaxy, comprising Mohan Sabaratnam (drums), Kamal Perera (guitar), Joe Thambimuttu (bass/keyboards/vocals), Kumar Pieris (keyboards), and Ricky Senn (sax/trumpet /brass).

Noeline Honter: Three events in Colombo

Her trip to Sri Lanka, in August, she says, is mainly to be with her family, and to visit some of her favourite places, like Yala, Trincomalee, etc

“When I come over in August, it will be nearly three and a half years since I left the beloved land of my birth.”

Noeline is now based in Australia and says she is absolutely delighted to have the opportunity of sharing time with her son, Ryan, in Adelaide, and her daughter, Jaimee, in Melbourne.

Yes, a name that will never ever be forgotten, especially in the local Western music scene – Noeline Honter.

Go check her out at Gatz, Cinnamon Life, on 24th August and 20th September, 2025.

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