Opinion
A fable: Misappropriation Bill presented in Parliament of Sovereign Kleptocratic Republic of Chauristan

by Usvatte-aratchi
No, you will not find it among the five ‘Stan Countries’ in the massive spread of Eurasia. Go further south and further east until you meet a sizeable island, not quite utima thule. Ask any forlorn-looking young man in that land where cones on stupa nearly scrape the underbelly of heavens, ‘In this seemingly pleasant land, what is the profession where a person with no inherited wealth, no education, and no professional skills can amass vast wealth in less than five years?’ The young man turned to him as if the stranger were a gross ignoramus and answered, ‘Why silly, politics? This is where asinus rex est.’ ‘Did you say, a land where the donkey is king’? How so?’ asks the visitor. ‘By misappropriating public funds’, gravely replied the young man, ‘to continue which, there is today a Misappropriation Bill presented before the House. It is mainly for misappropriating public funds, first by misallocation’. ‘That is probably why those rich thieves thrive luxuriantly outside a jail. In other countries, such men and women are housed at state expense in jails and at somewhat less comfort than princely. The state owes at least that little to those geniuses, who brought such immense ill fame to this land.’
A few days ago, the Chaurisri, the president of the Chaurigrha (that is the name of the Parliament like the Knesset in Israel or the Duma in Japan) announced the first reading of the said Misappropriation Bill. Since 2005, the annual Misappropriation Bill has been the principal instrument used to plunder the revenue of the state. Revenue (misnamed government income) of the state comprises tax revenue, government income and proceeds from loans raised by the government, each year. The misappropriation has been so gross, systematic, persistent and thorough that the kleptocratic republic won infamy in international fora including lending institutions, as a dark hole that sank money that should have benefited the common people of that country. As was inevitable, the Treasury was empty and the people were left with only foul air to breathe. Yet, Chauripurohit (Minister of Finance), who is also Chauripathi, announced in Chaurigrha that corruption in that land was but ‘a fable’. If the purohit spoke the truth, which he betimes does, then the truth in Chauristan is incredibly fabulous (Fable and fabulous come from the same Latin word ‘fabula.) At the bottom of that dark hole sat a spreading family of fat cats whose skills were confined to deception and corruption. They could not catch so much as a mouse who dared to pilfer some of the Swiss cheese they had imported to fatten the cats. One of the lenders to Chauristan was so concerned that its funds should not be misappropriated, that it appointed its own accountants and auditors when lending to the government of Chauristan. Knowledgeable taxpayers avoided and evaded tax payments because they knew that their taxes only would fatten the family of cats who would litter more. Other taxpayers and potential taxpayers flew out in flocks. The cost of those preventive measures became a part of the loan that the taxpayers of Chauristan would eventually repay.
Three parties misappropriated funds for their benefit. First the members of the Executive Branch of the government from the highest to the lowest. Those sums were fittingly very high. It is commonly averred that they siphoned 20 percent of any loan proceeds and of the price of large contracts. The contractors themselves plundered public funds by using sub-standard material, cheating on measurements and abandoning projects fully paid up but only partly done. There were three important consequences. First, the highest in the executive branch who decided on which projects or which version of a project would be selected, always and inevitably opted for the highest-priced project on offer. The reasoning was quite simple: 20 percent of $20 million raised a bribe of $4 million and 20 percent of 100 million gave $20 million and some loans exceeded a few billion US dollars. There were more than a few who shared each loot. Second, all large-scale projects were financed with loans from overseas with some marginal contribution from tax revenue. The Family avoided accepting offers of projects from countries and companies that would not collude with the Family to offer the cut that the Family wanted and further, deposit the bribe in banks outside Chauristan. So solicitous were they for the good name of Chauristan that they kept their gold securely in a locked Pandora’s Box. The most egregiously corrupt instance was when the government of Chauristan turned down a Light Rail Project offered almost free by a friendly government. Thirdly, as projects which had been accepted became either completely or partially unproductive, the burden of repayment fell on taxpayers, whose income had not increased at all. If you built a house and nobody took it on rent, you would pay the loan to the bank from your monthly salary and that at the cost of milk for your baby. The responsibility is yours for having put up that house in a devil’s cemetery. In reaction, when the burden of taxation became too heavy to bear, some refused to earn beyond a certain upper limit, some packed their bags and looked for refuge overseas and the very poor withered on the vine like grapes in winter in northern Italy. Loans were used to build 40 foot-wide roads on which crocodiles slumbered in the sun and buffaloes gambolled idly, airports, where hangars stored rice and sheltered no airplanes, ports where ships did not call, theatres where ghosts (not Ibsen’s) found permanent residence and where tall columns kept watchful guard over teals nesting in the bushes near the Beira. They did not produce an income adequate to service the loans and people in other sectors were starved to pay off loans while the cats and (Kaputas) crows grew visibly fatter. When those other sectors were destroyed wilfully by one member of the Family and by circumstances well beyond the control of the Family, the economy fell with a thud and woeful consequences fell upon the public. Yet, the cats grew fatter. Purposely and wilfully, one member of the Family denied large sums of tax revenue to the government and diverted that flow to Family friends who also had helped pay for their election to office and also to evade justice. The problem was further complicated as some of these loans were from overseas and had to be serviced with foreign currency. The value of the domestic currency in both foreign exchange and domestic markets tanked. Price inflation soared higher and faster than a kite in August on Galle Face Green.
The second group that misappropriated funds were rich traders who had power and influence over the said Family. Those had gained from the losses to the government treasury and at the same time to the public. The current Misappropriation Bill provides several honeypots that the kleptocrats must already savour. Government enterprises making good profits are up for sale to the private sector, even to the very private sector enterprises and individuals who had plundered the public purse. The capital that the Fat Cats publicly denied owning will suddenly emerge from where they were hidden, and black money will suddenly whiten and glisten and so will be born the Sri Lanka oligarchs. Wealth now hidden in properties in Australia, Europe, Africa, islands in the Indian Ocean and in the Caribbean will flow into Chauristan. Several miracles will occur simultaneously: black money will glisten and whiten blindingly; plunderers in kapati suits will fatten further in Parisian suits and Italian shoes; Sri Lanka’s capital account in the balance of payments will be in the black temporarily. It will be perestroika all over again but in a teacup. Voters need to understand these shenanigans well and elect representatives who will confine plunderers in jail and recover the loot forthwith.
The third group of plunderers was bureaucrats at very high levels. Senior Advisors to presidents, the prime minister and other ministers were notoriously corrupt. Many were caught with their sticky fingers in the kitty but skillful lawyering and unscrupulous politicians installed them back in higher positions and with substantially higher pay. And so merrily did they plunder; the Chauripurohit was right; it was fabulous (fable-like).
The Misappropriation Bill was presented in Chaurigrha as if there was only a macroeconomic problem ailing the economy. All the talk was about primary balances and stability in the economy. There was not a word about the horrors committed by the misallocation of resources. They were fables: my left cleft foot! Everyone breathed the macro-economic vapour and in the ensuing stupor forgot that it was misallocating resources and mismanaging individual projects that summed up to the macro-economic disasters. Thirteen years after the war in Chauristan, defence expenditure keeps on rising at the cost of other sectors including education and health. It is true that defence forces employ large numbers who would otherwise go unemployed and that these young men and women dig trenches and fill them back. Some of them have started making bags for politicians; a few will carry them. But what is the invasion against which the armed forces ever defended Chauristan? Chauristan armed forces cannot withstand for a fortnight even a minor invasion by sea, air and land from any but the smallest powers in its neighbourhood. They failed miserably to prevent a well-planned attack on worshippers at prayer in church on Easter Sunday in 2019, reliable information from other countries notwithstanding. Defend the country: flipping claptrap (Andy Capp might have said). The armed forces in Chauristan arefor the protection of the government against its own people and not for the protection of the state against other states. (One way of confounding the public mind is to confuse the use of the terms state and government so that when people attack a government it is dressed up by government as an attack on the state. Aragalaya attacked the government then in power and not the state of Sri Lanka. They were not traitors to the state of Sri Lanka. In contrast, Eritrea became a separate state after she broke away from Ethiopia. The people who rebelled were traitors to the state of Ethiopia.) Chauripurohit during the budget debate threatened to use armed forces to protect his government from the wrath of the public . That call, in principle, is problematic. After all the armed forces are of the people. But the armed forces are there to maintain public order. Good judgment is of the essence Why not call that outfit the Ministry of Internal Security? Why call a rose by another name?
There is one organ of government that will protect the people from depredation by the government: the judiciary. The judiciary has neither sleuths nor guns nor tanks. The judiciary needs the active support of some important parts of the executive to bring enemies of the people (Ibsen, again) to justice. When the executive fails in its duties and, in fact, colludes with other parts of government to harm the governed, the judiciary is helpless. Allocation is determined by the executive branch of government which can starve the judicial branch of resources. It is the function of the legislature to correct such misallocation.
Allocating massive sums over two decades to projects that overran their originally budgeted resources and construction periods ensured that those projects would bring about waste of capital and minimal rates of economic growth. Of some 5,000 head of cattle imported from New Zealand to Chauristan 90 percent died within a year. Good project management could have eliminated all this waste. In fact, some parts of Chaurigrha brought out these dreadful facts but the mass in that august assembly could not make the connections.
The government of Chauristan is a swamp that drains the flood of unemployed in the economy. Politicians continually widen and deepen that swamp to keep their noses above water. There is roughly one government employee for every 15 persons in the population. There is roughly one teacher per 15 students in schools. More than 20 percent of the labour force in the country work overseas and the recent higher rate of outflow from the country is raising the stock. In the face of this stark evidence, purohits in the land blame the education system for unemployment in the economy. They don’t ask how China, Korea, Thailand, Malaysia, Mauritius recently and Europe, over centuries, employed large increases in their labour force at rising levels of productivity. They did so because governments and entrepreneurs employed increasing populations. And Chauristan is distinguished by its repetitive kleptocratic governments, the scarcity of productive enterprises and the plenitude of unproductive labour.
The stranger exhaled a long breath, looked the young man in the eye and said: ‘Every prospect in this land pleases me but the dominant elites, whatever robes they wear, disgust’. And the traveller weary, wended his wayward way.
Opinion
Raiding wild elephants and barking village dogs – I

The ‘Lanka Leader’ Sinhala language YouTube channel of May 27, 2025 published a news item under a headline which may be translated as follows:
“Public umbrage at General Daya Ratnayake for insulting the Mahanayake Theras”
According to the YouTube channel, the retired Army Commander General Daya Ratnayake participated in a religious programme conducted by a somewhat controversial, maverick Catholic preacher known as Brother Charles Thomas at the Padeniya Purana Raja Maha Viharaya on May 17, 2025. The Lanka Leader reported that members of the general public expressed displeasure at what the former Commander of the Army happened to say while speaking on the said occasion. Many of its readers, the Lanka Leader claimed, had also taken exception to General Ratnayake’s alleged comment, which was deemed insulting to the Mahanayake Theras. But, isn’t it the truth that, by making the observation in question, this upright patriotic war hero was, in reality, belling the cat? That is my opinion, for what it is worth.
Incidentally, the Padeniya Purana Rajamaha Viharaya, the strategic venue chosen for Charles Thomas’s controversial act, is among the most ancient Buddhist Viharas of that type. Rajamaha Viharayas are large complexes of buildings containing monastic residences plus places of worship, places of learning for bhikkhus and preaching halls where the laity assemble for listening to bana sermons and for other Buddhist practices. They are akin to Christian cathedrals and grand mosques in Islam.
Rajamaha Viharayas are therefore of great historic, religious and symbolic significance for Sinhalese Buddhists. The currently disputed Tissa Rajamaha Viharaya in Kankesanthurai near Jaffna was originally built by King Devanampiya Tissa in the 3rd century BCE; during his reign Buddhism was introduced to this country by Arhant Mahinda Thera. The king built this Viharaya to mark the place in Jambukola (Chapter XIX of Mahavamsa) or Jaffna today, where Arhant Mahinda’s sister Sangamitta Theri landed with the Bodhi Sapling from the Bodhi Tree at Gaya under which Siddhartha Gautama attained Enlightenment.
The origin of Padeniya Purana Rajamaha Viharaya also goes back to the same epoch in the early Anuradhapura period of Lankan history (377 BCE-1017 CE). It has survived well over 20 centuries of alternating glory, destruction and reconstruction. What remains today is as it was reconstructed by Meegastenne Adikaram during the reign of King Kirti Sri Rajasinghe (1747-1782 CE); it was under the sponsorship of that monarch that the rite of upasampada or higher ordination (which had disappeared earlier due to the depredations caused by Portuguese invaders) was re-introduced by Upali Thera, who was brought from Siam (Thailand) in 1753.
A simple ceremony was planned in 2023 to mark the 270th anniversary of the arrival of Upali Thera from Siam/Thailand in 1753 with the participation of some Thai monks to be held at the specific place in Trincomalee where Upali Thera landed with his companions. But this was more or less scuttled under the government of president Ranil Wickremasinghe for reasons easy to guess. That was an instance of the genocidal cultural asphyxiation of the Buddha Sasanaya that started during the Yaha[palanaya of 2015-19 period. Regrettably, the Mahanayakes failed to take notice and denounce it. The Padeniya Purana Rajamaha Viharaya belongs to the same Siyam Nikaya (monastic order) established by the Siamese Upali Thera under royal patronage and comes under the control of the present Mahanayake Thera of its Malwatte Chapter.
After this necessary digression, let’s get back to our topic. Charles Thomas has been often accused of engaging in appealingly disguised unethical proselytism on the pretext of promoting interfaith goodwill between Christians/Catholics and Buddhists. Ven Katumuluwe Sumanaratana Thera, who is the chief incumbent of this historic Rajamaha Viharaya located in the Kurunegala District is also the Adhikarana (Judicial) Sangha Nayake of the Devamedi Hatpattuwa under the Siyam Maha Nikaya.
He reportedly invited Charles Thomas to the Viharaya and provided facilities for him to stage his popular Sihinaya (Dream) programme, and organised the controversial event despite the Most Venerable Mahanayake Thera of the Malwatte Chapter of the Siyam Nikaya in Kandy having earlier (actually more than a month before) issued him a formal letter restraining him from holding the disputed programme. (All the information about Charles Thomas’s programme included in this essay, I have derived from various social media sources including the Lanka Leader YouTube channel already mentioned.)
I checked out three other Sri Lankan social media websites that use English as their medium about this particular episode involving Charles Thomas. All three seemed sympathetic towards Charles Thomas unlike the Sinhala language Lanka Leader (mentioned above) which covered the news without any bias towards or against any party or person. The first of the three English language YouTube channels, THE LEADER (May 17, 2025), reported: “The government has ordered a halt to a programme by Fr. Charles Thomas scheduled for today (17) at Padeniya Purana Vihara … The Deputy Minister of Buddha Sasana and Religious Affairs issued a directive to the assistant commissioner general of Buddhist affairs (sic) ….”
The second website of the same description that I checked out was ‘Sri Lanka Mirror’ (May 17, 2025), which reported: ‘The Ministry of Buddhasasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs has issued a letter over a program organized by Br. Charles Thomas … The letter notes that the Deputy Minister has taken steps to cancel the program following complaints from various parties, citing strong displeasure expressed by the local Buddhist community.”
The last English language YouTube channel I visited was Colombo Post (May 20, 2025), which describes the chief monk of the Padeniya Purana Viharaya as the ‘Chief Sangha Nayaka of the Devamedi Hathpaththu’. According to its report, ‘the incumbent of the Viharaya Katumuluwe Sumanaratne Thero has been suspended due to the holding of Brother Charles Thomas’s Sihinaya programme at the Padeniya Rajamaha Viharaya.’
These reports left me confused and unconvinced about Charles Thomas’ real designation and his religious mission, as well as about what actually happened or was allowed to happen at the particular Rajamaha Viharaya involving that variously described character. The Sinhala medium Lanka Leader account of the episode, on which I am mainly based for this essay seemed to me to offer the most reliable account. The other three English language YouTube channels might be among the plethora of such ephemeral websites launched at short notice to beef up the current blitzkrieg of subversive disinformation against the unitary Sri Lankan state and its age-old Buddha Sasanaya or the foundational Buddhist religious establishment, which is very tolerant and accommodative towards adherents of non-Buddhist faiths. The two (unitary Sri Lanka and Buddha Sasanaya) are organically connected like a tree and its bark. The one will not survive without the other. The interdependence of unitary Lanka and Buddha Sasanaya is a historical fact, which poses no threat to any other ethnic or religious community.
The civilised world today is facing violent forms of extremist religious totalitarianism of apocalyptic proportions as never before, surreptitiously weaponized by certain hegemonic global superpowers in pursuit of their mutually hostile agendas. In Sri Lanka, Buddhism provides a protective umbrella of humanism and humaneness from that menace for all its diverse ethnicities and religious identities without any discrimination.
What did General Ratnayake say that people found so defamatory of the Mahanayakes? During his speech on the occasion mentioned, presumably as an invited guest, the retired military officer was reported to have said, ‘When wild elephants raid villages, dogs bark; but they eat up the crops unperturbed’. That is as close a literal rendering as I can manage, but it doesn’t convey what the speaker really meant, to people not very familiar with the Sinhala language or with Sri Lankans’, especially Sinhalese Buddhists’ (often tragic) love-hate relationship with elephants in their natural habitat. These elephants raid adjacent human settlements for food. The Sinhala term, ‘Vana Ali’ which I have translated as ‘wild elephants’ is an elephant friendly euphemism meaning ‘forest dwelling elephants’ as distinct from the domesticated ones that are nowadays almost exclusively used for ceremonial purposes.
The celebrated war hero’s clever remark seems to have stirred up a hornets’ nest of angry objections from some well-intentioned but ill-informed individuals who tend to embrace foes as friends through their inexcusable ignorance and naivety, like the Viharadhipati in this case. (But the monk’s apparent audacity in ignoring the Mahanayake Thera’s advice suggests that he could well be enticed by filthy lucre). The intelligent ones in the audience wouldn’t have missed the point that the retired general was trying to make, if they had been listening to him attentively. (Sorry. I am anticipating things here.)
by Rohana R. Wasala ✍️
To be concluded
Opinion
Funding of higher education in Sri Lanka

(A response to Prof. Shamala Kumar’s article, “Public funding of higher education: Seeking private funds to fill the gap?” in The Island of 10 June 2025)
* Acknowledging the Funding Crisis and Equity Gap
Prof. Kumar rightly draws attention to the precipitous decline in state funding for higher education in Sri Lanka from 4.25% of GDP in the 1960s to a mere 1.5% in 2022, and the consequential disparities in revenue-raising capacities, with the University of Colombo generating approximately 20% of its budget independently, while regional universities such as the University of Jaffna and Wayamba University operate with less than 2% (Kumar, 2025). This fiscal contraction worsens structural inequities and hampers the mission of regional institutions. Ashraf et al. (2012) state that the system resource approach to organisational effectiveness highlights that an institution’s ability to secure and use resources is crucial for its success. Without strategic investment and resource redistribution, less-resourced universities will continue to lag behind, perpetuating systemic inequities.
However, in this context, it is important to recognise that looking for alternative revenue sources, like increasing the number of foreign students and forming public-private partnerships, is not just a concession to the market; it is a strategic necessity.
These methods can help universities diversify their funding sources, improve their resilience, and lessen their dependence on decreasing public funds. Also, attracting international students and private investment can provide essential resources for infrastructure, faculty development, and research, which supports the broader mission of higher education (British Council, 2024).
* Institutional Constraints Over Full Marketisation: The Imperative of Governance Reform
The expectation that public universities transition to full self-funding is neither feasible nor equitable in the absence of substantive governance reforms. Sri Lankan universities remain entangled in rigid administrative frameworks, including protracted approvals for signing MOUs with foreign universities, foreign-funded research and Treasury-mandated procurement protocols, which severely restrict strategic autonomy (Kumar, 2025). The process approach to organisational effectiveness highlights the need for efficient internal operations, trust, and communication as key factors for institutional success (Ashraf et al., 2012). Too much bureaucracy weakens these elements, limiting innovation and responsiveness.
To fully realise the benefits of recruiting foreign students and forming public-private partnerships, governance reforms must give universities the power to negotiate, carry out, and manage these initiatives effectively. Without these reforms, even the best strategies might be slowed down by bureaucracy and inefficiency. This would limit their potential impact on institutional growth and equity.
Moreover, governance in higher education is complex. It involves coordination between government agencies, institutional leadership, and internal governance bodies (De Boer et al., 2015). Effective reform must strike a balance between institutional autonomy and transparent accountability mechanisms. Empirical research from Ethiopian public universities indicates that governance principles, including academic freedom, accountability, and transparency, are positively correlated with educational quality (Gebremariam et al., 2020). These findings suggest that enhancing autonomy and leadership capacity is critical to improving institutional performance in Sri Lanka.
* Reforming Quality Assurance in Sri Lankan Higher Education: A Unified Total Quality Management Framework for Public and Private Institutions
The prevailing quality assurance (QA) framework in Sri Lanka’s higher education sector, overseen predominantly by the University Grants Commission (UGC), has been critiqued for its compliance-driven, top-down approach. As Prof. Kumar insightfully notes, this system marginalises internal democratic bodies such as Faculty Boards and Senates, reducing QA to bureaucratic box-ticking exercises that stifle institutional creativity and contextual responsiveness. This model fails to foster a culture of continuous improvement and innovation, which is essential for elevating educational quality in a diverse and evolving landscape.
To overcome these limitations, it is necessary to adopt a Total Quality Management (TQM) approach tailored specifically for higher education (Yusuf, 2023). Unlike traditional compliance models, TQM emphasises continuous improvement, stakeholder engagement, and process optimisation. Frameworks like ISO 21001, which has been designed for educational organisations, highlight learner-centered practices, visionary leadership, and social responsibility, aligning quality management with the dynamic needs of institutions and their communities which also incorporates both Total Quality Management (TQM) principles and compliance requirements.
Institutional Autonomy with Collaborative National Oversight
A reimagined QA system would grant universities, both public and private, the autonomy to implement TQM practices suited to their unique contexts. This autonomy fosters a culture of self- reflection and ongoing quality enhancement, empowering institutions to innovate while remaining accountable. Simultaneously, a national apex body would be established to collaboratively develop quality benchmarks with key stakeholders, including faculty, students, employers, and policymakers. This participatory governance model ensures that quality standards are relevant, transparent, and socially accountable, consistent with the strategic constituency model of organisational effectiveness.
To balance autonomy and accountability, a tiered accreditation system is proposed:
Under such a system, institutions that meet or exceed quality benchmarks would enjoy full autonomy to innovate and refine their quality management without excessive external interference whereas institutions that fall short would remain under a compliance-driven regime, receiving targeted support and oversight until they achieve the required standards (Russell Group, 2014). This, while motivating underperforming institutions to elevate their standards, will free high- performing institutions from being bound by the limitations of low-performing institutions in setting quality benchmarks. Therefore, the proposed graded approach would incentivise excellence while safeguarding minimum quality standards, recognising the diversity of institutional missions and capacities across Sri Lanka’s higher education sector.
* Ensuring a Level Playing Field: Integrating Private Providers
Market distortions often attributed to private-sector education largely stem from the absence of a unified, developmental QA framework. Incorporating private providers into the same TQM-based QA system as public universities ensures equitable quality assurance across the sector. Private institutions adopting TQM principles would align with ISO 21001 standards, embracing learner- centeredness, ethical conduct, and social responsibility.
As indicated before, a national apex body would oversee this unified QA framework, setting transparent benchmarks and monitoring performance across all institutions. The tiered accreditation system applies equally to private providers, fostering a competitive environment driven by quality and innovation rather than price or minimal compliance. This approach addresses concerns regarding misuse of autonomy in the private sector and guarantees equitable access, academic standards, and ethical fundraising practices.
Empirical Evidence and International Best Practices Empirical studies support the effectiveness of Total Quality Management (TQM) in higher education, particularly in improving institutional processes and stakeholder satisfaction. For instance, Gorontalo State University’s adoption of TQM practices has been linked to notable gains in accreditation, governance, research collaboration, and community outreach (Rahman et al., 2018). Globally, organisations such as the OECD encourage coherent national quality assurance systems, where both public and private institutions are subject to clear, development-oriented standards monitored by appropriate national authorities.
Capacity Building and Facilitative Governance
Effective TQM adoption requires capacity building in leadership, quality culture, and data management. The national apex body’s role should be facilitative, providing guidance, disseminating best practices, and supporting professional development, rather than functioning as a rigid regulator. This enables a sector-wide cultural shift from compliance to continuous improvement.
* Beyond Blaming “Neoliberalism”: Emphasising Implementation and Governance Culture
While Prof. Kumar warns that unchecked marketisation can weaken free undergraduate education and increase social inequalities (Kumar, 2025), it is important to understand that how well an organisation performs depends on the design and management of governance and policy, not just on economic ideology (Cameron, 1978; Ashraf et al., 2012).
The focus on internationalisation and industry collaboration should not be dismissed as purely ‘neoliberal.’ Rather, these strategies should be evaluated based on how they can promote the public good. When appropriately regulated, such efforts can enhance graduate employability, foster applied research aligned with national priorities, and enable Sri Lankan universities to participate more actively in global knowledge and technology production (British Council, 2024; Ashraf et al., 2012).
Governance reform must address not only structural autonomy but also the culture of governance. Research in Europe, including the UK, highlights that inclusive and participatory governance cultures, characterised by transparency, engagement, and proactive leadership, are essential for effective institutional management (Bergan and Pinheiro, 2021). These cultural aspects complement formal reforms in promoting institutional agility and innovation. Although operating within a state- controlled system, Tsinghua University has undertaken governance reforms that demonstrate evolving models of internal collaboration among faculty, administrators, and students (Wang and Liu, 2019). This underscores the potential benefits of empowering internal democratic bodies such as Councils, Senates, and Faculty Boards in the Sri Lankan university system.
* Governance as a Catalyst for Collaboration, Research Quality, and Innovation
Effective governance frameworks support collaboration across different fields and promote research excellence. These elements are vital for improving the quality of higher education (Lee et al., 2020). Public-private partnerships can create opportunities for joint research, technology sharing, and ecosystems that lead to innovation, benefiting both schools and businesses.
Universities with solid governance systems create environments that encourage academic freedom and independence. This approach promotes innovation and valuable research results. Therefore, reforming governance is crucial not only for fairness and quality control but also for Sri Lanka’s overall research and innovation goals.
* A Balanced, Action-Oriented Policy Framework.
Conclusions
Prof. Kumar’s critique of growing inequality due to unchecked market forces is relevant and significant. However, completely rejecting private involvement could result in continued resource shortages and hinder innovation. We need a complex and thoughtful approach. This approach should acknowledge the role of internationalisation and cooperation between public and private sectors. These aspects are vital for building institutional strength, generating knowledge, and supporting national progress. By using established models of organisational effectiveness (Cameron, 1978; Ashraf et al., 2012) and research on governance, this approach should combine governance reform, balanced revenue strategies, fair taxation, and a cohesive framework for quality assurance in development. Transitioning to a TQM-based, unified quality assurance system that encompasses both public and private higher education providers, supported by institutional autonomy and a stakeholder-driven national framework, presents a promising path forward for Sri Lanka. This model aligns with international best practices and addresses the current regime’s limitations by fostering innovation, contextual adaptation, and equitable quality enhancement. Ultimately, it creates a level playing field that elevates quality, equity, and innovation across the entire higher education sector. Only through such thorough reforms can Sri Lanka maintain its commitment to free education, promote innovation, and provide equitable, high-quality higher education for all.
References
* Ashraf, G., Abd Kadir, S., & others. (2012). A Review on the Models of Organizational Effectiveness: A Look at Cameron’s Model in Higher Education. International Education Studies, 5(2), 80-87.
* Bergan, S., & Pinheiro, R. (2021). Governance and Institutional Autonomy in Higher Education: The Role of Culture. European Journal of Higher Education, 11(3), 255-270.
* British Council. (2024). Growth of Sri Lanka’s private higher education sector.
* Cameron, K. S. (1978). Measuring Organizational Effectiveness in Institutions of Higher Education. Administrative Science Quarterly, 23(4), 604-632.
* De Boer, H., Enders, J., & Schimank, U. (2015). Higher Education Governance and Institutional Autonomy: A Multi-Level Perspective. Higher Education Policy, 28(3), 293-311.
* Gebremariam, M., et al. (2020). The Impact of Governance Principles on Quality of Education in Ethiopian Public Universities. Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management, 42(3), 234-250.
* Kumar, S. (2025). Public funding of higher education: Seeking private funds to fill the gap? The Island, June 10, 2025.
* Lee, S., et al. (2020). Governance and Research Collaboration in Higher Education. Studies in Higher Education, 45(5), 1021-1037.
* OECD. (2020). Quality Assurance in Higher Education: Trends and Challenges. OECD Publishing.
* Perera, H., & Fernando, R. (2021). Challenges in Quality Assurance Implementation in Sri Lankan Universities. Sri Lankan Journal of Educational Research, 13(1), 45-62.
* Rahman, A., et al. (2018). Implementation of Total Quality Management (TQM) in Efforts to Improve the Quality of Higher Education: Case Study at Gorontalo State University. Journal of Indonesian Community and Public Health, 1(2).
* Russell Group. (2014). Quality Assurance in UK Higher Education: A Tiered System Approach. Russell Group Paper.
* assurance.pdf
* Wang, H., & Liu, J. (2019). Multi-Model Governance Reform at Tsinghua University. Higher Education Policy, 32(4), 567-584.
* Yusuf, F. A. (2023). Total Quality Management (TQM) and Quality of Higher Education: A Meta-Analysis Study. International Journal of Instruction, 16(2), 161-178.
Opinion
Growth imperative:Sri Lanka’s path to prosperity

The World Bank’s latest projections deliver a sobering warning: Sri Lanka’s economy is set to grow at a sluggish 3.5% in 2025, slipping to 3.1% in 2026. For a nation still scarred by the 2022 economic crisis, such anaemic growth threatens prolonged hardship, failing to deliver the jobs, poverty reduction, or stability Sri Lankans need. Meanwhile, India, our regional neighbour, is projected to achieve robust growth of 6.3% to 6.8% over the same period. Sri Lanka must aim to match this momentum, targeting at least 6.5% growth to transform its economic future. This demands a national commitment to faster growth through a dynamic work culture, modernised labour policies, and a skilled, inclusive workforce. The time for half-measures is over—Sri Lanka must act boldly to ignite rapid economic progress.
The Cost of Stagnation
The World Bank’s forecast of 3.5% growth in 2025 and 3.1% in 2026 signals a dangerous trajectory. At this pace, Sri Lanka risks a vicious cycle of economic fragility, with insufficient investment to spur job creation, persistent unemployment, and stagnant wages. Youth unemployment, at 25% in 2024, could worsen, fuelling frustration and social unrest. Rural communities, reliant on agriculture and remittances, face declining incomes, exacerbating inequality and limiting access to healthcare and education. Women, who make up 35% of the workforce, are disproportionately affected, with many trapped in low-paying, informal jobs, perpetuating gender disparities. Small businesses, employing over 45% of the workforce, struggle under high costs and low demand, stifling entrepreneurship.
Macroeconomic challenges compound these issues. Low growth sustains Sri Lanka’s high public debt burden, estimated at 110% of GDP in 2024, limiting fiscal space for social programmes or infrastructure. Without faster growth, the nation remains vulnerable to external shocks, such as commodity price spikes or global recessions, and internal discontent could erode social cohesion. Sri Lanka’s potential—its strategic Indian Ocean location and educated population—will remain untapped unless bold action is taken. Rapid growth is not just an economic goal; it is a social and moral imperative to restore hope and opportunity for all Sri Lankans.
Productivity is the engine of faster growth. Sri Lanka’s workforce, while capable, is hindered by inefficiencies, outdated labour practices, and skill gaps. By focusing on three pillars—cultivating a dynamic work culture, reforming labour policies, and empowering a skilled workforce—Sri Lanka can unlock the productivity needed to break free from stagnation.
Cultivating a Dynamic Work Culture
A vibrant work culture is the foundation of faster growth. In Sri Lanka, inefficiencies persist across sectors. Public sector workers often face low accountability, with absenteeism and lack of performance metrics draining resources. In traditional industries like tea and garments, reliance on low-skill models stifles innovation. To drive rapid growth, Sri Lanka must foster a culture that values efficiency, initiative, and merit.
Leadership must set the example. Government and private sector leaders can launch campaigns like “Proudly Productive Sri Lanka” to promote productivity as a national priority. Spotlighting local heroes—tech entrepreneurs scaling startups, farmers adopting sustainable practices, or public servants streamlining services—can inspire change. Regional programmes, such as productivity workshops in Galle or Jaffna, can engage local communities. Private sector examples, like John Keells Holdings implementing performance-driven cultures, show how incentives can transform workplaces. Small businesses, critical to the economy, can benefit from recognition programmes, such as awards for innovative retailers or artisans, motivating others to improve efficiency.
Schools should teach adaptability, problem-solving, and a strong work ethic, preparing students for a global economy. Incentives, such as merit-based promotions in the public sector or performance bonuses in private firms, can drive effort while ensuring fairness. Rewarding high-performing teachers or healthcare workers could improve service delivery, boosting long-term productivity. By cultivating a work culture rooted in merit and results, Sri Lanka can pave the way for faster growth.
Reforming Labour Policies
Sri Lanka’s labour dynamics often undermine productivity. Trade unions, while vital for protecting worker rights, have historically wielded significant influence, often prioritising short-term gains over long-term economic health. Since the 1970s, union-led strikes have disrupted critical sectors like transport, healthcare, and education, costing Sri Lanka an estimated 1% of GDP in 2023 alone due to lost productivity and investor confidence. Public sector rigidity, including resistance to modernisation, further hampers efficiency. To achieve faster growth, Sri Lanka must reform its labour policies to balance worker protections with economic flexibility.
Collaboration is essential. The government can establish tripartite councils involving unions, businesses, and policymakers to design policies that align worker welfare with economic goals. Creating independent arbitration boards to resolve disputes before strikes escalate would minimise disruptions while respecting workers’ rights. Introducing flexible work arrangements, such as part-time or contract roles in tourism and IT, would attract global firms and create jobs for young Sri Lankans. Simplifying business regulations, such as reducing licensing delays from months to weeks and clarifying tax policies, would create a business-friendly environment, encouraging investment in high-growth sectors like technology and logistics. These Sri Lanka-specific reforms, grounded in local realities, would drive productivity without compromising fairness.
Empowering a Skilled, Inclusive Workforce
Skill shortages are a major barrier to Sri Lanka’s growth, as highlighted by the World Bank. Despite high literacy, many workers lack the technical and digital skills needed for high-value industries. To achieve faster growth, Sri Lanka must invest in human capital, ensuring its workforce is equipped for modern economic demands.
Vocational training programmes, tailored to sectors like IT, renewable energy, and advanced agriculture, are critical. Establishing coding academies in Colombo and Kandy, in partnership with private firms, could prepare thousands for tech jobs. Community training centres with affordable internet can teach digital skills like e-commerce and data analysis, empowering rural and urban workers alike. Special programmes for women, who face barriers in accessing technical training, can increase their participation in high-growth sectors, promoting gender equity. Funding these initiatives through public-private partnerships and international grants ensures scalability.
Retraining workers in traditional sectors is vital to diversify the economy. Garment workers could learn advanced manufacturing techniques, while farmers could adopt precision agriculture to boost yields. To combat brain drain, which sees skilled Sri Lankans leave for better prospects, the government could offer tax incentives for professionals starting businesses, ensuring merit-based opportunities. By building a skilled, inclusive workforce, Sri Lanka can drive the productivity needed for faster growth.
Strengthening the Economic Ecosystem
Faster growth requires a supportive ecosystem. Investing in infrastructure—digital networks, ports, and energy grids—is critical to enhance connectivity and productivity. Expanding 5G and data centres can position Sri Lanka as a hub for IT and business process outsourcing, creating thousands of jobs. Upgrading ports like Trincomalee and modernising rail networks can connect rural economies to urban markets, boosting trade. Solar and wind projects, leveraging Sri Lanka’s natural resources, would ensure reliable energy for high-growth industries while reducing import costs.
A national export strategy, focusing on value-added products like organic spices, high-quality cinnamon, or eco-tourism, can drive growth, as recommended by the Asian Development Bank. Targeting markets in Europe and the Middle East, where demand for sustainable products is rising, could increase foreign exchange earnings. Simplifying trade regulations and offering incentives for high-value sectors would attract investment, reinforcing a business-friendly environment. Transparent governance and merit-based policies in these initiatives promote fairness and build investor confidence.
Overcoming Barriers
Driving faster growth will face challenges. Shifting work culture takes time, and unions may resist labour reforms. Political populism and budget constraints could hinder investments in skills and infrastructure. Public campaigns linking productivity to higher wages and better living standards can build support. Engaging unions through dialogue ensures their concerns are addressed, fostering collaboration. Redirecting inefficient subsidies to education, training, and infrastructure, while seeking international grants, can address funding gaps. Transparent, merit-based implementation will maintain public trust and ensure equitable outcomes.
Seizing the Opportunity
The World Bank’s projections of 3.5% growth in 2025 and 3.1% in 2026 demand urgent action. Sri Lanka cannot afford stagnation. By fostering a dynamic work culture, modernising labour policies, empowering a skilled workforce, and strengthening the economic ecosystem, Sri Lanka can achieve the rapid growth needed to transform its future. This is about building a nation where every Sri Lankan has access to opportunity and prosperity. The 2022 crisis exposed the cost of inaction; the World Bank’s projections underscore the need for bold change. Let us act decisively to forge a prosperous future for generations to come
The writer is Professor of Marketing University of Surrey. Views expressed in this article are personal.
by Professor Chanaka Jayawardhena
Chanaka.j@gmail.com
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