Features
The child is a person
Our attention has been refocussed on the LGBTQI + issue in recent times, and more so after the unambiguous and categorical statement made by the Archbishop of Colombo, Macolm Cardinal Ranjith a few days ago.
In The Sunday Island lead news item on 17 August, he is quoted as saying among other things, “A group of psychologists are issuing certificates that allow children to change their gender identity”. And then he has gone on to homosexuality – as “a danger to our younger generation”. He has further claimed that certain political parties and their leaders were involved in promoting this agenda.
As a medical academic, I have advocated that any human sexual activity is acceptable between consenting adults – with absolute emphasis on ‘consenting’, the issues of same gender sex is not at issue where I am concerned. It is a matter of private personal preference and choice between consenting adults.
But I am very much concerned about an emerging trend that to me, to say the least, is highly alarming. That is, the strong emerging trends of transsexualism pervading the West and the pharma-politico-financial backing it is receiving in recent times. There is now a backlash on men trying to be women and taking advantage of the situation in invading ‘private places’ previously dedicated to women, and legal encroachment in individual and team sports. The worst aspect of it is the encroachment of these powerful corporate social segments on the Rights of the Child.
In this narrative, what I will attempt to do is make a few random ‘brush strokes’ on the large canvas of the current scenery on the ‘Child as a Person’ that may paint an abstract picture of this subject. You may see a pattern, or you may not. It will be in the eyes of the beholder.
“The child is the father of the man.”
Wrote William Wordsworth – in his 1802 poem, “My Heart Leaps Up”.
On first reading of this old aphorism, it seems a confounding paradoxical statement. What did the poet mean when he used this confusing idea? It is said that he meant that the foundation of our adult personalities is laid during our childhood. But is it really so? As a child grows into adulthood, he/she will gradually lose the curiosity and the sense of wonder about the world. The child gradually begins to conform to the dictates of society, beginning with the dictates of parents. Then comes the restraining confines of school discipline about which Ivan Illych wrote in his path-breaking book “Deschooling Society” in 1970 – 55 years ago! Schools as mass collective education catering to the lowest common denominator. But, on the other hand, it is my view, that the basic core attitudes of an individual are first formed at home. It is from the home that one will learn the rudiments of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ or of ‘right’ and ‘wrong’. That is often why, some children who come from dysfunctional family backgrounds, whatever later attempts are made, end up in anti-social circumstances.
What we can learn from this thought from Wordsworth is that even as early as the beginning of the 19th century, the importance of childhood in the future development of the adult had been appreciated. What it certainly does is to put our topic of the day – “The child is a person” in perspective. In other words, Wordsworth’s idea, enhances our topic of the day.
The recognition that ‘the child is a person’ is a necessary precondition to accept that the child is the future.
This saying attributed to Abraham Lincoln:
“A child is a person who is going to carry on what you have started … the fate of humanity is in his hands.”
Perhaps he was the first to use the title of this article. When I chose it, I did not know that Abraham Lincoln had use the phrase before. There is another proverb that is more telling – and perhaps for that reason, remains anonymous:
“He who takes a child by the hand, takes the future by the scruff of its neck!”
This leaves us with little doubt about the importance of the child as a person. But before that, let us ask another question, rhetorically: ‘When does a child become an individual?’. ‘When does a child become a person?’
Here, we get into serious controversy. The multiple issues of ‘the embryo, the foetus and the unborn child’, reproductive rights, women’s rights and their socio-religious implications fall upon us like a ton of bricks. For example, are the words ‘foetus’, ‘unborn child’ and ‘unborn baby’ interchangeable? Are there any differences between these words and their usage? Are they mere semantics that no subtle importance need be attached to them? Does it depend only on the perspective of the person who uses them? Let us leave aside such complexities for our purpose of this article. Let us be aware that there are areas that “even angels fear to tread”. But we will bear those issues in mind, nevertheless.
Capacity of children to make legal decisions.
I wouldn’t want to delve into ‘foetal rights’ at this point as it is voluminous enough for books and volumes by itself. Therefore, we plunge straight into ‘child rights’ though ‘foetal rights’ is necessarily and conceptually the basis of ‘Child Rights’.
The child’s wishes and decisions in the family courts, for example. It was long thought that a child lacked legal capacity to give valid consent in law regarding decisions such as consenting to medical procedures. Therefore, the capacity to make decisions and act in the child’s best interest was vested in their parent or guardian. These parental powers existed until the child attained legal adulthood.
The current approach views parental powers in a different way: they establish that these are effective only so long as they are needed for the protection of the person and property of the child. Therefore, it is no longer the accepted rule that children remain under parental control until they are of a certain age. At some point of the child’s life, the parental right yields to the child’s right to decide for him or herself. However, this is increasingly seen by the courts as an incremental process, in the course of which, the child’s independence and ability to make decisions grow, while the extent of the parental responsibilities and right to decision-making gradually diminish.
In England and Wales, the term ‘Gillick competence’ is used in medical law to decide whether a child under the age of 16 is able to consent to their own medical treatment, without the need for parental permission or knowledge.
By the way, ‘The Gillick case’ involved a UK health departmental (NHS) circular advising doctors on the contraception of minors (for this purpose, under sixteens). The circular stated that the prescription of contraception was a matter for the doctor’s discretion and that they could be prescribed to under sixteens without parental consent. This matter was litigated because an activist, Victoria Gillick, ran an active campaign against the policy. Gillick sought a declaration that prescribing contraception was illegal because the doctor would commit an offence of encouraging sex with a minor (which in Sri Lanka, is statutory rape) and that it would be treatment without consent as consent in this aspect should be vested in the parent; she was unsuccessful before the High Court but succeeded in the Court of Appeal.)
It means that the legal authority for parents to make medical decisions on behalf of their children is revoked when the child reaches sufficient maturity to make their own decisions. There is no hard-and-fast age at which a child can be considered ‘Gillick competent’, and it is something decided on a case-by-case basis.
Gender Dysphoria
This is an area in which I want to invest some extra time during this narrative; on what I believe is an issue that is heavily laden with controversy. Serious current controversy. Here, whether the child is a person, and what decision-making role they can play, at what age, which is critical for their future personal identity, come into serious contention.
Specialist paediatricians in Sri Lanka should be very much aware of this relatively new phenomenon. Which to my mind, is a frightening development where paediatricians and child psychiatrists are at the epicentre of this global controversy. Perhaps, it is not quite correct for me to call it global. Perhaps, not yet.
It is still very much a subject of medical controversy in the West including Australia. But the fall out may not be too far in coming to our shores. And paediatricians, must be fully cognisant of all issues concerned and policy decisions taken in this regard at the level of professional bodies as well as at the Ministry of Health.
Where should I begin?
I wouldn’t want to get into the debatable area of biological sex. Whether there are six of them (as is now classified) or less. But we can simplify by making them three. Male, female and all others lumped into the category – intersex. Intersex being individuals born with any of several variations in sex characteristics including chromosomes, gonads, sex hormones or genitals that, according to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, “do not fit the typical definitions for male or female bodies“.
One of the most famous intersex personalities of recent times was Caster Semenya, the South African middle-distance runner and 2016 Olympic gold medalist in the 800 metres, who was assigned as a female at birth with naturally elevated testosterone levels due to an enzyme (5α-Reductase) deficiency. In a landmark case for athletes’ rights, Caster Semenya, the star South African runner, won her case at the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) on July 10, 2025. “Caster Semenya’s victory is a victory for all women and all athletes because the European Court found that the Court of Arbitration for Sport and Swiss Federal Tribunal had failed to uphold human rights norms despite credible claims of discrimination.” reported Human Rights Watch. But our issue here today, is not about intersex.
But I am digressing.
From biological sex, we get into “gender assignment”. Gender assignment is the discernment (subjective judgement) of an infant’s sex at birth. Assignment may be done prior to birth through prenatal sex discernment – as is commonly done now by obstetricians by ultra sound scans. In the majority of births, it is a relative, a midwife, a nurse or a physician who inspects the genitalia when the baby is delivered, and sex or gender is assigned without any expectation of ambiguity. The global number of births with ambiguous genitals is in the range of 0.02% to 0.05%.
If it was only such cases of ‘intersex’, that has aroused controversy, that would be a non-issue. As we come to understand, it goes far beyond that. For instance, a whimsical comment by a female child “I am a boy” would be enough to register her in a gender dysphoria clinic to be kept under observation for later interventions to change her ‘birth gender’.
In consequence, what was once straight forward biological sex determined on a biological construct has changed to a very fluid ‘social construct’. A child’s sex or gender is increasingly being determined by societal imperatives and not biological analysis.
Gender dysphoria has been broadly stated as ‘the sense of unease arising from one’s physical sexual characteristics which are not aligning with one’s gender identity’.
Today, increasingly, gender identity is the personal sense of one’s own gender. Gender identity can correlate with a person’s assigned sex at birth or can differ from it. ‘Gender expression’ typically reflects a person’s gender identity. New terminology is coming into this gender lexicon – for instance, “body-ownership networks”. The factors that determine gender is no longer chromosomes or genes. There are many determinants. Here is the least complex interpretation of what is now termed the ‘Sense of Gender’ – diagrammatically. (See diagram)
As can be seen, gender identity is becoming highly complex in today’s world.
Puberty Blockers
The mainstay of conservative management of, and treatment for, gender dysphoria is puberty blockers. I am not sure how many of our paediatricians are into this, as of now.
You know that the so-called puberty blockers, known formally as gonadotropin-releasing hormone (GnRH) antagonists, are medications that cause the body to stop producing sex hormones. They are delivered either as injections (also used in breast and prostate cancer treatment), which are administered by a healthcare worker every three months, or via an implant, which needs to be replaced annually.
For ‘transgender children’, taking these drugs will prevent breast tissue development and menstruation, or the growth of facial hair and a deepening voice. The effects of drugs are completely reversible, and if a person stops taking them their body will resume sex hormone production as it had done before they started.
Why might a child want puberty blockers? Because the child is unsure of its gender preference. The monitoring of such children has begun, in some instances, when they were as young as 4 years old. Puberty blockers are commenced sometimes soon after puberty (ages 12-14) when they have begun producing sperms and ova (when, they can be frozen for future fertility) or even before when they lose their fertility options! The controversial issue in this is who will be the decision-maker in this process? The child or the parents?
Dianna Kenny, Professor of Psychology, consulting psychologist, psychotherapist University of Sydney who has collected data on children enrolled in gender dysphoria clinics has discovered the emergence of a ‘new pandemic’. The statistics are alarming. There has been a dramatic increase in the number of children enrolled in gender dysphoria clinics since 2019.
Social Contagion
Diana Kenny in an article titled “Is gender dysphoria socially contagious?” explores the influence of ‘social contagion’ on what she calls “the disquieting upsurge in the number of children and young people whose parents are presenting to gender clinics around the world for advice regarding social transition, puberty blocking agents, cross sex hormones, and ultimately surgery in an attempt to change their gender.”
Evidence has been quoted of children prompted into what is now termed “rapid-onset gender dysphoria” by peer pressures. After the article on the subject by Dr. Lisa Littman of Brown University was first published, there was a ‘mob reaction’ by transgender activists who denounced the paper calling it hate speech and transphobic. The gender dysphoria issue has turned not only political, but disquietingly aggressive. Increasingly, younger and younger children are not just being given, but driven, to ‘radical surgical treatment’ for gender dysphoria.
In this context, let me digress a bit to relieve the monotony.
Lisa Marchiano, a Yungian psychoanalyst in Philadelphia, in her article titled “Outbreak: On Transgender Teens and Psychic Epidemics” published in ‘Psychological Perspectives’ – a Quarterly Journal of Yungian Thought in 2017 (Carl Yung) – writes this interesting historical aside:
“The earliest written record from the town of Hamelin in Lower Saxony is from 1384. It states simply, “It is 100 years since our children left.” Historical accounts indicate that sometime in the 13th century, a large number of the town’s children disappeared or perished, though the details of the event remain a mystery. “The Pied Piper of Hamelin”, as far I as have been able to determine, is the only Grimm’s fairy tale that is based substantially on a historical event. Both the actual event and the Grimm’s tale suggest an archetypal situation in which adults have allowed children to be seduced away into peril. This tale is a disconcertingly apt metaphor for various social contagions that have overtaken collective life throughout the centuries.”
William Manchester’s ‘A World Lit Only by Fire’ places the events in 1484, 100 years after the written mention in the town chronicles that “It is 100 years since our children left”, and further proposes that the Pied Piper was a psychopathic paedophile.
Now that is an interesting perspective on the children who followed the pied piper into oblivion. Is this what today’s adults are doing to our children. Taking decisions for them and taking them away into a “gender land of no return”? Decisions that could often irreversibly disturb their lives – psychologically? As some have said – ‘Seduce them into peril’??
The case against Tavistock and Portman NHS Trust
A UK News report dated Oct 7, 2020, describes a landmark case that will be heard in High Court about whether children who wish to undergo gender reassignment should be prescribed “experimental” puberty blockers and cross-sex hormones.
Kiera Bell, a 23-year-old woman who began taking puberty blockers when she was 16 before “detransitioning” last year – i.e., going back to being a girl, is suing the Tavistock and Portman NHS Trust, which runs the UK’s only gender identity development service (GIDS) for children.
The legal challenge is also being brought by Mrs A, the mother of a 16-year-old autistic girl who is currently on the waiting list for treatment.
In January 2021, the pair were given the go-ahead to bring the action against the trust after claiming that the way informed consent is obtained from children is “materially misleading”.
At the hearing in London, Ms Bell and Mrs A’s lawyers will argue that children under the age of 18 cannot give “informed consent” to treatment which has “irreversible, lifelong consequences”.
Professor Carl James Heneghan, a clinical epidemiologist and a Fellow of Kellogg College, Oxford and the Director of the University of Oxford’s Centre for Evidence-Based Medicine and Editor-in-Chief of BMJ Evidence-Based Medicine has called the use of puberty blockers to treat transgender children an “unregulated live experiment on children.”
It was reported that in 2019 five clinicians working at the Gender Identity Development Service (GIDS) at the Tavistock and Portman NHS Foundation Trust in London in the United Kingdom (UK) resigned, and one of the governors of the Trust also resigned. Among other reasons, they adduced that puberty ‘blockers’ are prescribed experimentally to gender diverse youth, without sufficiently robust evidence around efficacy and safety, and without sufficiently robust diagnosis.
Other countries….
Under some of the proposed new laws across the United States, doctors could be barred from prescribing puberty-blocking drugs to children. A measure introduced in South Carolina last year would revoke the licenses of doctors who treat transgender children.
Meanwhile, the South Dakota legislature voted down a bill that will see doctors charged with a misdemeanour if they prescribe puberty blockers. The Republican state representative Fred Deutsch, who sponsored the bill, said on Twitter ahead of the vote on Feb. 10, 2020: “The world is upside-down; protecting children from sterilization and mutilation is causing a firestorm,”
The issue has spilled beyond the borders of the United States, with many countries mulling new laws preventing poorly discriminated decisions on prescribing puberty blockers for children.
On the other hand, Brazil lowered the age at which young people can access gender reassignment surgery from 21 to 18 and dropped the age requirement for hormone therapy from 18 to 16 – although those under 18 must have the consent of a parent or guardian.
There are other connected and important issues. One is:
The gender dysphoria epidemic and the vested interests of the medico-pharma-insurance industry is quite similar to the ADHD medication controversy, of the recent past.
The debates and controversies go on. The paediatric endocrinologists, child psychologists and transgender surgeons are teeming on either side of the barricades – where, and on what side would you stand? The ‘child as a person’ seems to have been lost in this medical / legal battle ground.
I hope with these ‘brush strokes’ of information, I have adequately covered the topic that I ventured to write on, mainly due to the emergence of discussions on transgenderism and gender dysphoria that seems to be slowly, but surreptitiously, creeping into our legal system under the coercive influence of multiple Western agencies such as the UNHRC and the IMF. The complexities of this developing socio-political-legalistic phenomenon is both bewildering and frightening.
Are there conditions and constraints to ‘The child being a person’? Here are some concluding thoughts, not as conclusions, but as questions.
· When would a child be considered ‘Gillick competent’ in Sri Lanka?
· Will adults allow a child to decide on its own gender identity?
· Should adults decide that their child is a male or female before the child can decide for itself?
· Is it ethical to offer a child the option of gender surgery against the will of their parents as is being done in some centres in the West now?
· Where does society draw the line on when a child becomes a person?
· When does a child become a person?
· When will adults allow a child to be a person?
· When should adults allow a child to be a person?
I am not sure what kind of reaction I will have from Paediatricians and Child Psychiatrists in Sri Lanka to this narrative as there are strongly contrary positions taken by them the world over. Will the outcome of these controversies determine the future of humans as a thriving species?
Questions and more questions for both the legal and medical professionals. In the final analysis, I am leaving you with more questions than answers. In a world that has, in many ways, turned itself upside down, that would not be too surprising, would it?
(I have taken extensive extracts for this article from my presentation for the Dr. BJC Perera Research Prize Oration 2020, Sri Lanka College of Paediatricians.)
by Dr. Susirith Mendis ✍️
Emeritus Professor
University of Ruhuna
(susmend2610@gmail.com)
The real cost of daily travel in urban Sri Lanka
For many middle-class Sri Lankans, the private car still carries connotations of stability, dignity, and upward mobility. Yet in today’s Sri Lanka, with petrol at Rs. 434 per litre, following the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation’s revision, effective 30 May, 2026, loan-to-value ratios tightened to 40% requiring a 60% down payment, and ride-hailing apps now joined by app-based three-wheelers, the question of whether to own a car has become sharper than ever. The answer is not emotional but economic: for ordinary day-to-day travel, is it actually cheaper and wiser to own a car, or to let the app do the work?
Take a generic urban Sri Lankan commuter making a 40 km daily round trip to office and back, with routine errands built in. That is about 880 km a month across 22 working days. At that level of usage, the arithmetic becomes surprisingly clear: for a large group of moderate urban users, app-based mobility, whether a car or a three-wheeler, is financially smarter than owning a car, unless the non-financial benefits of ownership matter deeply enough to justify the premium.
The Sri Lankan distortion:
cars cost too much
In most developed economies, cars are consumer durables. In Sri Lanka, they behave more like luxury financial assets. A moderate vehicle, such as a Toyota Raize or Honda Civic, often costs several times what a comparable car would in a developed market, once taxes, import restrictions, and scarcity are priced in.
Assume a moderate privately used car priced at 10 million. Under the Central Bank’s current 40% LTV directive, the buyer may borrow only 40% against the vehicle’s value, requiring a 60% down payment of 6 million and a five-year lease on the remaining 4 million. At a typical Sri Lankan leasing rate of 14% per annum, the monthly lease instalment comes to approximately 93,000. A moderate petrol vehicle averages around 12 km per litre in urban traffic. At Rs. 434 per litre, fuel cost alone is 36 per km, or 31,800 per month for 880 km. Add insurance of 12,000 and a conservative 4,000 for routine running costs, and total cash outgoings reach approximately 140,800 per month.
But cash outgoings alone understate the true cost. The 6 million down payment, if invested elsewhere at 9% per annum, would generate approximately 45,000 per month in foregone return. Adding this opportunity cost, the full economic cost of the moderate car rises to 185,900 per month, or 211 per km.
The app alternatives: car or three-wheeler
Urban Sri Lankan commuters today have many distinct app-based mobility options, each serving different journey types and comfort preferences.
Uber and PickMe (car hire): A premium car hire through Uber or PickMe costs approximately 150 per km. For 880 km of monthly travel, that comes to 132,000 per month. Compared with the moderate owned car at 185,900, the app saves 53,900 per month, or 61 per km. On purely financial terms, the app wins decisively.
App-based three-wheelers: App-based three-wheelers currently charge approximately 110 per km. For 880 km, that is 96,800 per month, saving 89,100 per month and 101 per km compared with the moderate owned car. The tuk-tuk app is the most economical of the three mobility options for short urban trips, though clearly unsuitable for highway travel, poor weather, carrying passengers in formal settings, however, it represents a compelling financial case.
Non-financial advantages of ownership
Transport decisions are never purely accounting exercises. A private car offers privacy, immediate availability, flexibility, and family utility in ways that no app can fully replicate. With your own car, you can leave when you want, stop when you want, change route mid-journey, carry files or groceries without thought, respond to emergencies, and avoid the uncertainty of waiting for a driver to accept your ride. It also becomes a family coordination tool: school drop-offs, medical visits, elderly passengers, unplanned errands, and weekend travel all become easier. In psychological terms, ownership buys autonomy. No app-based alternative, whether car or three-wheeler, provides that.
The hidden burden of car ownership and app limitations
Yet the same car creates stress. Urban Sri Lankan driving is rarely relaxing. Congestion is exhausting, lane discipline is weak, and parking is a recurring headache. Every daily driver absorbs cognitive fatigue that accumulates invisibly over months.
Uber and PickMe remove the burden of driving, fuelling, and servicing. But they introduce their own friction: waiting times, driver cancellations, surge pricing during peak hours or rain, and inconsistent vehicle quality. App three-wheelers add further constraints, limited luggage capacity, exposure to weather, and social context limitations. The app does not eliminate inconvenience; it transforms driving stress into coordination stress.
There is also the administrative burden of ownership that many buyers underestimate. A car is not just a vehicle; it is an asset management project. Lease payments must be tracked, insurance renewed, service appointments remembered, tyres monitored, and documents maintained. Even a low-maintenance new car carries the persistent fear that one breakdown or accident can create a large unexpected outflow. The app user, by contrast, simply pays for completed trips, no garage anxiety, no debt-linked asset stress, no renewal calendar.
Sensitivity analysis: what if the car is a lower-grade Wagon R?
The picture changes if the household opts for a lower-grade entry-level vehicle. Assume a Suzuki Wagon R or equivalent at 6 million, again with a 60% down payment of 3.6 million and a five-year lease on 2.4 million. At 14% per annum, the monthly lease instalment is approximately 55,800.
The smaller car delivers better fuel economy, around 15 km per litre. At 434 per litre, fuel cost becomes 29 per km, or 25,500 per month for 880 km. Add insurance of 7,000 and running costs of 3,000. Including opportunity cost at 9% on the 3.6 million down payment (27,000 per month), the total economic cost is 118,300 per month, 134 per km.
Now the comparison becomes more nuanced. A lower-grade Uber or PickMe alternative costs around 125 per km, or 110,000 per month for 880 km. The gap narrows dramatically: owning the Wagon R costs only 8,300 more per month, just 9 per km, compared with the app car option. The app three-wheeler at 110 per km (96,800 per month) is still materially cheaper, saving 21,500 per month against the lower-grade owned car. (See Table 1)
So, what should an urban Sri Lankan do?
If you travel alone on routine urban routes, the app three-wheeler at 110/km is the most economical option by a wide margin, saving up to 89,100 per month against a moderate owned car. Its limitation is not financial but practical: unsuitable for families, formal occasions, highway travel, and bad weather, but convenient-no stress.
For families, formal occasions, highway travel, and bad weather and convenient-no stress, Uber or PickMe Moderate car at 150/km delivers private-car comfort without the asset burden, saving 53,900 per month against the moderate owned car. The saving is if you get an economy APP car.
If you need family flexibility, late-night mobility, or privacy, ownership remains rational, but preferably through a lower-grade car around 6 million. At 134/km, the Wagon R-type car is only 9/km more than the app car alternative and 24/km more than a tuk-tuk, a gap that autonomy, family convenience, and immediate availability can legitimately justify.
Therefore, in Sri Lanka’s distorted vehicle market, with fuel at LKR434/lt, a 60% mandatory down payment, the Wagon R-type leased car remains relatively a better choice for a family with moderate earnings.
The private car still offers freedom. But in 2026 Sri Lanka, that freedom comes at very different prices. The real question is how much each household can afford to pay for autonomy, prestige, and convenience, and whether the extra 61/km for a moderate leased car, against a perfectly capable app car, or 101/km against a tuk-tuk app, represents a rational expenditure of household income. For most salaried urban commuters, the honest answer is: probably not.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT, Malabe.
Views expressed in this article are personal.)
The legal processes are steadily closing in on some of the most controversial cases that have remained as open questions without closure for many years. These include the Easter Sunday bombings of 2019, the Treasury bond scam that erupted in 2015, and a range of corruption allegations that became synonymous with successive governments over the past two or more decades. What once appeared to be stalled investigations are now showing signs of movement through the courts and investigative agencies. Recent developments suggest that these long running cases are entering a decisive phase. In the Easter Sunday attacks investigation, new arrests and investigations have brought renewed attention to allegations that extend beyond the immediate perpetrators and into questions of intelligence failures and possible political complicity. The arrest and detention of former intelligence chief Suresh Sallay under the Prevention of Terrorism Act has intensified public interest in uncovering the full truth behind the attacks.
The Treasury bond scam has also re-entered the spotlight. The Supreme Court has recently overturned legal obstacles that had prevented prosecutions from proceeding and directed that the case moves forward expeditiously. This has reopened one of the most sophisticated financial scandals in the country’s recent history and brought several prominent political and financial figures back under legal scrutiny. As those implicated in these unresolved cases are leading figures from previous governments, which have spanned both sides of the political divide since Independence, it can well be imagined that there is tremendous opposition to the gradually enveloping legal processes that is both seen and unseen.
These cases that are now being investigated cut across political camps and involve individuals who occupied some of the highest offices in the country. The result is that resistance to accountability is likely to emerge from many quarters. Still to be opened are the thousands of cases of persons gone missing during the war. Presidential Commissions have been appointed with regard to them, but there has been no serious investigations of the type now taking place.
In these circumstances, it can be surmised that the government led by those who are new to power would wish to retain a maximum of power to face the pushback that is bound to emerge from those in the opposition who have wielded power for generations. The government may calculate that this is not the time to disperse authority or reduce the instruments of state power available to it. Instead, it may believe that a period of centralised control is necessary if investigations, prosecutions and reforms are to proceed without interference.
Provincial Elections
It appears that the opposition’s efforts to mobilise the people and public opinion against the government have not been successful so far. One such instance was the attempt to generate opposition to price increases. Although people have undoubtedly been affected by rising prices and economic difficulties, these efforts failed to gather significant momentum. Another attempt came when President Dissanayake predicted that opposition politicians would face imprisonment in the month of May as legal cases progressed, though this has not happened. Critics claimed that such remarks suggested an intention to influence judicial outcomes. Yet this criticism also failed to gain traction among the public. The likely reason is that public memory remains fresh. Many people continue to associate previous governments with economic mismanagement, corruption scandals, abuse of power and the eventual economic collapse. In comparison, the present government continues to enjoy a reservoir of public goodwill and credibility. As long as legal action appears to be based on evidence and proper process, the public seems prepared to give the government the benefit of the doubt.
The government’s deliberate and cautious approach to political reform that would reduce its centralised power needs to be seen in this context. The monthly approval by Parliament of the emergency regulations is justified by the government as due to the continuing need to respond to the devastation caused by Cyclone Ditwah. However, when viewed together with the reluctance to hold provincial council elections on the grounds of electoral reform, the failure to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the postponement of constitutional reform, they all appear to reflect a preference for retaining maximum control at a politically sensitive moment. There is a logic to this approach. Governments facing major legal and political confrontations often seek stability and control. So does every despot. However, there is also a downside.
When political competition is denied to legitimate outlets, it often finds expression in confrontation, obstruction and polarisation. The advantage of prioritising the conduct of provincial council elections at this time is that it could reduce the political pressures that are building up. The main opposition parties are united in calling for these elections to be held. Conducting them would provide an opportunity for opposition political parties to obtain a measure of democratic representation and political authority at the provincial level. This would be especially true in the northern and eastern provinces, in which the ethnic and religious minorities predominate. It cannot be forgotten that the provincial council system was developed as a constructive response to the ethnic conflict. Elections at the provincial level would create opportunities for a new generation of political leaders to emerge through democratic competition rather than patronage. Many of those now facing legal scrutiny belong to an older generation to whose needs the younger may be less deferential.
Two Pillars
Another reform that could command bipartisan support is the repeal of the Prevention of Terrorism Act. The PTA has once again become controversial because it is being used in situations that extend beyond its original purpose. The detention of former intelligence chief Suresh Sallay under the Act, the continued incarceration of some Tamil detainees from the war period, and the arrest of individuals accused of speech related offences have all revived concerns regarding prolonged detention without trial and excessive executive power. The reason the PTA has been difficult to repeal is that it is closely associated with concerns regarding national security and territorial integrity. Introduced in 1979 as a temporary measure to confront the emerging separatist conflict, it survived through decades of war and has remained on the statute books long after the conflict ended.
At the same time, history shows that extraordinary powers are likely to be misused. Laws that permit detention without trial or broad executive discretion are rarely confined to their original purpose. Governments of different political parties have used such powers against opponents and critics. The temptation to do so is inherent in the possession of unchecked authority. The way forward could therefore be a combination of accountability and reform. The government should continue to support independent investigations and prosecutions in major corruption and security related cases. Demonstrating political will in this regard would strengthen public confidence in the rule of law and reinforce the principle that no individual is above the law. The PTA could be replaced with legislation that amends the Criminal Procedure Code and Penal Code in a manner that addresses legitimate security concerns while complying with democratic norms and human rights standards.
There are also international dimensions to consider. The European Union has repeatedly linked governance and human rights reforms, including reform of the PTA, to Sri Lanka’s continuing access to the GSP Plus trade concession. Progress on these issues would strengthen Sri Lanka’s international standing at a time when economic recovery remains a national priority. The government has a rare opportunity. It possesses a strong electoral mandate, public goodwill and a reputation for integrity that previous governments lacked. It can combine the pursuit of justice in long delayed cases with meaningful democratic reforms that reduce political resistance and broaden public support. At this time, accountability and power sharing are the two pillars which Sri Lankans need to be committed to build a just and democratic society for a better future without delay. Failure now would make for a long period of waiting for the next time.
by Jehan Perera
A public university relies on its teachers in fulfilling its responsibilities to the wider community. While teaching remains the chief responsibility of the academic staff, they also conduct research and play a central role in keeping the university a vibrant space where they and students can freely participate in conversations that concern not just routine classroom education but also society at large. The broader intellectual culture and intellectual integrity of a university thus depend on how its academics perform their functions. Therefore, universities should take the task of recruiting their academics seriously. It is important to ensure that this task is done responsibly, transparently and credibly through a fair, thorough and multi-phased evaluation process.
As both an applicant and a member of selection panels for recruitment, I hold that the recruitment procedures, currently in place in our university system, require radical reforms. Echoing some of the concerns raised by Kaushalya Perera in her Kuppi article on recruitment in March 2026, I focus on the limitations I have observed and experienced, specifically in the recruitment of Lecturer (Probationary) and Senior Lecturer positions. The article also aims to explore how these shortcomings could be addressed.
The Advertisement
Recruitment for Lecturer (Probationary) and Senior Lecturer positions is done through an open-advertisement which also involves an interview with shortlisted candidates. Advertisements are finalised in line with a template issued by the Registrar’s Office. Generally, an initial draft, prepared by the Registrar’s Office, is sent to the relevant academic departments for revisions. The revisions have to be made within the template provided, which allows space for the mention of only specialisation requirements.
It should be noted that not all revisions to the advertisement, suggested by the Department Head, are accepted in the next round. Deans, Vice Chancellors and Registrars, who have very little understanding of the disciplines associated with the position, sometimes reject the changes proposed by the Department. Technocratic in their thinking, they don’t recognise that an academic programme can be taught by persons with specialisation in another overlapping discipline. For instance, a position in English, at a university in Sri Lanka, is very well suited to not just those who have postgraduate qualifications in literary studies but also those who are from the disciplines of Applied Linguistics, Cultural Studies or Translation Studies, as these areas are taught as sub-fields of English studies at most universities in the country. These disciplinary overlaps, even when pointed out by Heads, are often overlooked by our administrators.
In place of this process, dominated by academic administrators and registrars, the advertisement should ideally emerge, from the relevant department, in the form of a comprehensive job description. It should mention the nature of the position advertised, the kind of teaching (and research) expected, how the position relates to other positions in the department, in terms of specialisation and workload, and the ways in which the recruited candidate would contribute to overall institutional development.
There can be no one-size-fits-all model when it comes to recruitment. Individual departments vary in size, strength and specialisation requirements. Departments with sizable academic staff may want to emphasise specialisation during recruitment, whereas smaller departments may prefer generalists who can handle a wide-array of courses. Specifying the rationale for the requirements included in the job description may help potential applicants get an understanding of the position advertised and the selection panel to conduct the evaluation process in a fair manner.
Review of Applications
Once applications are received, we sometimes find promising candidates but with qualifications that don’t carry in their title the name of the discipline or the department in which the position is advertised. Sometimes the disciplines or fields of specialisation that appear in the advertisement and the ones that appear in the qualifications are not identical in nomenclature, even though the research undertaken by the applicant during their graduate studies is strongly relevant to the position advertised. Even when such applications are accompanied by strong and relevant publications, our system does not view them positively. Instead, nomenclatural differences are used to reject promising candidates. Such differences are also used as a pretext when universities want to exclude a candidate for their cultural background, political beliefs or other reasons. Even if academic departments recognise such applications, at the next stage, the administrators of the university try to veto them. We lose inter-disciplinary scholars of high academic standing because of the high-handedness of university administrators.
Selection Panels
Selection panels for academic positions typically comprise the Vice Chancellor, the Dean of the Faculty, the Head of the Department, two academics nominated by the Senate and two members of the University Council. In the case of programmes/disciplines jointly housed under a single department, if the Head comes from a discipline other than the one in which the position is advertised, they may not be able to contribute in an informed manner to the recruitment process. However, some Heads refuse to appoint nominees from the relevant discipline in their place as they view sitting on selection panels as their exclusive privilege.
Sometimes university Senates do not take the appointment of Senate nominees seriously. These appointments are decided in a hurry without serious deliberations at senate meetings packed with numerous agenda items. Sometimes even if the relevant department has suitable academics to serve as Senate nominees, the Senate chooses academics from other departments or disciplines who do not have a nuanced understanding of the requirements of the position advertised and its disciplinary parameters. Sometimes specialists in the relevant discipline may not be available at a university. On such occasions, Senates tend to fill up the positions with academics from other disciplines, instead of inviting external nominees from other universities. At a state university in Sri Lanka, I was interviewed thrice for academic positions by selection panels that comprised not even one specialist from the relevant discipline.
The Marking Scheme
The marking schemes used in recruitment have their own drawbacks. Publications are sometimes evaluated for their quantity rather than quality. The opinion of the subject specialist is not sought or taken seriously when a candidate’s research is evaluated. This is why our universities are saddled with academics who engage in plagiarism or predatory publishing. The evaluation process should be tightened in such a way to bar the entry of those who lack academic integrity.
It is worrying to see that marking schemes and schemes of recruitment penalise applicants who have excelled in their graduate studies and are well-reputed for their recent research and publications just because they did not earn a first-class or second-class upper-division pass at the undergraduate level. Our narrow focus on a candidate’s first degree prevents us from giving due recognition to how that person has gained intellectual depth over the years. Some marking rubrics, which allocate points for eye-contact and posture during the interview, dilute the seriousness associated with the academic position, de-prioritise scholarship and turn the interview process into a stage performance.
Cultural Credibility
In recruitment, many universities look for cultural credibility (a term that I borrow from the work of Sulaxana Hippisley) as an unwritten requirement. Some departments are reluctant to hire applicants who are not their alumni. Some selection panels discriminate against candidates from certain ethnic or religious backgrounds. In some departments, women are rejected because they are likely to go on maternity leave or have more domestic responsibilities than men. Gender and sexual minorities have to mute and censor their identities at interviews because they are likely to face rejection if they openly declare their orientation. We have no policies and procedures in place to ensure recruitment is conducted in an inclusive way that sees diversity as a strength.
The Way-forward
When recruitment fails, the entire intellectual culture of that university takes a hit, and several generations of students are affected. Some of the current problems, related to quality in our higher education system, stem from bad recruitment policies and practices. Instead of trying to address these issues through rigorous and inclusive recruitment practices, we try to seek solutions via band-aids like quality assurance and workshops on curriculum writing and pedagogy for university academics.
In developing alternative recruitment policies and practices, we have to demand that the needs and expectations of individual departments are heard. Our selection panels should include more subject specialists than administrators and council nominees. Most of the evaluation should be completed before the interviews, and interviews should be treated as opportunities to get to know candidates in person and pose clarifying questions rather than as occasions for full-scale evaluation. We have to be open and receptive to new, inter-disciplinary scholarship and cultural, ethnic and gender diversity. If we are unwilling to introspect and bring about these reforms and revise our marking schemes, we will continue to recruit the wrong candidates and thereby fail our students and the wider community.
Mahendran Thiruvarangan is a Senior Lecturer attached to the Department of Linguistics & English at the University of Jaffna.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.)
by Mahendran Thiruvarangan
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