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A citizen’s understanding of the current economic crisis and the IMF programme

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by Dhammike Amarasinghe

Synopsis

The current economic crisis is not something brought about solely by corruption in high places or some recent policy mistakes of the Gotabaya administration. While those matters certainly did exacerbate the situation, the crisis itself has been long coming.

Two features of our economic situation that needs to be noted are: 1. Government expenditure has been persistently in excess of its revenue, 2. Imports have also been persistently above exports. Both together indicate that persistently we have been living beyond our means. It is time to make corrections.

The immediate problem was the drying up of foreign exchange reserves resulting in our having to default our foreign debts and not being able to import essentials. The IMF programme is only a helping hand to get out of that crisis. We need to put our house in order by implementing the various action points we have agreed with the IMF to execute, while using the IMF money (and other donor assistance it might trigger)to meet part of our external fund needs as well as some part of domestic fund requirements, until we can again stand on our feet.

However, this ‘firefighting exercise’ will have to be followed up with a longer term reform agenda, if we are to set ourselves on the path to prosperity. Two items of the IMF programme that are not often highlighted are 1. the Social Safety Net for the impoverished and the anti-corruption agenda.

It is essential for all citizens to have a correct understanding of the current economic crisis and the programme of action agreed to with the IMF, because in the unprecedented crisis that we are steeped in, the solution of the problem or problems depends very much on citizen support – support, NOT for any individual or party, but for a course of action that is likely to lead to a solution. It is no time for political games. Emotional rhetoric has to be ignored. What is at stake is – without exaggeration – the future of our people including generations to come. And not whether some individual (that one may happen to dislike) will get credit or whether some party wins the next election. That would be an extremely foolish attitude. This is a make or break situation.

Educating the public on such issues is actually the responsibility of the expert. However I have not seen yet a comprehensive all-embracing survey of the current situation – from its beginnings, intended for the layman, written by any expert, What we have seen are expert analyses of particular aspects of the situation, not always fully understandable by the ordinary person. I am no expert. However, I shall try to set down my understanding of these matters, acquired from reading the relevant documents and the analyses of experts. (I intend to do this in Sinhala later) Some knowledge of the basics of economics acquired many years ago at the university did help. Assisting ones compatriots as best as one can, to understand the crisis and what needs doing to overcome it, is I think a civic duty. Experts are welcome to make any corrections necessary.

At the outset itself, I must say that the first point in my understanding of the current situation is that it has been long in coming, only accelerated by some incorrect policy decisions made by the Gotabaya administration. My understanding is also that although corruption in high places has exacerbated matters, it is not the root cause of the present malaise. I shall also try to show that corruption may not be limited to the stealing, misappropriation or misuse of public funds in various ways by the high-ups and others but also includes, according to some people, a certain feature of day to day normal commercial practice. I shall elaborate on this in due course.

The Immediate Problem

To take the immediate problem first, before going on to the root cause: that problem is our inability to repay our public debt (i.e the debt of the government and government entities) to various creditors, owing to the fact that we do not have the foreign exchange to make those payments. Apart from our inability to settle our foreign debt, the inadequacy of foreign exchange also resulted in our inability to import many essentials like medicine, some food items, fuel, and cooking gas – although the situation has now eased somewhat. We have survived so far only because of the helping hand given by our friendly neighbours. Why we came to such a pass is the root cause of the crisis that we need to explore at the end

The foreign debts are owed by us to (a) various muti-lateral agencies like the IMF, World Bank and ADB (b) various foreign governments such as those of India, China, Japan, Iran, Hungary and (c) to holders of bonds ( meaning acknowledgments of our borrowings) issued by the government and referred to as International Sovereign Bonds or ISBs). These are borrowings made in the international bond market. While the vast majority of these bond holders are foreign investors, there are some locals like local banks and funds like the EPF and ETF who also hold them. In addition, these locals have also lent to the government in local currency by way of Treasury Bills and Treasury Bonds. The Central Bank itself is a large holder of these Treasury Bills and Treasury Bonds. This matter of local creditors has complicated matters, as will be clarified later. Our total debts are in excess of US $ 50 billion (different figures are given from time to time based on differing definitions and categorizations but it is safe to say that it is over $ 50 billion, just to indicate its huge proportions).

By April last year (2022) the authorities belatedly recognized officially that we do not have sufficient foreign exchange to repay the loan installments and interest payments that were falling due. Realization of this dire situation should have dawned on those concerned much earlier, but for some unknown reason the authorities at the time fought shy of recognizing it. Anyway, in April last year, we officially declared to the world that we are unable to repay our external debt as it falls due and that we need to re-structure it. However, our repayments due to the multilateral organizations like the World Bank were exempted since the international practice is that such repayments are normally exempted from default declarations. Our debt repayments to foreign governments and ISB holders stand suspended at present.

IMF loan and IMF programme

We then applied to the IMF for a loan to enable us to get out of this situation, that is, to re-instate ourselves to a position that will enable us to again start repaying our debts ( referred to technically as ‘ regaining debt sustainability’) It is essential to understand this point well. The IMF facility was NOT meant to be a loan to develop the country. It was solely for the purpose of getting out of the hole that we had stupidly dug for ourselves, So people who are now shouting from public platforms ” We can’t develop the country through IMF loans” are simply talking through their non-existent hats! It was never meant to be so.

The strategy to be adapted is to request our creditors to agree to ‘re-structure’ our loans (to be explained) and for the IMF to lend us funds, partly to make essential external payments and partly to support the local budget, to tide over the period that it takes us to put our house in order. In order to lend funds to us, IMF insists on our following a mutually agreed course of action (usually referred to as ‘conditionalities’), to ensure that we will not again go and dig ourselves a pit and fall therein. Isn’t that reasonable?

To explain the ‘re-structuring of loans’: It can take one of three forms or some combination of them. 1. To allow the loan to be repaid over a longer period after an initial postponement 2. To reduce the rate of interest 3. To reduce the amount owed (referred to generally as a ‘hair cut’)

The IMF will give us this loan (roughly equivalent to US $ three billion) over a period of four years, in installments, depending on our implementing the agreed course of action. One of the key elements of this course of action is our undertaking to pursue negotiations with our creditors to re-structure our debt. We have to do that and not the IMF. Assurances have already been given by our creditors that they will co-operate with us in that process (India, China, Japan and some other countries and an ad-hoc organization of some of our International Sovereign Bond holders have been good enough to give those assurance to the IMF and to us. It must also be noted that our involvement with the IMF also gives these creditors an assurance about our conduct and our future capacity to re-pay them. In other words, our agreement with the IMF has given us some degree of respectability in the international financial scene.

IMF Conditionalities

It is necessary now to consider what the other IMF conditionalities are (We should remind ourselves that these conditionalities are what we have agreed to, in a lengthy process of negotiations that our authorities had with an IMF team. There would have been give and take during that process. For instance it transpired recently that at one point the IMF suggested that the tax free level of personal income be fixed at Rs. 43,000 per month, before the present Rs, 100,000 was finally agreed to. Admittedly of course our bargaining position was weak because of the mess we had created for ourselves.

As a background to the consideration of the conditionalities, it is necessary to first take note of a certain feature of our government’s budget. In the 2023 Budget (before the new tax proposals came into effect) the total government revenue was estimated at Rs. 3,456 billion while the total expenditure was to be Rs. 7,879 billion. So, there was a deficit of Rs. 4,422 billion (more than even the revenue itself). Even if we take out the capital expenditure in the budget estimates and take the recurrent expenditure only (salaries, pensions, other office expenditure, social welfare expenditure and debt servicing – i.e. without providing for building new hospitals, schools, roads etc.) it amounted to Rs.4,634 billion, still Rs,1,178 billion in excess of revenue. The payment of salaries, other administrative expenditure, pensions, and servicing of past debt alone accounted for 142% of the revenue. We must wonder how a country can run like that. Is it any wonder that we are in this mess and in debt?

At this point we need also to realize that there is not much scope for reduction of recurrent expenditure because the bulk of it consists of salaries, pensions, social welfare expenditure, repayment of debt to the banking system etc. (The World Bank in its latest ‘Sri Lanka Development Update 2023’ says: “At less than 20% of GDP, Sri Lanka’s expenditures are not high by international standards” thus underlining further the point that the solution to the budgetary problem lies more in the direction of revenue enhancement rather than in expenditure reduction, contrary to popular perceptions. However it is true that in a correct ordering of priorities we must refrain from completely ludicrous expenditures such as those on grandiose Independence celebrations, with tanks and all (!), in a country steeped in debt.

There was therefore a need for increasing government revenue. That is the rationale for increasing taxes. In addition to the income tax already imposed there will be a property tax and a gift and inheritance tax to be introduced by 2025, a tax that will fall on the top bracket of the really wealthy and not likely on wage earners and the majority of professionals. True enough, the new taxes are quite burdensome in the context of the general increase in the cost of living. It is hoped that the authorities will consider adjustments. However any such adjustments will be feasible only within the framework of various financial targets that the IMF programme has set, in order to achieve financial solvency within a reasonable time period.

For instance, it is required that the government Budget upgrades itself from its eternal deficit position (i.e expenditure exceeding revenue year after year resulting in the government getting more and more into debt) and attains a surplus of 0.8 % of GDP in 2024. increasing it to 2.3% in 2025 and beyond (this is what is called a primary surplus which does not take debt repayments into account) Any deviation from these carefully set down targets will only prolong the agony and condemn us to continue suffering in the long term.

Although as pointed out earlier there is not much scope for reducing government expenditure, the government is obliged under the IMF programme, at least to keep to the present level of expenditure. Thus it has some space only to make less than full compensation for inflation in respect of salaries and pensions. Anyway, in respect of other aspects of government administration most citizen are well aware that there is much scope for reducing inefficiencies, wastage and acts of corruption, leading not only to reductions in expenditure but to increased efficiency in delivery of services. In this connection one hopes that the government will embark on a full scale modernization and rationalization of its institutions and systems and procedures. In this endeavour it needs to allow for the introduction of digitization in a big way.

(To be continued)

(After a long public service career the writer retired in 1998 as Additional Secretary to President Chandrika Kumaratunga. He has served post-retirement as Chairman of the Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation and was an Advisor to President Mahinda Rajapaksa from 2005 to 2015)



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NPP govt. and its take on foreign relations

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by Neville Ladduwahetty

Following President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s visit, first to India and then to China, Foreign Policy analysts and Commentators of repute have cautioned the NPP government the need to exercise BALANCE particularly in respect of its relations with India and China. The question is how balancing could be the guiding policy in Sri Lanka’s relations with India and China, when balancing is only a strategy? For instance, is the prospect of a 200,000 barrels a day refinery by China in Hambantota to be balanced by a prospective refinery by India in Trincomalee even if it is not in Sri Lanka’s best interests? Is this what some commentators call “pragmatic balancing”?

Sri Lanka’s policy regarding relations with other countries is stated at times as Non-Aligned and neutral at other times depending on the occasion and the forum. In the Joint Statement with China, the Policy is Non-Aligned. During a press conference, Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath made comments that undoubtedly amounted to “reaffirmation of Neutrality” according to a report in the Daily FT (Oct. 9, 2024). Such inconsistencies are not in the best interest of relations with India or China or with any other country. It is therefore imperative that the NPP government adopts a Policy and conducts its affairs in a manner that abides by the stated Policy if its credibility is to be respected

OBJECTIVES to PRECEEDE POLICY

However, whatever policy the NPP government adopts, what needs to be understood is the fundamental premise that prior to developing a Policy there has to be a clear and unambiguous Objective. For instance, the Foreign policy of India is often expressed as “Neighbourhood First”, and Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR). Such a policy would entitle India to realise its objective of being accepted as a Regional Power in South Asia and therefore recognised as a global power where its currency is internationally recognised, a place in the UN Security Council, etc., and other symbols of a global power. On the other hand, China’s objective is to become first among equals among global powers. The Policy to achieve such an objective is its Belt and Road Initiative.

Similarly, the US Declaration of Independence sets out its objective as being: “We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights governments are instituted among men ….”

It is therefore clear that the Objective of a Nation is a declaration of the goals the Peoples of a Nation craft for themselves. Therefore, Sri Lanka has to define unambiguously its Objectives. To state that Sri Lanka’s Objective should be based on Self-Interests is to state the obvious because Self-Interest is what drives Foreign Relations. Foreign Policy of a Nation is how it conducts itself in its relations with other Nations in the process of pursuing its Objectives. For instance, the Objective of the NPP Government is to create “A thriving Nation and a beautiful life”. Thus, having declared its Objective, the NPP government has to decide whether a Foreign Policy of Non-Alignment, Neutrality or any other would enable it to realise its stated Objective of a thriving Nation and a beautiful life.

On the other hand, balancing is not an objective nor is it a policy. It is only a Strategy that could be resorted to within the context of Non-Aligned or Neutral Policies. Thus, its application is limited in scope to specific countries such as India and China and to infrastructure projects as part of Balancing interests of geopolitical rivals at a cost to Sri Lanka’s national interests.

NON-ALIGNMENT v. NEUTRALITY in PRACTICE

From a security perspective, non-alignment does not guarantee territorial inviolability. On the other hand, a neutral state is protected by international law. Therefore, neutrality offers greater guarantees in respect of territorial inviolability. Furthermore, since Neutrality defines duties and responsibilities of a Neutral State, other Nations are forewarned of what to expect from Sri Lanka – in short there are no surprises nor is there a need to go out of its way to ensure the security of India or any other State. This fosters trust and credibility among nations. However, if any country decides to violate Sri Lanka’s territory for whatever reason, as it was when India violated Sri Lanka’s air space, Sri Lanka has to accept the fact that no one would be coming to its defence other than the protection of International Law.

The real test between Non-Alignment and neutrality is when it comes to infrastructure projects. Furthermore, under a Policy of Non-Alignment, infrastructure projects invariably become part of balancing and therefore end up with unsolicited proposals, as in the past. Attempts to balance the refinery in Hambantota by China that was reported to have been based on expressions of interest called for by Sri Lanka, with a possible Refinery in Trincomalee for India would be unsolicited and to different standards. A variation to the theme of unsolicited projects is to tempt Sri Lanka by funding projects that serve the interests of the funding agency and not that of Sri Lanka.

On the other hand, a policy of neutrality requires that strict and open procedures are followed in order to ensure that all are treated as equals. This makes it imperative for Sri Lanka to first define the scale and scope of the project and call for Expressions of Interest (EOI) from parties for evaluation in a transparent and open manner. Thus, practices that require a Neutral State to adopt fosters Credibility and Trust in the eyes of other Nations; characteristics critically needed to create a Thriving Sri Lanka. These characteristics together with reliance on International Law become the combined armory of a Neutral State such as Sri Lanka that is relatively small, but strategically located for aspiring Global Powers to go out of their way to foster abiding relations.

CONCLUSION

The foreign policy options explored and commented on by analysts, think tanks and during panel discussions are; Non-Alignment, Neutrality, Balancing and Self- Interest, etc., not realising that some proposed Policies, such as Balancing, are not Policies but Strategies. These explorations fail to define the objective that determines which policy to adopt as in the case of India, China and the USA cited above. Additionally, the context in which the Policy works, becomes a factor that shapes and Influences Policy. In the particular context of Sri Lanka, its strategic location that is akin to a key stone in the arch of Indian Ocean Rim countries in the geopolitical equation has molded Sri Lanka as a Nation State over Millennia to an extent that its geographical size has become a secondary factor.

In such a context, its security, and the goal set by the NPP government of a “Thriving Nation and a beautiful life” is best served by international law and the Soft Power of a neutral state that requires it to conduct its International Relations in an open and Transparent manner that ensures equality among Nations in a manner that fosters Trust and Credibility. The dividends from such an approach would foster a “Thriving Nation”.

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Appropriate scaled-down celebration; probable statesman; misinterpretation

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Independence Day parade

This year the scaled-down Independence Day celebrations were just right. There was pageantry but no pomp. We must celebrate Independence Day and fortunately it was done. Every item was commendable: the mixed in race and gender choirs rendering so well the National Anthem, the Jayamangala Gatha and chant of blessing, directed at the President. Cass’ thought that after a long time he really deserved these chants of blessing, and good fortune for the country too. The National Anthem was sung in Tamil too by students. The President’s address was excellent in substance and delivery. The cultural event was superb. The best was that no armed vehicles drove past.

Statesman

A niece sent Cassandra a video clip of Prez AKD being mobbed – joyfully, admiringly, affectionately – on a recent visit to Velvataturai. He just got into the crowd, shook hands, patted little ones and posed for innumerable selfies, all smilingly with not a trace of self-promotion. He was just one of them. To have Tamils, Muslims, Catholic priests and nuns, Hindu dignitaries greeting him gladly brought tears to Cass’ eyes – tears of joy and the fact of reconciliation being evidently shown by the Tamil people. Accompanying the video Cass’ niece wrote: “Never in my wildest dreams would I have ever thought a Sinhala leader would be made so welcome in the North. They seemed to love him. He definitely has qualities of a leader.” And then she adds: “But I seriously fear for his safety, the way he is running around.” Agreed but not with crowds in the North, now that the suicide bombers are no more (or so we hope).

Judging the President and his manner of presenting himself (behaviour for short) locally and overseas in India and China within one hundred and something days of becoming Prez of the country, Cassandra declares she at last sees a potential statesman in him.

The only statesman we have had so far – D S Senanayake was a person of the people by his actions, notwithstanding his exclusive ancestry. He came from a land and plumbago mine owning, well to do family, but felt sincerely for the common people and hence his foremost policy being agriculture, since food is one of the three requirements for basic life. Air is free, and unpolluted then; water is/was plentiful through rain or containment in wewas, the largest of which he got constructed in Gal Oya, Ampara. DS seemed happiest when surrounded by villagers.

AKD was born to a simple family – but of integrity and worth – and thus he remains honest, simple, sincere, with very high ideals and love for Sri Lanka and its people, determined to do well by them. His head has definitely not been turned or swollen by the obvious adulation shown by our people and the VVIP welcome received in the two countries that dominate the world now. That is almost a humanely impossible achievement but he has succeeded in keeping his head while most other leaders before him lost theirs. That was principally because leaders of the past, starting from SWRD, had themselves and their political success in mind, later added to by greed of enrichment.

These qualities so far are missing in AKD and thus Cassandra’s prophecy – he will reach statesmanship because he has the qualities inherent in him and he gives the promise of not changing to be self-gratifying through imbibing greed for riches, greed for continued power, greed for the strength it gives a person to grab material wealth for himself and his family and cohorts.

Revenge

MTV 1 on Saturday February 1, carried the news of MP Rohitha Abeygunawardena visiting Mahinda Rajapaksa in his government-paid-for palatial home in Colombo 7 just to see to his well-being, as the MP said.

Now, the gist of what Rohitha A said, seated in his luxury car as he drove out of the ex Prez’s premises; “It is very wrong of the government to ask this great man to vacate the state-owned residence. Then he made this typical below par, oft used political accusation that government leaders were taking revenge on Ex Prez Mahinda R. Revenge for what act of the Ex Prez’s, pray? Cassandra cannot bear to hear the two words ‘jealousy’ and ‘revenge’. These two accusations are often made on political platforms by defeated leaders and lesser politicians.

Considering the case of ex-presidents being asked to vacate the huge houses bequeathed them by previous governments, started by JRJ, is a travesty of justice. Many of the past Prez’s contributed by the policies they followed and personal acts to the downfall of the country. A second reason: why should they live in absolute comfort and luxury, guarded by hordes of security personnel, when a large proportion of the population of the country have no decent housing nor adequate food to eat. In MR’s case particularly, he has many mansions in his name and his sons’ names. How about that Malvana grand house that finally had no owner?

Yes, what Rohitha A threatened could easily happen. Give a gang of ne’er-do-wells a large tot of kasippu, a bath packet and a monetary inducement and they will rise up with deadly rampaging anger anywhere and against anyone. Did we not see this happen against the Aragalaya protesters and rampage of Gotagogama on May 9, 2022, by an inebriated but ferocious horde that poured out of Temple Trees when Mahinda R was PM and in residence in this house?

A ray of sunshine

Along with a daily presentation of how money was wantonly wasted by previous governments in starting expensive projects in different parts of the country and then abandoning them, named What happened to the Village, MTV Channel One in its news presentation includes feel good happenings in the country named Happy Headlines. It’s so good to view a happy happening, a successful person, sports event, occurrence in nature within the daily dose of dismal news. It is a merciful occurrence for which the present government is thanked that news is no longer so dismal and we in Sri Lanka are fortunate to be living in a reviving country unlike Gaza, Sudan, Ukraine, even Pakistan and the US of America which has a daily new edict proclaimed by President Trump, which sends shivers down American backs unless they are the white Supremacists who believe this proven to be dishonest businessman is set to Make America Great Again.

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Mangroves in Sri Lanka : Guardians of the Coast Facing Uncertain Future

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Vulnerable Mangrove Palm Nypa Fruticans

By Ifham Nizam

Mangroves, often referred to as the “rainforests of the sea,” play a crucial role in maintaining coastal ecosystems. These salt-tolerant trees and shrubs thrive in the intertidal zones of tropical and subtropical regions, forming a unique and highly productive ecosystem.

In Sri Lanka, mangroves contribute significantly to biodiversity, fisheries, coastal protection, and climate resilience. However, despite their immense ecological and economic value, these forests are under severe threat due to human activities and climate change.

“Mangroves are among the most productive and valuable ecosystems on the planet. They not only support marine biodiversity but also act as a natural buffer against coastal erosion and extreme weather events,”

says Dr. Nilanthi Rajapakse, a scientist on Plant Taxonomy.

As the world observed World Wetlands Day on February 2, 2025, Sri Lanka faces a critical moment in its efforts to protect and restore these vital ecosystems.

The Importance of Mangroves in Sri Lanka

Mangroves provide a wide range of ecological, economic, and social benefits. Sri Lanka is home to more than 20 species of mangroves, which are mainly found along the western, southern, and eastern coastlines. Notable mangrove-rich areas include the Puttalam Lagoon, Maadu Ganga Estuary, Negombo, Batticaloa, Mannar, Trincomalee, and Jaffna.

Wetlands: biodiversity

Biodiversity Hotspots

Mangrove forests support an array of wildlife, including fish, crustaceans, mollusks, birds, reptiles, and marine mammals. Their dense root systems create breeding and nursery grounds for many commercially valuable fish species.

“Without mangroves, Sri Lanka’s fisheries industry would be severely impacted. These ecosystems serve as nurseries for juvenile fish, ensuring a steady supply for local fishermen,”

explains Wildlife Guard, Nuwan Jayawardena.

Mangroves also provide habitat for endangered and migratory birds, as well as reptiles like saltwater crocodiles and various marine mammals. Some species, such as Avicennia marina (Grey Mangrove) and Rhizophora mucronata (Red Mangrove), have unique adaptations like pneumatophores (aerial roots) and salt glands to survive in extreme coastal environments.

Coastal Protection and Climate Resilience

One of the most critical roles of mangroves is coastal defense. Their extensive root systems stabilize shorelines, preventing erosion and reducing the impact of tsunamis and storm surges.

“During the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, coastal areas with dense mangrove cover suffered less damage compared to those without. This underscores their importance as natural barriers,”

says Dr. Rajapakse.

Additionally, mangroves are powerful carbon sinks, absorbing and storing large amounts of carbon dioxide. Studies show that mangrove forests store up to four times more carbon per hectare than tropical rainforests, making them crucial in the fight against climate change.

The Wetland Newsletter of the Department of Wildlife Conservation (DWC) was first published in 2012 to share valuable information about wetlands. It is released twice a year and distributed among school children, undergraduates, government officials, naturalists, and wildlife enthusiasts. The advisory committee consists of M.G.C. Sooriyabandara, Director General of the DWC; Ranjan Marasinghe, Director (Operations) and Manjula Amararatne, Director (Protected Area Management) and edited by Dr. Nilanthi Rajapakse. The first volume of each year is launched on February 2nd in celebration of World Wetlands Day, while the second volume is released on October 1st to commemorate the founding anniversary of the DWC. This year, the official launch took place on Monday at the Ministry of Environment Auditorium during the national ceremony, where it was presented to the Chief Guest, Dr. Dhammika Patabendi, Minister of Environment. The event was also graced by Anton Jayakodi, Deputy Minister of Environment; Rohitha Uduwawala, Secretary of the Ministry of Environment; M.G.C. Sooriyabandara, Director General of the DWC; and Tilak Hevawasam, Chairman of the Central Environmental Authority.

Threats to Mangrove Ecosystems

Despite their significance, Sri Lanka’s mangroves are facing an existential crisis due to:

Human Activities

· Deforestation: Mangrove forests are being cleared for shrimp farming, agriculture, and urban expansion. The destruction of mangroves for economic gain often leads to long-term environmental and economic losses.

· Pollution

: Industrial waste, agricultural runoff, and plastic pollution degrade mangrove habitats, affecting water quality and marine life.

· Unregulated Development

: Coastal infrastructure projects, such as hotels and resorts, encroach on mangrove areas, disrupting their delicate balance.

Climate Change

· Rising sea levels threaten the very existence of mangroves by increasing salinity levels beyond their tolerance.

Stronger storms and extreme weather events

lead to physical damage and habitat loss.

· Temperature fluctuations

affect the reproductive cycles and growth of mangrove species.

“If we do not act now, Sri Lanka could lose a significant portion of its mangrove forests within the next few decades,”

warns Dr. Rajapakse.

Conservation Efforts and Restoration Projects

Government and International Initiatives

Sri Lanka has taken several steps to protect and restore mangroves. The country is a signatory to the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands, which emphasises the conservation of wetland ecosystems.

The establishment of protected areas and national parks has helped safeguard some mangrove habitats.

However, enforcement of environmental laws remains a challenge. Conservationists argue that stronger policies, stricter regulations, and better coordination between government agencies are necessary to curb illegal activities.

Community-Based Conservation

Engaging local communities in mangrove conservation has proven to be one of the most effective strategies. Several NGOs and local organisations are working to:

· Educate coastal communities about the importance of mangroves.

· Promote sustainable fishing and aquaculture practices.

· Conduct mangrove restoration projects, where degraded areas are replanted with native mangrove species.

“When local communities understand that their livelihoods depend on healthy mangroves, they become active participants in conservation efforts,”

explains Dr. Rajapakse.

Successful Restoration Projects

Several mangrove restoration projects have yielded positive results. In some areas, mangrove saplings have been replanted in degraded zones, leading to the regeneration of native species. International organisations have also collaborated with Sri Lankan researchers to monitor mangrove health and develop strategies for long-term sustainability.

The Road Ahead: A Call to Action

While progress has been made, conservationists emphasise that more action is needed to protect Sri Lanka’s mangroves. The following key steps are crucial for ensuring the long-term survival of these ecosystems:

Strengthening Environmental Laws

– Enforcing stricter regulations against illegal deforestation and pollution.

Expanding Protected Areas

– Designating more mangrove forests as protected zones.

Promoting Eco-Tourism

– Developing sustainable tourism models that benefit both conservation and local communities.

Investing in Research

– Supporting scientific studies to better understand the impact of climate change on mangroves.

Empowering Coastal Communities

– Providing training and financial incentives for sustainable livelihoods.

“Protecting mangroves is not just an environmental issue—it’s an economic and social necessity,”

says Dr. Rajapakse

Sri Lanka’s mangroves are priceless assets, offering countless benefits to people and nature alike. Yet, without urgent and sustained conservation efforts, these ecosystems could disappear, leaving coastal communities vulnerable and biodiversity at risk.

As the world celebrated World Wetlands Day 2025, the call for immediate action has never been clearer. Governments, conservationists, and local communities must work together to protect and restore Sri Lanka’s mangrove forests. The choices made today will determine whether these vital ecosystems thrive or vanish in the years to come.

Mangroves are not just trees—they are lifelines.

Preserving them is essential for a sustainable and resilient future for Sri Lanka and the planet.

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